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International audience In the fifteenth-century, many literary texts in english have concerns about good government and common good. Some of them are translations or adaptations from French, whether they are original texts (Guillaume de Deguileville, Alain Chartier…) or translations from Latin (Laurent de Premierfait…). There are also many informal influences. Christine de Pizan is well known in England as soon as the end of the fourteenth-century : Henry IV invited her at his court (but she refused to come) and manuscripts of her works are already circulating in England. Some of her texts are also translated or adapted during all the fifteenth-century and at the beginning of the sixteenth-century. What is Christine providing to these authors-translators ? First, her eloquence and its use may have been seductive – this is certainly an important reason in a century where English is constituting in a learned, political and literary language. But, more broadly, we may interrogate ourselves about the question of the articulation between these developments of English and the political use of Christine de Pizan by these writers, even though Christine is a woman, during a period where England and France construct themselves in part by their confrontation. This paper approaches this question by the study of three examples of translations from three different moments : the Letter of Cupid by Thomas Hoccleve at the beginning of the fifteenth-century, the Epistle of Othea by Stephen Scrope in the 1440s and The Book of Fayttes of Armes and Chyvalrye by William Caxton, published in 1489. ; De nombreux textes littéraires en anglais, au XVe siècle font preuve d'une préoccupation pour le bon gouvernement et le bien commun. Plusieurs d'entre eux sont des traductions ou des adaptations du français, qu'il s'agisse de textes originaux (Guillaume de Deguileville, Alain Chartier…) ou de traductions du latin (Laurent de Premierfait…), sans compter les influences plus informelles. Christine de Pizan est bien connue en Angleterre dès le ...

In this thesis I address the challenges of Rio de Janeiro's ongoing public security reform, implemented through the establishment of the Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) in several of the city's favelas since 2009. I suggest that in order to address this problem, it is necessary to understand both the institutional and political context and conditions that the reform is set within, as well as the dynamics of violence in Rio de Janeiro. The empirical data presented and analyzed in this thesis was collected between December 2014 and July 2015, through an ethnographic fieldwork with the police officers working at three different UPPs. In my discussion I argue that the project has failed reaching its stated objectives of bringing peace and security to favela residents, as policing at the UPPs is still articulated through the logic of war, and that the project is tailored to the needs of political and economic elites, rather than the population living in the favelas. I develop the concept of "securitarian war" as an analytical category that highlights the interconnections between the security discourse, policing, and warfare, and suggest that my findings have broad implications for the field of public security.

Germany and France have put in place territorialised public policies targeting disadvantaged neighbourhoods: soziale Stadt and city politics. The designation of priority neighbourhoods is based on statistical indicators that define the boundaries of minorities. The question is to what extent people who are considered to be in difficulty and whose concentration depends on the targeting of a neighbourhood are then stakeholders in the institutional participation arrangements initiated under these place-based policies. We propose two models of policies aimed at neighbourhoods that are "difficult" in terms of the relationship between the territorialisation process and the type of participation practised. The first model, "the promotion of minorities on the margins", refers to an empowerment scheme for poor foreign populations, but with no real prospect of improving their situation. The second model, "republican participation", reflects a system built without any specific objective of minority participation, and focusing on improving the urban area. ; Deutschland und Franckreich haben Politik über Stadtteilen mit Entwicklungspriorität : soziale Stadt und « Politique de la ville ». Diese Politik zielen finanzielle Mittel diese Stadtteile zu geben und Bürgerbeteiligung zu entwickeln. Der segregationistich Zustand dieser Stadtteile ist gegründet auf statistische Anzeiger, die eine Minderheit für jeden Staat charakterisiert. Wir fragen uns, ob diese Minderheit in den institutionellen Bürgerbeteiligung Prozess inbegrifft sind. Wir haben zwei Modell eingebaut, die die Beziehung zwischen der Typ von Stadtteilpriorisierung und institutionelle Bürgerbeteiligung befragt. Der erste Typ ist « die Minderheit's empowerment am Rand ». Die Bürgerbeteilingung zielt die Minderheit von die armen « nicht deutche Herkunft » Menschen inzubegriffen, aber die Stadtteilpriorisierung Politik gibt keine wirkliche Verbesserung deren Verhältnissen. Der zweiter Typ ist : « republicanische Bürgerbeteiligung ». In diesen Typ, die Bürgerbeteiligung ...

International audience ; Dans une économie de la culture largement dominée par le modèle de l'intervention publique, l'entrepreneuriat a longtemps été vécu comme une incongruité, voire un dévoiement de l'activité créatrice. Devenu aujourd'hui réalité tant dans le discours que dans les faits, il continue de susciter la controverse. L'artiste, l'acteur culturel, est-il un entrepreneur ? Doit-il considérer l'entreprise comme un objectif ou un outil ? L'entrepreneuriat culturel relève-t-il du champ du libéralisme économique ou de l'économie sociale et solidaire ?

No presente trabalho se aborda o processo de castigo que o regime Juarista santiaguenho articulou sobre a dirigente mais importante da Ala Feminina, um grupo com o maior poder dentro do Partido Justicialista-Juarista de Santiago del Estero, Argentina. A sanção se estrutura desde o espaço do próprio partido (sobreposto ao do governo e ao do estado provincial) e, particularmente, desde o poder judiciário, que submete à dirigente a um processo penal denso, o qual a penaliza por delitos como o de "extorsão", por exemplo, por ter ganho presentes que eram recebidos pela dirigente em troca de favores para ter acesso a um emprego na administração provincial. Se bem o processo permite observar a superposição e vínculo recíproco entre o mundo da política e o da justiça durante o regime, também pode-se apreciar o mecanismo exemplar do castigo, assim como a busca da reparação de um erro, de um componente moral, revelada na intensidade da pena e na quota de "desonra" e "vergonha" para a acusada. ; In this piece of work we are going to deal with the process of punishment that the santiagueno juarista regime articulates on the most important leader of the Femenine Branch, the most powerful group of the PJ-Juarista Party. The sanction is structured in the partidary field (over the provincial government and the provincial state) and particularly from the judicial field in which the leader faces an intense criminal process. Crimes such as "extortion" sanction the "presentation" of gifts given to the leader as a compulsory compensation for a job granted in the public area. This process allows to see the superposition and solidarity between the politics world and the judicial system in the regime. It can also be appreciated the exemplary mechanics of punishment and the misdemeanour it trys to rectify. A moral component which reveals in the severity of the sentence and the "dishonour" and "shame" brought to the defendant. ; Abordamos el proceso de castigo que el régimen juarista santiagueño articula sobre la dirigente más importante ...

Using household surveys for 24 countries over a 10-year period, this paper investigates why the elderly are more averse to open immigration policies than their younger peers. The analysis finds that the negative correlation between age and pro-immigration attitudes is mostly explained by a cohort or generational change. In fact, once controlling for year of birth, the correlation between age and pro-immigration attitudes is either positive or zero in most of the countries in the sample. Under certain assumptions, the estimates suggest that aging societies will tend to become less averse to open immigration regimes over time.

Reconstruct the biography of a land in a village in central Myanmar makes it possible to analyse the relationship between local land relations and government practices. This case study focuses on a particular plot of land: owned by a first couple of villagers in the 1950s and subsequently confiscated and reallocated by the government to a second couple, she was later transformed into a 'vacant' earth and is now a football ground. However, this parcel is dependent on local practices, which have recently faced development challenges that have updated the issue of its status: common earth, village earth, or vacant earth? The biography of this plot shows, on the one hand, how the auction of uses and statutes is linked to government practices that are confronted with land relations and the village moral economy and, on the other hand, how the status of this land is being negotiated. ; International audience Through the description of a biography of a land in a village located in central Myanmar, this paper analyzes the interplay between local land relations and government practices. In Myanmar, colonial and postcolonial land reforms and policies have partly changed land access for local populations. This case study focuses on a specific plot of land : originally held by a family of villagers in the 1950s, the plot was latter allocated by government agents to the couple who cultivated it via a land-lease arrangement. The land was afterward turned into a "vacant land" following the implementation of a military-socialist policy and is now the village's football ground. Meanwhile, the parcel remained dependent upon local uses and regulations challenged by development issues that update the question of its status : common land, village land, or vacant land ? First, the plot's biography enables to show successive and overlapping uses and status. Second, the unfolding of government practices (colonialists, military-socialists and post-democracy) are analyzed and confronted to local land relations and moral economy. Finally, ...

Colombia in various racial and cultural colours. More beautiful and vistorous than the shades of the grand sea in seven colours in San Andrés to the north or the Whipala flag identifying indigenous ethnicities along the Los Andes Cordillera; from the Bolivian altiplanade to the southern green mountains or the eastern mountain range in the centre of the country. These colours have been striving for hundreds of years ago for the West, and more recently, decades ago, for the same Colombians. Those who since a return nomination are called guerrillas, paramilitaries or opposition, but who are ultimately Colombians, have embarked on a war that the nation is outraged because of social inequalities or morbiquitous wishes of power. Its colours have been dyed in blood red. But beyond the mountains or the city urbe, political and social processes have flourished, helping to make this cultural plurality survive corruption, lack of social investment and understanding by the national government that it needs to be transformed. We hope with optimistic that before the end of the 21st century this lasted land will have the opportunity to join Latin American social and cultural reconstruction steps: Ecuador with Rafael, Bolivia with Evo, Uruguay with the legacy of Pepe Mujica, Venezuela with the history written by Chávez (QEPD) and the leadership of Maduro and Argentina with Nestor Kirchner (QEPD) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. National processes that have offered 'no voice' opportunities to co-exist, become visible and communicate. Centre for Communication Research and Development, Cultural Industries and Television ; Colombia es de diversos colores raciales y culturales.Más hermosos y vistosos que las tonalidades del grandioso mar de siete colores en San Andrés al norte o la bandera Whipala que identifica etnias indígenas a lo largo de la Cordillera de Los Andes; desde el altiplano Boliviano hasta las montañas del verde Sur o las de la Cordillera Oriental en el Centro del país. Lastimosamente esos colores han intentado ...