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Examines municipal-state relationships, focusing on municipal efforts to influence state policy; discusses the role of municipal leagues; US. Based on a survey of mayors and city managers of 164 cities with over 60,000 population in 41 states, 1994.

Abstract
While Ralph Wedgwood has recently argued that state recognition of marriage can be justified in a way consistent with the demands of political liberalism, Clare Chambers argues that such a policy violates the politically liberal state's requirement of neutrality with respect to diverse reasonable conceptions of the good—and she thinks Wedgwood's case to the contrary relies on a "lax" reading of the neutrality requirement, not the "strict" reading that preserves political liberalism's distinctiveness. I argue that there is a way of reading Wedgwood that sees his defense of state-recognized marriage as attempting to meet the requirements of strict neutrality—a reading that sees state recognition of marriage as a "neutral facilitating policy," that is, a policy that helps marriage-affirming reasonable doctrines overcome a disadvantage they would face (relative to other reasonable doctrines) absent policy intervention by the state. I conclude, however, that a state policy that refuses to recognize polyamorous marriages may not qualify as a neutral facilitating policy, and hence that Wedgwood's argument may fail to support the policy regime he favors but might support a more permissive marital policy.

Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- 1. Research and Data on Geographical Mobility -- 2. National Rates of Geographical Mobility -- 3. Migration for States -- 4. Return and Repeat Interstate Migration -- 5. Interregional Migration, Race, and Public Policy -- 6. Metropolitan and Nonmetropolitan Mobility -- 7. Reasons for Moving -- 8. International Comparisons of Geographical Mobility -- Appendix A: Sources and Quality of Data on Internal Migration -- Appendix B: Lifetime Mobility and Cross-Sectional Data -- Appendix C: How States Rank on Various Measures of Migration

The technique and methods of manipulating with the mass consciousness started to attract the attention of researches at the latter half of the XXth century, although the practice of such forms of influence on the mass audience existed almost at the earliest stages of human development. Paralogisms as a way of rhetorical influence on the listener were specified by Aristotle, who dedicated his students into the sacraments of exposing false arguments and other manipulative techniques with which the speaker is working with the audience. The modern manipulators are actively using both ancient and modern methods of influencing the mass consciousness. Researches of various specialties were describing and exposing them: among them sociologists, psychologists, political scientists, and journalists. In the present work the author demonstrates how through the usage of the ancient archetypes of the collective unconscious, as well as new manipulative practices (that were invented for the unhindered sale of goods and services that can guarantee getting of surplus profits) large capital holders are seeking for changing the value orientations of society, that leads to the reformation of the various social institutions. These reforms are causing the irreparable damage to the majority of the country's population, are infringing rights and social privileges, but allow to the financial and industrial syndicates to establish the full control not only over wallets, but also over people's minds. Manipulations of consciousness, conducted through the media, are making large social groups of people to vote against their own interests. The result of the reforms is not only the impoverishment of the citizens, but also the huge change in the appearance of the cultural elite. A significant help to manipulators in achieving their goals becomes the digitalization of all aspects of social and cultural life.

Jurisdiction — Exemptions from — Foreign Armed Forces — Crimes Committed by Members of — Employees of United States Armed Forces in France.

Why is daredevil aggression like Russia's war on Ukraine such an important factor in world politics? Neither offensive nor defensive realists give a fully satisfactory answer. This paper maintains that the problem lies in their shared assumption that states pursue security. Tracing neorealism's roots in evolutionary economics, and hence indirectly in biological theories of natural selection, I argue that many policies are compatible with state survival. What is hard is surviving as a great power. States that rise to that rank, and remain there, behave as if they sought to maximize their influence, not their security. This Darwinian competition selects in favor of states with expansionist institutions and ideologies. Failing to recognize this phenomenon risks conferring a spurious legitimacy on imperialism. At the same time, neorealists have also committed a fallacy familiar to biologists: assuming that traits enhancing group fitness are selected even when they diminish fitness in intragroup competition. Whereas interstate competition selects in great powers for traits that promote influence-maximization, with the spread of democracy, intrastate competition increasingly selects for security-seeking. Yet the former process sometimes still dominates the latter, above all in authoritarian great powers.

Contemplative pedagogy is more than a trendy new teaching technique. It is a way for instructors to:empower students to integrate their own experience into the theoretical material they are being taught in order to deepen their understanding;help students to develop sophisticated problem-solving skills;support students' sense of connection to and compassion for others; andengender inquiries into students' most profound questions.Contemplative practices are used in just about every discipline-from physics to economics to history-and are found in every type of institution. Each year more and mor

The Peruvian state is a dependent capitalist state. Its characteristics are principally the product of the country's role in the capitalist world system. The measures that have been taken in the fight against COVID-19 have been a mix of repression and the implementation of weak economic and social relief programs. The expansion of the coronavirus has demonstrated that society's socially and economically segmented character corresponds with a segmented state presence. The policies implemented to reduce the economic and social effects of COVID-19 show that the pre-COVID neoliberal model was not adjusted to confront the economic, social, and health crisis. International and national economic and political restrictions impede a post-COVID state transformation in Peru. The leftist-oriented Castillo government lacked the political and social bases to radically reform the state. El estado peruano es un estado capitalista dependiente y sus características son primordialmente consecuencia del papel que juega el país en el sistema mundial capitalista. Las medidas que se han tomado en la lucha contra la COVID-19 son una mezcla de acciones represivas y la implementación de frágiles programas de ayuda económica y social. La expansión del coronavirus da muestra del carácter social y económicamente segmentado de la sociedad que corresponde con una presencia estatal segmentada. Las políticas implementadas para reducir los efectos económicos y sociales de la COVID-19 muestran que el modelo neoliberal pre-COVID no se ajustó para enfrentar la crisis económica, social y sanitaria. Las restricciones económicas y políticas tanto internacionales como nacionales impiden una transformación estatal post-COVID en el Perú. El gobierno izquierdista de Castillo careció de las bases políticas y sociales para reformar radicalmente el estado.