Suchergebnisse

Розглянуто теоретичні основи дослідження відшкодування шкоди державою фізичній особі, яка потерпіла від кримінального правопорушення. Зроблено аналіз чинного цивільного законодавства України, наукових публікацій, досліджено правові джерела в частині відшкодування шкоди, завданої потерпілому кримінальним правопорушенням. Визначено різновиди поняття майнової шкоди, завданої кримінальним правопорушенням, а саме: основної шкоди, супутньої шкоди та неодержаних доходів (упущеної вигоди). ; Рассмотрены теоретические основы исследования вреда государством физическому лицу, потерпевшему от уголовного правонарушения. Проведен анализ действующего гражданского законодательства Украины, научных публикаций, исследованы правовые источники в части возмещения вреда, причиненного потерпевшему уголовным правонарушением. Определены разновидности понятия имущественного вреда, причиненного уголовным правонарушением, а именно: основного вреда, сопутствующего вреда и неполученных доходов (упущенная выгода). ; Theoretical aspects of harm caused a criminal offence, that is, damage that is the basis for the adoption of measures to ensure reparation to the victim, in the science of civil procedural law received significant attention. However, despite the serious scientific elaboration of this problem and its issues, still have a lot of issues that are still insufficiently study, while they are essential for the theory of civil law. Analysis of recent research gives reason to believe that the affected problems has been the subject of research by scholars such as G. A. Atanesyan, S. P. Golubyatnikov, B. T. Bezlepkin, M. I. Goshovsky, O. I. Kuchinska, V. T. Nor, and others. However, the update of the regulatory material, in particular amendments to the Civil code of Ukraine, adoption of the new Criminal procedural code of Ukraine, can not affect scientific and practical interest in the conditions of modernity.Civil-legal nature of compensation of property harm involves understanding it as an object of tort obligations, which it is in civil law. In the legal literature there are two opposite positions of the scholars on this issue. Civil legislation proceeds from the principle of full compensation for losses. The concept of property damage caused by a criminal offence to the victim, covers: 1) caused by a criminal offence the face of a direct, imminent harm to his property and in monetary terms; 2) loss due to criminal offence, and income; 3) evaluated in monetary terms, the cost of treatment, prosthetics, restoration of health of the victim, and in case of his death, burial and payments for the maintenance of physical well-being and education of the disabled family members of the victim and their minor children; 4) the funds spent by state or municipal health protection institution on hospitalization of the person injured from the criminal offence. In summary clarification of the concept of property damage caused by a criminal offence, we distinguish three varieties: 1) major property damage, the infliction of which the law binds the criminal liability for the Commission of acquisitive crime offences (first of all, the size of the stolen property); 2) related property damage, which occurs in case of damage or destruction of various objects in the environment designated criminal offence, or damage to the clothing of the crime victim or his clothing (e.g., broken glasses, shabby clothes, broken canes during the robbery or the robbery, and the like); 3) non-received income (lost profit).FОrmation in Ukraine of the Institute of compensation of harm caused a criminal offence, consistent with the General trends of harmonization of domestic legal system with the legal framework of the European Union. Part of international documents that regulate the right to compensation of harm caused by the crime are ratified by Ukraine and have become part of domestic legislation.

Annotation. Goal. Creating a management system that supports the competitiveness of project-oriented organizations. Methods. The systematic approach considers the organization as a set of interrelated elements. People, objectives, structure, tasks, technology - are variables Environment Organization. The factors of the external environment which influence the organization include: the laws and regulations of state regulation, the state of the economy; technological advances; part of disposable income; cultural and political changes; the impact of interest group of suppliers; and others. All changes always start from outside of the organization (in the external environment), that's why the organization's management must be able to identify significant factors in the environment that affect the organization and through effective implementation of available recourses. Results. The work proposes the method of evaluating the effectiveness of project human resource management in the project-oriented organization, which takes into account changes in the probability of failure-free operation of performers in the course of the project based on the reliability theory. Scientific novelty. For effective existence, any organization must add the tools to assess the effectiveness of management of available resources to their structure. The proposed directions of the internal environment development of the organization allow to create a system of evaluating the effectiveness of human resource management project in the project-oriented organizations. Practical significance. The proposed system will help to link the organization, rational use of resources, to make it competitive, able to create a product with new consumer values. ; Аннотация. Цель. Создание системы управления, которая поддерживает конкурентоспособность проектноориентированных организаций. Методика. В системном подходе организацию рассматривают как совокупность взаимосвязанных элементов. Люди, цели, структура, задачи, технологии – это переменные среды организации. К факторам внешнего окружения, которые оказывают влияние на организацию относятся: законы и нормы госрегулирования, состояние экономики; научно-технические достижения; часть располагаемого дохода; культурные и политические изменения; влияние групповых интересов поставщиков и др. Все изменения всегда начинаются за переделами организации (во внешнем окружении), поэтому менеджменту организаций необходимо уметь выявлять существенные факторы в окружении, которые влияют на организацию и с помощью эффективного использования имеющихся ресурсов. Результаты. В работе предложена методика оценки эффективности управления трудовыми ресурсами проекта в проектно-ориентированных организациях, который учитывает изменения вероятности безотказной работы исполнителей в ходе реализации проекта на основе теории надежности. Научная новизна. Любая организация, чтобы эффективно существовать, должна добавить механизмы оценки эффективности управления имеющимися ресурсами к своей структуре. Предложенные направления развития внутренней среды организации позволяют создать систему оценки эффективности управления трудовыми ресурсами проекта в проектно-ориентированных организациях. Практическая значимость. Предложенная в работе система поможет связать организацию, рационально использовать ресурсы, сделать её конкурентной, способной создавать продукт с новыми потребительскими ценностями. ; Анотація. Мета. Створення системи управління, які підтримує конкурентоспроможність проектно-орієнтованих організацій. Методика. У системному підході організацію розглядають як сукупність взаємопов'язаних елементів. Люди, цілі, структура, завдання, технології - це змінні середовища організації. До факторів зовнішнього оточення, які впливають на організацію відносяться: закони і норми держрегулювання, стан економіки; науково-технічні досягнення; частина наявного доходу; культурні та політичні зміни; вплив групових інтересів постачальників та ін. Всі зміни завжди починаються за переділами організації (в зовнішньому оточенні), тому менеджменту організацій необхідно вміти виявляти істотні в оточенні, які впливають на організацію і за допомогою ефективного використання наявних ресурсів. Результати. У роботі запропонована методика оцінки ефективності управління трудовими ресурсами проекту в проектно-орієнтованих організаціях, яка враховує зміни ймовірності безвідмовної роботи виконавців в ході реалізації проекту на основі теорії надійності. Наукова новизна. Будь-яка організація, щоб ефективно існувати, повинна додати механізми оцінки ефективності управління наявними ресурсами до своєї структури. Запропоновані напрями розвитку внутрішнього середовища організації дозволяють створити систему оцінки ефективності управління трудовими ресурсами проекту в проектно-орієнтованих організаціях. Практична значимість. Запропонована в роботі система може зв'язати організацію, раціонально використовувати ресурси, зробити її конкурентною, здатної створювати продукт з новими споживчими цінностями.

By the middle of the 60-s years of the XX century, a theory of economic geography occupied a leading position in geographical science and was recognized by the world community of geographers. Scientists were assured that science would be perspective for the future. At that time, the original methods of research were developed, economic and geographical division into districts of the country were carried out, which was used in government plans for future economic development.However, in the 70-s years of the XX century, the situation has changed and economic geography suffered sharp and informed criticism for scholastic nature of theoretical analysis, narrow regional studies, developed pseudo efficiency, a sharp falling behind the world level. The crisis in economic science began spreading rapidly. In the 20 years of the last century, some scientists had even begun to refer the economic geography to economics.The crisis had matured a long time from the terrible extermination of the geographical elite in the 30-s-50-s years of the XX century, and in the 60-s after the period of the «Khrushchоv thaw» in the science, occasional people who generated dressing, protectionism, sectionalism, corruption that led to deep crisis of the economic geography «rushed» into it.Economic geography has formed an uncertainty situation of its status: today, some geographers affirm that economic geography no longer execute its function as an independent science and has became an addition to other sciences. After a long and emotional discussion «the fate» of economic geography was determined – it had become part of other sciences, «social geography» and «social and economic geography». However, new sciences cannot do without economic geography. Therefore, there was a problem to ascertain the current status of economic geography in the system of geographical sciences. In fact, it is a self-sufficient science. To prove this statement, we have determined the ways for further research. ; Сегодня глобальные экономические изменения требуют решения многих вопросов, связанных не только с усовершенствованием новейших технологий в промышленности, сельском хозяйстве, но и в сфере решения проблем внутренних и внешних миграций населения. Эти вопросы до 60-х гг. ХХ в. были составной частью экономической географии. Экономическая география в этот период достигла значительных успехов, была признана не только в нашей стране, но и за рубежом. Свидетельством этого триумфа были международные научные конференции и многочисленные публикации. После продолжительной дискуссии экономическая география как отдельная самостоятельная наука перестала существовать. Поэтому возникла проблема выяснения современного статуса экономической географии положения среди естественно-общественных наук, поскольку эта наука, по мнению отдельных географов, потеряла самостоятельность и стала определённым дополнением общественной географии. На самом деле она является самостоятельной наукой. Для доказательства этого утверждения намечены пути дальнейших исследований. ; Сьогодні глобальні економічні зміни вимагають вирішувати багато питань, пов'язаних не тільки з удосконаленням новітніх технологій в промисловості, сільському господарстві, але й в соціальній сфері розв'язанні проблем внутрішніх і зовнішніх міграцій населення. Ці питання до 60-х рр. ХХ ст. входили складовою частиною до економічної географії. Економічна географія у цей період досягла значних успіхів, була визнана не тільки у нашій країні, а й за рубежем. Свідченням цього тріумфу були міжнародні наукові конференції та численні публікації. Після тривалої дискусії економічна географія як окрема самостійна наука перестала існувати. Тому постала проблема з'ясування сучасного статусу економічної географії в системі географічних наук, оскільки ця наука, на думку окремих географів, втратила самостійність і стала певним придатком суспільної географії. Насправді вона є самодостатньою наукою. Для доведення цього твердження намічені шляхи подальших досліджень.

The catalog of social, civil, and politic rights on Venezuela it has been signed for the progressive throw the philosophical disposition raised at the Supreme Congress of Venezuela at 1811. Based on philosophical thought about the freedoms the background of Constituent National Assembly of 1999 and the philosophic, social and historic beginning which determinate "The participative and protagonist Democracy" beginning and "The rule of Law and social justice" in the Constitution, under the premise of rights, freedom, equality, property, security and justice, allows citizens, in theory, the enjoyment of their rights. The actually Constitutions defines the democratic system like "Rule of law and social" that suppose like fundament the equality between the citizens to exercise their politics duties and rights. The analysis of the elements comprising the participative democracy and the rights it conclude the advent post-constitutional of the parallel state called "Communal State" after the enacting zoning laws aimed citizens participation under the ideology of official sector and the not accepted the decision of the human rights and the judgment of the Inter-American Court of Human rights. ; El catálogo de derechos sociales, civiles y políticos en Venezuela ha estado signado por la progresividad, desde las disposiciones losócas planteadas en el Supremo Congreso de Venezuela del año 1811. Con base en el pensamiento filosófico sobre las libertades se analizan los antecedentes de la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de 1999 y los principios losócos, sociales e históricos que determinaron la "Democracia participativa y protagónica" y "Estado social de derecho y justicia" presentes en la Constitución, que bajo la premisa de derechos, la libertad, la igualdad, la propiedad, la seguridad y la justicia, permite a todos los ciudadanos, en teoría, el goce de los derechos y libertades. La Constitución vigente dene al sistema democrático como "Estado social de derecho y Justicia", el cual supone como fundamento la igualdad entre los ciudadanos para ejercer sus deberes y derechos políticos. Del análisis de los elementos que integran la democracia participativa y de los derechos se concluye el advenimiento postconstitucional de un estado paralelo denominado "estado comunal" tras la promulgación de leyes orientadas a sectorizar la participación ciudadana bajo la ideología del sector ocial y el desconocimiento de los derechos humanos ante las sentencias emitidas por la Corte Interamericana de los Derechos Humanos ; O catálogo de direitos sociais, civiles e políticos em Venezuela há estado marcado por a progressividade, desde as disposições filosóficas plantadas no Supremo Congresso de Venezuela do ano 1811. Com base no pensamento filosófico sobre as liberdades analisam-se os antecedentes da Montagem Nacional Constituinte de 1999 e os princípios filosóficos, sociais e históricos que eles estabelecem os princípios da "Democracia participativa e protagónica" e "Estado social de direito e justiça" presentes na Constituição, que baixo a máxima de direitos, a liberdade, a igualdade, a propriedade, a segurança e a justiça, permite a todos os cidadãos – em teoria- o desfrutar dos direitos. A Constituição atual define o sistema democrático como "Estado social de direito e Justiça", isso supõe como fundamento a igualdade entre os cidadãos para exercer suas deveres e direitos políticos. O análise dos elementos que integram a democracia participativa e de os direitos conclui-se o advento após-constitucional de um Estado paralelo com o nome "Estado comunal" logo da promulgação das leis para fatiar a participação do cidadão na ideologia do setor oficial e a falta de direitos humanos nos acórdãos do Tribunal Interamericano de Direitos Humanos.

There is a growing body of work on accountability in the accounting literature. However, most of the existing literature focuses on the concepts of accountability rather than its practice. Accounting literature suggests that understanding accountability is important and significant for public sector accounting, which is built around the notion of accountability. There are two major but inter-related influences on accountability thinking in accounting. The first is the new public management (NPM) literature, and the second has been the distinction between individualising and socialising forms of accountability. The NPM theories stress a struggle between multiple concepts of accountability, such as financial, managerial, legal, public, political and constitutional. This theoretical struggle in the literature has made accountability more confusing, complex, contradictory and different. To overcome this, some scholars point towards a need to go beyond the conceptual struggle and to focus more on the practice. Hence, the research problem focuses on the practice of accountability in the public sector and how this informs our academic understanding of accountability. This study is motivated by several factors: (i) the importance and significance of accountability for public sector accounting; (ii) the struggles between multiple concepts of accountability in the literature; (iii) the scarcity of practice research on accountability; (iv) the paucity of empirical research of the role of accounting in those practices, and (v) the inability of existing theoretical frameworks to explain accountability comprehensively. Motivated by these factors, I examined the practices of accountability in the Australian Public Sector (APS) and explored the role of accounting in those practices. Drawing on Bourdieu's practice theory, an analytical framework was developed. This framework allowed me to focus on: (i) the relational and differential character of accountability; (ii) the conceptualisation of the public sector as a network of multiple fields; (iii) the expectation of different practices of accountability in those fields; and (iv) the ways in which accounting came to be implicated in those practices. Based on Bourdieu's sequential field study methods, data was collected from 103 interviews with public servants who were employed at different levels and professional or functional groups from 34 federal government organisations in Canberra, Australia. Overall data was collected from multiple sources, such as interviews, conversations, observations, focus group discussions and review of a wide range of documents. The major conclusions of this study are that: (i) there is little difference in the practices of accountability between different organisations, professional or functional groups, and hierarchical positions; (ii) accountability has become a compliance activity with accounting processes supported by accounting logic; (iii) while accounting became a form of symbolic capital in the public sector field the accountants or accounting profession lost cultural capital; and (iv) management accounting has the potential to improve accountability for performance in the public sector. I argue that accountability in the public sector should be more than just financial, and the current financial accounting and reporting based accountability practices have increased compliance acitivites, but failed to achieve the desired outcomes or impact to enhance public benefit. Therefore, how the public sector engages with the practices of accountability should be the focus of public sector accounting and reform studies, rather than the normative, descriptive and theoretical struggles of what accountability is and how it should be understood. Keywords: Accounting, Accountability, Australian Public Sector, New Public Management, Performance Measurement, Financial and Non-Financial Information, Compliance Processes, Bourdieu, Habitus, Field, Social Spaces, Capital, Strategy, Doxa.

The clergy of the viceroyalty, especially of Buenos Aires, were major role players in the 1810 movement. They were actively involved in political action and in the elaboration of the discourse that justified the process of independence. The disagreement and conflicts that ensued have confused the memory of this participation. Existing historiography does not come to any consensus regarding this point. In the middle of the 20th century, Guillermo Furlong upheld the following theses: 1. The social contract that the patriots continually advocated was the pact of Suarez and not of Rousseau; 2. The Creole clergy, educated in the Scholastic tradition, based the ideas they later on expressed in their declarations on this same tradition; 3. This group of clergy played a decisive role in the formation and consolidation of the first native political theory. Furlong's theses were controversial and opened up significant debate. At present, his first thesis is generally dismissed, while the second is accepted with some reservation. The third enjoys broad acceptance. The present work aims to clarify Furlong's second thesis. The following points are analyzed: 1. The formation of tradition that began with the professorial chairs of the University of Cordova and the College of San Carlos in Buenos Aires and from two relevant texts, the anonymous manuscript De legibus and the Royal Catechism of Bishop José Antonio de San Alberto; 2. The continuation of tradition in José Ignacio Echenique and Juan Benito Gil; 3. The creators of the new tradition: Luis José Chorroarin, Cayetano José Rodriguez, etc; 4. The writers of the new tradition: Dean Gregorio Funes, P. Pedro Ignacio Castro Baros and P. Juan Ignacio Gorriti. ; Cuando se produjo el movimiento de mayo de 1810, el clero del virreinato, y en especial el de Buenos Aires, fue uno de los actores relevantes, tanto en el accionar político concreto como en la tarea de elaborar un discurso legitimador del proceso de independencia. Posteriores desacuerdos y rupturas han oscurecido en la memoria nacional esta participación, e incluso en la historiografía no hay acuerdo sobre este punto. Guillermo Furlong, a mediados del siglo pasado, sostuvo los siguientes extremos: 1. Que el «pacto» social repetidamente mencionado por los patriotas es el pacto de Suárez y no el de Rousseau; 2. Que el clero criollo, formado en la tradición escolástica, bebió en ella las ideas que luego expresó simplificadamente en las proclamas; 3. Que este clero tuvo un papel decisivo en la formación y consolidación de la primera teoría política patria. Sus posturas abrieron una larga polémica; pasadas varias décadas ha resultado lo siguiente: la primera tesis en general no es aceptada, la segunda es aceptada con reservas, mientras que la tercera goza de consenso. En esta exposición me propongo clarificar la segunda tesis. Para ello se analizarán los siguientes puntos. 1) Formación de la tradición, a partir de las cátedras en la Universidad de Córdoba y en el Colegio de San Carlos de Buenos Aires y dos textos relevantes: el manuscrito anónimo De legibus y el Catecismo Real del Obispo José Antonio de San Alberto; 2) La continuación de la tradición, en las figuras de José Ignacio Echenique y Juan Benito Gil; 3) Los creadores de la nueva tradición, entre los cuales se cuentan Luis José Chorroarín, Cayetano José Rodríguez y otros; 4) Los escritores de la nueva tradición: Deán Gregorio Funes, P. Pedro Ignacio de Castro Barros y P. Juan Ignacio Gorriti.

This dissertation seeks to explain and ascertain the relationship between state institutions and ethnic conflict in Iraq. The central argument is that institutions matter, and a divided society's early institutional setup during the critical period of state formation and statebuilding determines that state's sequential response to subsequent group conflict. Contextualizing the role of state institutions alongside ethnic elite behaviour facilitates the development of a nuanced understanding of the interplay between the state and its divided society. As a theory-building endeavour, the dissertation identifies the conditions under which groups grievances are advanced, the processes that lead to their mobilization, and the institutional constraints that shape their trajectory. By identifying historically-contingent causal links during critical junctures and under more gradual processes of change that generate cumulative effects and patterns of ethnic dominance, we observe that ethnic elites and institutions determine the parameters of ethnic dominance and re-dominance of the state during critical statebuilding periods where more inclusive governing options would have increased inter-ethnic cooperation and cohesion. In doing so, it explicates the causal mechanisms linking institutional design and ethnic conflict in divided, post-colonial states. I posit that ethnic conflict in divided societies emerges as a process rather than an abrupt rupture in the state's structural and institutional composition. Specifically, as a social process, it unfolds overtime, at varying speeds, and with divergent outcomes in a given state and within a given institutional context. This process is preconditioned by the presence of two interdependent variables at the time of state formation and throughout various statebuilding periods—authoritarianism and exclusion that produce and reproduce patterns of ethnic dominance. Conceptualizing the effects of these variables requires a temporal analysis of their development overtime and in a given institutional setting. In the case of Iraq, the state's institutional response to discord has played a decisive role in moulding ethnic and religious mobilization and patterns of ethnic dominance in response to exclusion and authoritarian governance during three critical junctures—1920 as a result of exogenous state formation and state building by Britain; 1958 with the coup d'état and the birth of the republic, culminating in the Ba'thist takeover in 1968 that cemented autocratic single-party rule; and, finally, post-2003 resulting in state reformulation and exogenously imposed democratization that has produced a stagnating state. The dissertation applies both qualitative and quantitative research methods within political science in order to frame the empirical puzzle. It draws on archival research using the British National Archives in London, the Ba'th Party archives at the National Defense University in Washington, D.C., and the Library of Congress. Extensive empirical research was also conducted at Harvard University's Law School library which houses pertinent documents regarding cross-national legal codes. The quantitative component consisted of multiple linear regressions using the Fragile State Index which contains aggregate data measuring various socio-economic and political indicators. Lastly, the work also relies on elite interviews with community members in and outside of Iraq as well as American policy makers to gain a deeper understanding of U.S. policy outcomes on Iraq's post-2003 governing trajectory. The dissertation's findings are significant as it is the first study of its kind to apply multi-level research methods to the temporal study of ethnic conflict, authoritarianism, and democratic transition in Iraq. The findings are triangulated in order to reframe our understanding of the processes that lead to ethnic mobilization, which has implications for measuring the success or failure of post-conflict statebuilding in ethnically divided societies undergoing transition from authoritarian rule.

The European financial and economic crisis has shaken traditional beliefs and confidence in a one-directional move towards an ever closer union. Discussions regarding "Grexit" and the public vote in favor of "Brexit" have signaled strong anti-EU sentiment far beyond previous instances of dissatisfaction expressed by popular votes in France and the Netherlands opposing the European constitution, for example. Mainstream European integration scholars have started to seriously address disintegration theory; once a preserve of Marxist critiques of mainstream integration scholarship. European right-wing parties, foundations and think tanks openly advocate (partial) disintegration and, in particular, aim to interrupt centrist Social Democratic, Green, Liberal and Conservative cooperation in the European Parliament. What has been the response to these conceptual and political challenges from the pro-European political forces in European politics? In the shadow of Syriza's anti-austerity campaign from Greece and Podemos' grassroots mobilization in Spain, a range of new pro-European think tanks of different political-philosophical leanings have been founded after the crisis, or developed new activities in response to the crisis. The paper will examine the publications of organizations like European Alternatives, Project for a Democratic Europe and EuropaNova in order to observe if and how a new cross-cutting network of pro-European intellectuals, think tanks and ideas address the present crisis, and if and in which ways we can speak of new conceptual and political approaches to European integration that promise innovation and progressive (in the sense of pro-European integration) learning. Do they look beyond neoliberal restrictions to Europe's "sui generis" Union (Hayek's version of interstate federalism), something closer to real (fiscal) federalism - or something different? We will also examine if and how they differ from more centrist institutional efforts to envision the future, such as those uttered by Commission officials, MEPs of the Spinelli-Group, or experts like those assembled in the Glienicker Group. Last, but not least, we will try to establish if and to what extent new conceptual efforts reverberate in pro-European integration debating platforms like Publixphere, OneEurope or Krytyka Polityczna (Political Critique), which are considered more likely echo chambers for pro-European integration think tanks than mainstream media. ; Die europäische Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise hat traditionelle Vorstellungen bezüglich der europäischen Integration und das Vertrauen in die Entwicklung in Richtung einer immer engeren Union erschüttert. Diskussionen über den "Grexit" und das Votum für den "Brexit" haben starke anti-europäische Stimmungen erkennen lassen, die weit über bisherige Unzufriedenheit, wie sie z.B. bei Volksabstimmungen in Frankreich und den Nieder-landen gegen die europäische Verfassung zum Ausdruck kamen, hinausreichen. Der Mainstream Europäischer Integrationsforschung hat ernsthaft damit begonnen, Auflösungstheorien zu thematisieren, einst eine Domäne marxistischer Kritik an der etablierten Integrationsforschung. Rechtsgerichtete europäische Parteien, Stiftungen und Think-Tanks befürworten offen einen teilweisen Rückbau und beabsichtigen insbesondere, die Zusammenarbeit von gemäßigten Sozialdemokraten, Grünen, Liberalen und Konservativen im Europäischen Parlament zu beenden. Welche Antworten geben pro-europäische politische Kräfte in der europäischen Politik auf diese konzeptionellen und politischen Heraus-forderungen? Im Schatten der Syriza-Kampagne gegen die Sparpolitik in Griechenland und der Mobilisierung durch Podemos in Spanien wurden nach der Krise eine Reihe pro-europäischer Think-Tanks verschiedener politisch-ideologischer Ausrichtung gegründet oder haben neue Aktivitäten als Reaktion auf die Krise entwickelt. Der Beitrag untersucht die Publikationen von Organisationen wie European Alternatives, Project for a Democratic Europe und EuropaNova um festzustellen, ob und wie ein neues, übergreifendes Netzwerk pro-europäischer Intellektueller, Think-Tanks und Ideen die gegenwärtige Krise thematisiert. Dabei wird insbesondere gefragt, ob und in welcher Weise von neuen konzeptionellen und politischen Ansätzen zur europäischen Integration gesprochen werden kann, die Innovation und fortschrittliches Lernen (im Sinne von pro-europäischer Integration) ver-sprechen. Gehen Beiträge über die neoliberalen Restriktionen der Europäischen "sui generis" Union hinaus (Hayeks Variante eines zwischenstaatlichen Föderalismus), etwa in Annäherung an europäischen (fiskalischen) Föderalismus - oder etwas anderes? Zur Einordnung der Beiträge der Think-Tanks werden diese mit Aussagen zur Zukunft der EU aus Studien im Kontext der europäischen Institutionen abgeglichen, darunter Beiträge von Kommissionsbeamten, Abgeordneten der Spinelli-Gruppe zur Arbeit des Europäischen Parlamentes sowie Fachleuten und Beratern z.B. der Glienicker Gruppe. Last but not least wird versucht zu ermitteln, ob und inwieweit sich die konzeptionelle Arbeit der Think-Tanks in pro-europäischen Diskussionsplattformen wie Publixphere, OneEurope oder Krytyka Polityczna (Political Critique) niederschlägt oder spiegelt. Diese kommen stärker als etwa nationale Printmedien als mögliche Echokammern der pro-europäischen Think-Tanks in Frage, weil Autorinnen und Autoren sowie Leser und Leserinnen als generell europainteressiert gelten können.

This paper analyzes the implementation of various mechanisms of direct democracy (MDD) applied in the state of Jalisco, Mexico. These MDD are referendum, plebiscite and popular initiative, in addition to the revocation of term regulated by the city of Tlajomulco de Zúñiga, municipality of the same state. The main goal of the MDD is to increase the quality of democracy through greater citizen participation. However, as we conclude in this paper, the transition from representative to participatory democracy is a path full of legal and bureaucratic obstacles, interests of powerful groups, conceptual misinterpretations and implementation problems, among others. A second conclusion is that the MDD although conceived as a democratic advance, in reality can generate historical regressions that considered today, outdated. The above conclusions arise from the analysis of four cases applying different MDD: the first is the referendum against the decree approving the increase in public transport fare in the Metropolitan Area of Guadalajara, Jalisco. The second case is the application of plebiscite, to avoid using roads in Guadalajara to install a second Macrobús line (articulated transport system, technically known as BRT). The third is the popular initiative, "In favor of the family", which sought to define family in a very narrow manner "integrated by a father, a mother and their children". Finally the exercise of revocation of term held in the municipality of Tlajomulco de Zúñiga in the Metropolitan Area of Guadalajara, its results and critical analyzes. The methodology used is a multicase study, based on a framework built on theoretical developments from Lissidini (2010), Ziccardi (2008), Salazar and Wolderberg (1997), Merino (1995), Prud'Homme (2001), among others. The analysis of these cases is the basis of proposals to enrich theory, legislation and practice of public participation as a tool to advance the quality of democracy. ; El presente trabajo analiza la instrumentación de diversos Mecanismos de Democracia Directa (MDD) aplicados en el estado de Jalisco, México. Dichos MDD son el referéndum, el plebiscito y la iniciativa popular, a los que se agrega la revocación de mandato reglamentado por el Ayuntamiento de Tlajomulco de Zúñiga, municipio del mismo estado. El propósito declarado de los MDD es elevar la calidad de la democracia vía mayor participación ciudadana. Sin embargo, se concluye en el presente trabajo que el tránsito a la democracia participativa es un camino lleno de obstáculos legales, trámites burocráticos, intereses de grupos de poder, interpretación conceptual e instrumentación práctica, entre otros. Una segunda conclusión es que los MDD, aunque se conciben como un avance democrático, en la realidad pueden dar origen regresiones históricas que se creían superadas. Las anteriores conclusiones se desprenden del análisis de cuatro casos que aplican diversos MDD: el referéndum contra el incremento en el pasaje del transporte público en la Zona Metropolitana de Guadalajara (ZMG), Jalisco; la aplicación del plebiscito, para evitar el uso de vialidades en Guadalajara, para instalar la línea dos del Macrobús (sistema de transporte articulado, técnicamente conocido como BRT); la iniciativa popular, "A favor de la familia", que pretendía delimitar el concepto de familia a "aquella conformada por un padre, una madre y sus hijos". Finalmente, se analiza el ejercicio de revocación de mandato efectuado en el municipio de Tlajomulco de Zúñiga, sus resultados y críticas. La metodología utilizada es la de multicaso y se forja un marco teórico en base a tratadistas como Lissidini (2010), Ziccardi (2008), Salazar y Wolderberg (1997), Merino (1995), Prud'Homme (2001) entre otros. Los análisis de estos casos pretenden ser la base de propuestas para enriquecer tanto la teoría, la legislación y la práctica de la participación ciudadana como instrumento para avanzar en la calidad de la democracia.

The subject of the study is process of formation and ideological and political development of youth organizations postrevolutionary Russian emigration. Identified some characteristic features of European radical ideological and political currents that have had the greatest impact on them. It is specified real embodiment of in the political programs and practice various Russian emigre organizations ideology of National Socialism and fascism. It is outlined characteristic features ideology and political programs of the main political organizations of the Russian emigre youth. Place and role of youth organizations in the development of political thought of Russian Diaspora is determined. It is set that reason of origin of youth organizations in environment the post-revolutionary Russian emigration was disappointment in the ideology and methods of work of the traditional political organizations and movements. Among the most original ideological and political concepts youth movement of Russian Diaspora allocated theory of labor solidarity of the National-Labor Union and «monarchy labourers» «Young Russia». The young people of Russian emigration managed to splash out the energy in an infatuation for radicalism and to develop certain political immunity. Due to a polemic with supporters of radicalism the political thought Russian Diaspora lost of excessive militancy, received moderation, however, it has acquired a theoretical depth and significance. Youth organizations gave the opportunity to see that excessive passion radicalism can lead to support and cooperation not only with opponents of the Bolsheviks, but the enemies of Russia, the Russian people, Slavs, and even the entire civilized world. Perspective direction for further research is to study the reflection of the ideological and political development of the Russian youth organizations in scientific papers, publicism, memoirs and correspondence leaders Russian Diaspora ; Предметом исследования является процесс становления и идейно-политического развития молодежных организаций русской послереволюционной эмиграции. Выявлены некоторые характерные черты европейских радикальных идейно-политических течений, которые оказали на них наибольшее влияние. Показано реальное воплощение в политических программах и практической деятельности различных российских эмигрантских организациях идеологии национал-социализма и фашизма. Определены место и роль молодежных организаций в развитии политической мысли Русского Зарубежья. Установлено, что значительная часть эмигрантской молодежи увлеклась идеями национал-социализма и фашизма, которые активно завоевывали умы и сердца многих людей по всему миру. Среди наиболее оригинальных идейно-политических концепций молодежного движения Русского Зарубежья выделяются теории трудового солидаризма Национально-трудового союза и «монархия трудящихся» разработана идеологами «Молодой России». Перспективным направлением даль-нейших исследований является изучение отражения идейно-политического развития российских молодежных организаций в научных трудах, публицистике, мемуарах и переписке деятелей Русского Зарубежья ; Проведено аналіз головних тенденцій і політичної спрямованості молодіжного руху російської післяреволюційної еміграції. Окреслено процес становлення молодіжних орга-нізацій Російського Зарубіжжя. Виявлено деякі риси радикальних ідейно-політичних течій, що виявилися найбільш цікавими і найшли своє втілення у політичних програмах і практичній діяльності різних російських емігрантських організацій. З'ясовано характерні риси ідеології і політичних програм основних політичних організацій російської еміг-рантської молоді. Визначено місце і роль молодіжних організацій у розвитку політичної думки Російського Зарубіжжя. Встановлено, що виникнення молодіжних організацій у середовищі російської післяреволюційної еміграції було викликане розчаруванням в ідеології і методах роботи традиційних політичних організацій і рухів. Значна частина емігрантської молоді захопилася ідеями націонал-соціалізму і фашизму, що активно завойовували прихильників по всьому світу. Серед найбільш оригінальних ідейно-полі-тичних концепцій молодіжного руху Російського Зарубіжжя виділяються теорії трудо-вого солідаризму Національно-трудового Союзу і «монархія трудящих», розроблена ідео-логами «Молодої Росії».

In the article the author studied the russification and ideological language and cultural space of the Ukrainians during the 60's - 70's of the XXth century, showed the displacement of Ukrainian by widespread introduction of Russian, highlighted public policy of the totalitarian communist regime aiming to eliminate national differences, to move towards the nations, to achieve their full unity and creation of an "indivisible soviet people". The soviet authorities directed all efforts to strengthenRussia's national political advantage inUkraineand the implementation of the thesis of the Russian language as a "second mother" and thereby destroying the natural human sense of belonging to the Ukrainian nation. Those who spoke only Ukrainian, attracted the attention of the respective services, which could cast doubt on their political loyalty and cultivate an inferiority complex. Gradually, the ruling communist party elite considerably narrowed the scope of the Ukrainian language and formed the status of its inferiority. Abruptly decreasing percentage of the Ukrainian printed word, the Ukrainian theater lost its national face, the Russian language filled the radio and television. However, Ukrainian educators, writers, literary critics, filmmakers, painters, scientists and public figures stood actively against the process of russification ofUkraine's population and the "theory of bilingualism". The result of the confrontation between the national conscious Ukrainian intelligentsia and the Soviet bureaucracy was the appearance of the sixtiers, which eventually led the national revival of the late 1980's - early 1990's. ; В статье исследуется русификация и идеологизация языково-культурного пространства украинцев в течение 60-70-х гг. ХХ в., показано вытеснение украинского языка повсеместным введением русского, освещается государственная политика тоталитарного коммунистического режима, направленная на устранение национальных различий, сближение наций, достижение их полного единства и создание "неделимого советского народа". Все свои усилия советская власть направляла на укрепление русского национально-политического превосходства в Украине и воплощение в жизнь тезиса о русском языке как "втором родном". Постепенно правящая компартийная верхушка значительно сузила сферу применения украинского языка и сформировала статус его неполноценности. Стремительно уменьшался процент украинского печатного слова, терял национальный облик украинский театр, русский язык заполнял программы радио- и телеэфира. Однако против процессов русификации населения УССР и "теории двуязычия" активно выступили украинские педагоги, писатели, литературные критики, кинорежиссёры, художники, учёные, общественные деятели. Результатом противостояния между сознательной украинской интеллигенцией и советским бюрократическим аппаратом стало появление шестидесятников, которые в итоге возглавили национальное возрождение Украины конца 1980-х - начала 1990-х гг. ; У статті досліджується русифікація та ідеологізація мовно-культурного простору українців протягом 60-70-х рр. ХХ ст., показано витіснення української мови повсюдним уведенням російської, висвітлюється державна політика тоталітарного комуністичного режиму, спрямована на усунення національних відмінностей, зближення націй, досягнення їх повної єдності та створення "нероздільного радянського народу". Акцентовано, що всі свої зусилля радянська влада скеровувала на зміцнення російської національно-політичної переваги в Україні та втілення в життя тези про російську мову як "другу рідну". Із часом правляча компартійна верхівка значно звузила сферу застосування української мови й сформувала статус її меншовартості. Стрімко зменшувався відсоток українського друкованого слова, утрачав національне обличчя український театр, російська мова заповнювала програми радіо- та телеефіру. Однак проти процесів русифікації населення УРСР та "теорії двомовності" активно виступили українські педагоги, письменники, літературні критики, кінорежисери, художники, науковці, громадські діячі. Результатом протистояння між свідомою українською інтелігенцією і радянським бюрократичним апаратом стала поява шістдесятників, які в підсумку очолили національне відродження України кінця 1980-х - початку 1990-х рр.

In 1968, the students, faculty, staff and community members of color at San Francisco State University (SFSU) initiated the first Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) movement for Ethnic Studies in the United States. After carrying out the longest student strike our nation had seen at that time, the SFSU TWLF movement successfully created the first and only College of Ethnic Studies in the United States. This radical victory represented a culmination for historically oppressed communities in their effort to achieve liberation in one area of their lives - education. The impact of this achievement reverberated throughout higher education, beginning with neighboring Bay Area universities and spreading across the country. Not only did the SFSU TWLF lead the way and inspire other young revolutionaries and activists to fight for culturally and politically relevant curriculum; this achievement represented a moment of victory for the historically marginalized in the longue durée of American oppression and resistance.In my dissertation I analyze the historical foundation and theoretical framework of the 1969 Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) movement, which resulted in the creation of an Ethnic Studies Department at UC Berkeley. I examine the TWLF as a campaign for self-determination that introduced politically relevant curriculum and pedagogy at UC Berkeley. The new course context was more than just culturally relevant: the study of Native Americans, Chicano/Latinos, Asian Americans and African Americans added a new study of the life, experiences, and culture of communities previously omitted from course curriculum. However, my definition of politically relevant includes the elements of culturally relevant and goes a step further, arguing that a strong radical political framework influenced every aspect of the newly formed field of ethnic studies and black studies. My research fills a gap in the literature because I analyze the social, historical, and theoretical foundations of the TWLF at UC Berkeley rather than simply documenting the movement. Utilizing this interdisciplinary approach, I weave together literary analysis, historical archives, qualitative interviews, and social theory. Most uniquely, I conduct an analysis of the educational implications of this historic moment to engender a holistic examination of the link between education and liberation for historically oppressed communities of color. My project contributes a new perspective to the role of student activism and, importantly, the role of women of color in fomenting change in university curriculum and pedagogy. Most notably, what distinguishes my research is the analysis of the TWLF as one of many pivotal moments in the longue durée of historically oppressed people fighting for their self-determination. The emphasis of this approach is dialectical: it is about how the history of the past informs the present. It refers to an interdisciplinary method of examining the long-term political, social, and economic structures and their impact on our social reality (Lee, 2012). Therefore, in my research I use this concept and methodology as a tool to analyze the impact of the historical system, and social construction, known as race. I focus on selected moments in United States history that were catalysts in the racial formation and oppression of Native Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Chican@/Latin@s. Utilizing a longue durée framework, I trace the experiences of historically marginalized communities and their struggle for freedom against the systems of white supremacy and capitalism. Within this movement, cartography education was employed - first by African Americans, and later by other racialized groups - as a crucial tool with which the oppressed could achieve their liberation.

[BACKGROUND] The role of inflammation in mood disorders has received increased attention. There is substantial evidence that cytokine therapies, such as interferon alpha (IFN-alpha), can induce depressive symptoms. Indeed, proinflammatory cytokines change brain function in several ways, such as altering neurotransmitters, the glucocorticoid axis, and apoptotic mechanisms. This study aimed to evaluate the impact on mood of initiating IFN-alpha and ribavirin treatment in a cohort of patients with chronic hepatitis C. We investigated clinical, personality, and functional genetic variants associated with cytokine-induced depression. [METHODS] We recruited 344 Caucasian outpatients with chronic hepatitis C, initiating IFN-alpha and ribavirin therapy. All patients were euthymic at baseline according to DSM-IV-R criteria. Patients were assessed at baseline and 4, 12, 24, and 48 weeks after treatment initiation using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ), the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS), and the Temperament and Character Inventory (TCI). We genotyped several functional polymorphisms of interleukin-28 (IL28B), indoleamine 2,3-dioxygenase (IDO-1), serotonin receptor-1A (HTR1A), catechol-O-methyl transferase (COMT), glucocorticoid receptors (GCR1 and GCR2), brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), and FK506 binding protein 5 (FKBP5) genes. A survival analysis was performed, and the Cox proportional hazards model was used for the multivariate analysis. [RESULTS] The cumulative incidence of depression was 0.35 at week 24 and 0.46 at week 48. The genotypic distributions were in Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium. Older age (p = 0.018, hazard ratio [HR] per 5 years = 1.21), presence of depression history (p = 0.0001, HR = 2.38), and subthreshold depressive symptoms at baseline (p = 0.005, HR = 1.13) increased the risk of IFN-induced depression. So too did TCI personality traits, with high scores on fatigability (p = 0.0037, HR = 1.17), impulsiveness (p = 0.0200 HR = 1.14), disorderliness (p = 0.0339, HR = 1.11), and low scores on extravagance (p = 0.0040, HR = 0.85). An interaction between HTR1A and COMT genes was found. Patients carrying the G allele of HTR1A plus the Met substitution of the COMT polymorphism had a greater risk for depression during antiviral treatment (HR = 3.83) than patients with the CC (HTR1A) and Met allele (COMT) genotypes. Patients carrying the HTR1A CC genotype and the COMT Val/Val genotype (HR = 3.25) had a higher risk of depression than patients with the G allele (HTR1A) and the Val/Val genotype. Moreover, functional variants of the GCR1 (GG genotype: p = 0.0436, HR = 1.88) and BDNF genes (Val/Val genotype: p = 0.0453, HR = 0.55) were associated with depression. [CONCLUSIONS] The results of the study support the theory that IFN-induced depression is associated with a complex pathophysiological background, including serotonergic and dopaminergic neurotransmission as well as glucocorticoid and neurotrophic factors. These findings may help to improve the management of patients on antiviral treatment and broaden our understanding of the pathogenesis of mood disorders. ; This study was funded by the following Spanish grants: Instituto de Carlos III, Fondo de Investigaciones Sanitarias PSICOCIT-VHC-P110/01827 and PSIGEN-VHC-EC08/00201 (Dr Martín-Santos). It was co-financed by the ERDF, European Union "One way to make Europe," Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (MTM2012-38067-C02-01), and the support of the Generalitat de Catalunya (SGR2009/1435/SGR2014/1411; Dr Martín-Santos). Dr Grande has received a research grant from Río Hortega Contract (CM12/00062), Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competiveness. ; Peer Reviewed

Each periods of crisis in contemporary history has been marked by a series of social upheavals that could be called social innovations. They bring together, in a collective and ascending momentum, a myriad of citizen movements that aim at the response to social needs not very satisfied by the State and the market. Moreover, by relying on a set of organizations of the social and solidarity economy, they pursue a quest for democratization of economic activity. Therefore, is to better understand these phenomena of social transformation that this work tries to mobilize the information and communication sciences. In other words, in an exploratory approach, he questions the role of communication in the institutional capacity for change brought about by these initiatives. A first theoretical analysis allows to highlight the heterogeneity of the social innovation movement among social and solidarity economy actors. In this context, she underlines the tendency of these organizations to seize strategic communication practices (marketing and management), although they are historically invested with a political and symbolic role, telling her the need to seize a more critical repertory of communication. Consequently, a second empirical analysis, whose epistemological foundations are found in Edgar Morin's theory of complexity and in a reflexive approach, shows that the analysis of citizen initiatives must be based on very different communicational inputs. More precisely, different levels of communication analysis of these actors make it possible to update the transformative, or isomorphic, capacities of socially innovative initiatives of the social and solidarity economy. In conclusion, what this study tells us is that the social transformation that germinates in these organizations can only be analyzed through a praxeological approach to communication. In other words, communicative praxis, as an organizing activity of shared perspective in a public space of proximity, is a typifying activity of habits, vector of institutional change. ; Chacune des périodes de crise qu'a connue l'histoire contemporaine ont été jalonnées d'un ensemble de bouleversements sociaux que l'on pourrait appeler des innovations sociales. Elles rassemblent, dans un élan collectif et ascendant, une myriade de mouvements citoyens qui visent la réponse à des besoins sociaux non, ou peu satisfaits, par l'Etat et le marché. Par ailleurs, en s'appuyant sur un ensemble d'organisations de l'économie sociale et solidaire, elles poursuivent une quête de démocratisation de l'activité économique. Dès lors, c'est pour mieux comprendre ces phénomènes de transformation sociale que ce travail tente de mobiliser les sciences de l'information et de la communication. Autrement dit, dans une démarche exploratoire, il questionne le rôle de la communication dans les capacités de changement institutionnel porté par ces initiatives. Une première analyse théorique permet de mettre en lumière l'hétérogénéité du mouvement de l'innovation sociale chez les acteurs de l'économie sociale et solidaire. Elle souligne, dans ce cadre, la tendance de ces organisations à s'emparer de pratiques de communication stratégiques (marketing et management), bien qu'elles soient historiquement investies d'un rôle politique et symbolique, lui intimant la nécessité de s'emparer d'un répertoire plus critique de la communication. Par conséquent, une seconde analyse empirique, dont les fondements épistémologiques se retrouvent dans la théorie de la complexité d'Edgar Morin et dans une approche réflexive, montre que l'analyse des initiatives citoyennes doit s'appuyer sur les apports communicationnels tout autre. Plus précisément, différents niveaux d'analyses de la communication de ces acteurs permettent de mettre à jour les capacités transformatrices, ou isomorphiques, des initiatives socialement innovantes de l'économie sociale et solidaire. En conclusion, ce que nous dit cette étude, c'est que la transformation sociale en germe dans ces organisations ne peut s'analyser que par une approche praxéologique de la communication. En d'autres termes, la praxis communicationnelle, comme activité organisante de perspective partagée dans un espace public de proximité, est une activité typificatrice d'habitudes, vectrice de changement institutionnel.

In my Master's thesis \"Taking Pictures of the Photographer: the (In)visible Frames", the theory was inspired by practical work: my series of photographs called \"Photographers\". Myself a photographer, I've always loved to take pictures of other representatives of this craft in their work. So I have noticed that these people are often taking particular positions, and along with them, their inner states of being are also changing (as in the one who is taken picture of, too). The common perception is that it is the photographer who influences his/her \"victim\" – for example, by telling you to sit down and smile. When I heard about the existence of the specific phenomenon in quantum physics, where the existence of the observer can influence the outcome of the experiment, I thought that in photography, the one being observed can influence the one behind the camera – for instance, kneel and wait for a long while, feverishly pushing the button with one's finger. In this case, the actual result of this "photographic experiment", the picture, also influences the one who has been shot and the one who presses the button. Separately, in my work I also discuss the single occasion when these two functions are performed by the same person: namely, the \"production\" of a selfie. In my work, I associate the visual sterility of a photographic image, especially digital one, the special "tuning" effects done with the help of programs like Photoshop, as well as all the fashion for taking pictures (also of oneself), intertwined with the social norm to look \"nice\" on the picture (even where they don't resemble your looks), with the tradition that was practiced in the USA in the period from the late 19th to early 20th century. According to this tradition, along with the usual funeral and post-mortem photos, the people who had passed away were photographed \"as the living\". The use of special effects in contemporary digital photography, in this aspect, reminds me of the flowers and candles that were used to decorate the deceased, in order to conceal the fact that the latter has been dead for some time. So the author of a selfie reminds me of a suicider, who, in addition, uploads the results to any social network, where they will be immediately evaluated, or to the hard disk, where they are likely to be never seen by anyone again. In terms of posture, I have noticed that even the external photographers' attributes – the camera bag, clothing, a certain "professional" behavior – give a number of certain "advantages" both to teenagers, who are particularly sensitive to social pressure, and to the rest of society. \"Hipsters\" get more favor in their environment if they smarten themselves with \"vintage\" camera bags, while a statistical 30-year-old white person, in the daylight, feels free to kneel, lie down, move around his/her hands, and so on, if only s/he has a camera. So we can talk about the power of image, which Victor Pelevin has described in a great detail in his novel \"Generation P\": in his book, a government visualized by computers is ruling a whole nation. I dare say that in contemporary society, often we are disappointed with life due to the fact that it has been invaded by life-unfriendly rules of the world, determined by the geometry of the photographic image. Even in our daily life, we are often governed by the photographic shot, which my Master's thesis analyzes not only as the frame, but also as a pose and a border (limit).