Suchergebnisse

Public opinion data from the last two decades document a crisis of confidence in America. Citizens are expressing lower levels of trust in government and in others. To what extent are variations in political and social trust a function of media use? Using data from the 1996 American National Election Study, we find that media use affects only social trust. Reading newspapers and watching television entertainment content enhanced social trust, while watching television news undermined trust in others. We discuss the implications of these findings for the healthy functioning of democratic systems.

In The Regulated Economy: A Historical Approach to Political Economy, Claudia Goldin & Gary D. Libecap use case studies to defend & expand on the notion that elements of civil society -- "special interests" -- manage to "capture" government regulators & make the state serve their selfish ends. The evidence of the case studies themselves, however, & the occurrence of such anomalies as the deregulatory movement, suggest that government actors often enjoy considerable autonomy in regulating civil society, & that readily manipulable currents in public opinion are also important. 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The EC administration and law abidance, or the virtues of permanent dialogue between members of the executive, legislative and judicial branches of (EC) Government.
Euroscepticism has settled over the past years as a result of the Commission's resignation in Mardi 1999. Critics and opponents develop hostility toward the European Union and the perspective of enlargement is feared by public opinion. The author concentrates on three essential features of the European Community. Legislation follows several contradictory debates between Institutions and Member States. The rule of law

In the midst of an identity crisis and morality tug-of-war, intellectuals on the far ends of the socio-political spectrum have declared the country to be in the midst of a "culture war." Public opinion polls asserted the existence of deep cultural divisions that threaten the future of the nation as a democratic society. But what do everyday Americans think about these critical topics? In the current turmoil of the political landscape, there exists a compelling need to reassess what common values inform American identity and join us as a nation.

According to the author, trust is a main objective in international cooperation and competition. Every nation wants to establish and maintain a trustworthy image of itself in the world system, since trust is an important factor in extracting support from other nations. The author investigates political and internatonal determinants of Japanese trust ratings of various nations by using a multiregression model of some socio-political data and Japanese public opinion data at the aggregate level. He employs survey data provided by the Yomiuri Shimbum (Japanese daily newspaper). (DÜI-Sen)

Discusses contradictions in the Quebec sovereignty movement to argue that the Quebec challenge of old state structures is stipulated in language that reflects concepts basic to the structures it is confronting. The limitations of classical sovereignty are examined, along with exclusion of the economic dimension in definitions of both Canadian & Quebecois sovereignty. Conflicts with the aboriginal peoples of Quebec sparked by the Quebecois notion of territorial sovereignty are described, arguing that aboriginal notions of overlapping sovereignties represent a potential solution to the problem of mutually irreconcilable sovereignty claims. Misleading & outdated connotations of the word "sovereignty" are explored, along with the fallacy of the assumption that like values will lead a divided society toward a shared identity. Aboriginal political actions -- eg, the successful efforts by the James Bay Cree to halt a phase of the James Bay hydroelectric project -- are described, emphasizing their ability to network on a global scale in order to defend traditional lands & culture. Suggestions are made for solutions emphasizing overlapping sovereignty. J. Lindroth

Applies the political opportunity approach to the protest-violence nexus, with attention to the role of the police apparatus as a central opponent of social movements. Philosophies that guide the strategical & tactical deployment of police forces are explored, along with how police behavior is perceived by protest groups. It is concluded that police strategies have to satisfy the requirements of three different "battlefields": tactical & strategical goal attainment, legitimacy of police measures, & acceptance in public opinion via the mass media. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the debate as to whether migration is a basic human right or if the claims of outsiders are superseded by the principle of national sovereignty – the moral obligation of states to do the best for their own citizens. In evaluating migration and refugees it focuses on issues of open borders, migration selectivity, the capacity of sovereign states to control entry, the claims of refugees, the relationship between sovereignty and justifiable intervention, and the role of public opinion and morals throughout migration policies.

Constraints affecting the formulation of immigration policy in developed countries are discussed. It is noted that the sovereignty of states to determine immigration policy is increasingly limited by internal & external forces, eg, public opinion, special interest lobbies & organizations, political parties, & international agreements. The formulation of immigrant policy is also occurring in the context of renewed territorial nationalism juxtaposed with economic globalization & the creation of border-free economic zones. It is concluded that nationalistic immigration policies in highly developed nations run contrary to the denationalization of economic institutions. 29 References. J. Ferrari

Book reviewed in this article:Robert P. Steed, Laurence W. Moreland, and Tod A. BakerPhilip W. Roeder. Public Opinion and Policy LeadershipJames Q. Wilson. The Moral Sense.Nat Hentoff. Free Speech For Me‐But Not For Thee.Robert B. Denhardt. The Pursuit of SignificanceElizabeth Adell Cook, Sue Thomas, and Clyde Wilcox.R. Darcy, Susan Welch, and Janet Clark. Women, Elections and Representation.Ralph M. Kramer, Hakon Lorentzen, Willem B. Melief, and SergioJoseph L. Pappin, III. The Metaphysics of Edmund BurkeEdmund F. Kallina, Jr. Claude Kirk and the Politics of Confrontation.

The impact of Roman Catholic & conservative Protestant churches on state abortion polices was examined through analysis of state-level data on abortion policy, profile church membership, public opinion, & interest group membership. Three models of the mechanism of religion-abortion policy influence were investigated: the impact of religion on public opinion, on the strength of the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL), & on state policy. Analysis reveals that conservative Protestants directly impact abortion policy through public opinion. Catholics exert both direct & indirect impacts on abortion policy -- a direct prolife impact mediated not by public opinion, but by state lobbying capacity; & an indirect prochoice impact through provoking greater membership in the NARAL. 2 Tables, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.