Suchergebnisse

ONE UNRESOLVED DEBATE IN ELECTION STUDIES CONCERNS THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS AND THE NATIONAL POLITICAL AND ECONOMI CLIMATE IN DETEMRINING ELECTION OUTCOMES. IN THIS PAPER, A MODEL OF CANDIDATE SUPPORT THAT INCORPORATES CAMPAIGN VARIABLES AND NATIONAL CONDITIONS IS DEVELOPED AND TESTED USING TRIAL HEAT DATA FROM THE 1984, 1988, AND 992 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. THE RESULTS OF THE ANALYSIS INDICATE THAT, WHILE BOTH SETS OF VARIABLES HAVE A SIGNIFICANT IMPACT ON PUBLIC OPINION, NATIONAL CONDITIONS HAVE A GREATER IMPACT ON DETERMINING ELECTION OUTCOMES THAN DO CAMPAIGN EVENTS.

National statistical data are analyzed along with results of a 1988 public opinion poll (N = 3,353 midwestern adults) to test the hypothesis that poverty & social position account for an important difference between male (M) & female (F) political attitudes. It is speculated that income, gender, & age combine as a measure of social position to explain voting in the 1988 presidential election. Attitudes on issues not apparently reflecting gender association are also tested to explore potential gender divisions, eg attitudes toward government subsidized economic development strategies. 6 Tables, 24 References.

Sociologists have shown the presence of statistically significant associations between changing economic conditions and rates of imprisonment in a number of countries characterized by common law systems. Furthermore, these associations do not seem to be mediated by changing rates of criminal behavior. This article considers the possibility that the same relationships exist in a civil law society, Italy, for the period 1896–1965. It then goes on to highlight an hypothesis and possible test to explain the nature of these associations, based on the intervening role of public opinion.

A description of the recommendations of a 1976 ad hoc committee for social sciences, set up by the European Science Foundation to develop strategies for a European social sciences community. Proposals were developed with regard to: (1) information-data networks & public opinion polls, (2) training-a network of postgraduate institutions & a system of European fellowships, (3) research-funds & support for cooperative, transnational research projects, & (4) general promotion-periodicals, prizes, fellowships for sabbaticals, & creation of a European Center for Policy Studies. 1 Figure. P. Montgomery.

A fruitful approach to studying environmental management is the analysis of industry-government relationships. Policy is defined and translated into action in this context. We find that industrial managers legitimize government regulation of industrial water use. However, the pattern of responses suggests that some of the support may be based on economic self-interest and industry's ability to control agency action. Managers legitimize a policy-setting role for federal agencies and an enforcement role for local and state government. The role of public opinion in industry-agency relationships is also discussed.

Acknowledgments -- Map of Southern Europe -- Introduction: Southern Europe and the making of a global revolutionary South -- Conspiracy and military careers in the Napoleonic Wars -- Pronunciamentos and the military origins of the revolutions -- Civil wars: armies, guerrilla warfare and mobilization in the rural world -- National wars of liberation and the end of the revolutionary experiences -- Crossing the Mediterranean: volunteers, mercenaries, refugees -- Re-conceiving territories: the revolutions as territorial crises -- Electing parliamentary assemblies -- Petitioning in the name of the constitution -- Shaping public opinion -- Taking control of public space -- A counterrevolutionary public sphere? The popular culture of absolutism -- Christianity against despotism -- A revolution within the Church -- Epilogue: Unfinished business. The Age of Revolutions after the 1820s -- Chronology -- Bibliography -- Index.

Entre 1996 y 2000 tuvo lugar una vasta operación de privatizaciones que redujo sustancialmente el tamaño del sector público empresarial español. Este proceso ocupó un lugar central en la defensa que el Partido Popular hizo de su tarea de gobierno, siendo presentado como eje de la gran reforma de la economía española finisecular. En este texto se ofrece una visión general del tratamiento periodístico de las privatizaciones para esbozar algunas reflexiones sobre su el impacto del proceso y de los discursos creados a su alrededor en la opinión pública y en, lo que podríamos llamar, «cultura político-económica». Con este fin, se realiza, en primer lugar, un acercamiento global a las privatizaciones en Europa entre 1981 y 2000. A continuación se evalúan los artículos aparecidos en la prensa sobre la enajenación global de empresas y participaciones estatales en España a partir de 1996. En tercer lugar se efectúan ciertas consideraciones sobre la configuración de la opinión pública y su relación con las opiniones en la sociedad. Por último se valora la política de privatizaciones a la luz de lo anterior, subrayando las asimetrías entre su presentación programática y su desarrollo en términos discursivos. ; Between 1996 and 2000 an ampie operation of privatization took place, that reduced substantially the seize of the public sector companies in Spain. This process held a central position in the defence of its governmental achievements by the Partido Popular, and was presented as the axis of the great Spanish economic reform at the turn of the century. In this text a general visión of the media treatment of privatizations is presented, in order to introduce some reflections upon the impact of the sales and the discourses produced to justify them on the public opinión and on what we can cali «political-economic culture». To do so, the article gives, to start with, a general approach to privatizations in Europe between 1981 and 2000. In the second place, press articles on the general sale of companies and public participations after 1996 are analysed. In the third place a brief consideraron of public opinión changes and their relationship with opinions in society is undertaken. Finally the text deals with the the policy of privatization from the previously developed points of view, underlining the asymetries between the initially announced aims and the subsequent discoursive defence of the overall process.

Militaries are sustained by public money that is diverted away from other domestic ends. How the public react to the "guns-versus-butter" trade-off is thus an important question in understanding the microfoundations of Chinese military power. However, there are few studies on public attitudes towards military spending in China, whose rising power has been a grave concern to many policymakers around the world. We fielded a national online survey to investigate the nature of public support for military spending in China. We find that Chinese citizens support military spending in the abstract, but their support diminishes when considered alongside other domestic spending priorities. We also find that public support for military spending coexists surprisingly with anti-war sentiments and a significant strain of isolationism. In addition, while the conventional wisdom suggests that nationalism moves a state towards bellicosity and war, we find that Chinese citizens with a stronger sense of national pride report stronger anti-war sentiments than other citizens. (China Q / GIGA)

From the Publisher: Americans today "know" that a majority of the population supports the death penalty, that half of all marriages end in divorce, and that four out of five prefer a particular brand of toothpaste. Through statistics like these, we feel that we understand our fellow citizens. But remarkably, such data-now woven into our social fabric-became common currency only in the last century. Sarah Igo tells the story, for the first time, of how opinion polls, man-in-the-street interviews, sex surveys, community studies, and consumer research transformed the United States public. Igo argues that modern surveys, from the Middletown studies to the Gallup Poll and the Kinsey Reports, projected new visions of the nation: authoritative accounts of majorities and minorities, the mainstream and the marginal. They also infiltrated the lives of those who opened their doors to pollsters, or measured their habits and beliefs against statistics culled from strangers. Survey data underwrote categories as abstract as "the average American" and as intimate as the sexual self. With a bold and sophisticated analysis, Igo demonstrates the power of scientific surveys to shape Americans' sense of themselves as individuals, members of communities, and citizens of a nation. Tracing how ordinary people argued about and adapted to a public awash in aggregate data, she reveals how survey techniques and findings became the vocabulary of mass society-and essential to understanding who we, as modern Americans, think we are

Political cartoon as an artistic and opinion expression is accompanied by a series of daily social, political and imaginary antecedents that enhance the construction and understanding of social reality. Thus, it is important to understand the way in which this means of communication potentiates the understanding of a fact, situation or historical moment. The satire, the mockery and the graphic line that each artist gives contributes to a specific understanding of the world. The point of view, in this case that of Julio César González (Matador), in the cartoons has represented a singular format that points directly to the country's politics. During the years in which his cartoons have been published in the newspaper El Tiempo, they have shown not only their critical attitude towards corruption, injustice and politics, but also they have become a reference for those who want to "understand" the scope of a media topic. In this way, the complete analysis of his work, which includes politicians, issues and complaints, makes it possible to recognize a lack of political culture in the country, and this is the reason why people are deceived by wrong ideas and messages in the face of social and political reality, as happened on October 2, 2016 in the plebiscite. This work then seeks to analyze the historical facts that are represented by the cartoons published in the newspaper El Tiempo and more specifically those found in the illustrated book Matando el tiempo by the publisher Intermedio, launched in 2016. From this book, 40 cartoons will be extracted. These cartoons highlight the political role of important well-known persons or moments that had transcendental significance in political life and marked the situation for Matador to shape public opinion. In this way, it is intended to understand the social reality of the country, by analyzing theories that allow an approach to how people and/or the cartoonist himself feel regarding the country in a given moment and how these artistic expressions in turn affect the ...

Sentiment, judgments and expressed positions are crucial concepts across international relations and the social sciences more generally. Yet, contemporary quantitative research has conventionally avoided the most direct and nuanced source of this information: political and social texts. In contrast, qualitative research has long relied on the patterns in texts to understand detailed trends in public opinion, social issues, the terms of international alliances, and the positions of politicians. Yet, qualitative human reading does not scale to the accelerating mass of digital information available currently. Researchers are in need of automated tools that can extract meaningful opinions and judgments from texts. Thus, there is an emerging opportunity to marry the model-based, inferential focus of quantitative methodology, as exemplified by ideal point models, with high resolution, qualitative interpretations of language and positions. We suggest that using alternatives to simple bag of words (BOW) representations and re-focusing on aspect-sentiment representations of text will aid researchers in systematically extracting people's judgments and what is being judged at scale. The experimental results below show that our approach which automates the extraction of aspect and sentiment MWE pairs, outperforms BOW in classification tasks, while providing more interpretable parameters. By connecting expressed sentiment and the aspects being judged, PULSAR (Parsing Unstructured Language into Sentiment-Aspect Representations) also has deep implications for understanding the underlying dimensionality of issue positions and ideal points estimated with text. Our approach to parsing text into aspects-sentiment expressions recovers both expressive phrases (akin to categorical votes), as well as the aspects that are being judged (akin to bills). Thus, PULSAR or future systems like it, open up new avenues for the systematic analysis of high-dimensional opinions and judgments at scale within existing ideal point models.

ouvrage collectif issu d'un colloque internationale oragnisé à Nantes sur la citoyenneté européenne ; International audience ; L'Union européenne a mis en place une politique de communication visant à instaurer un « espace public européen » (Dacheux 2003). Derrière cette politique volontariste se trouve l'idée – défendue avec talent par J. Habermas - que l'espace public est un espace de médiation politique et que cette médiation passe aujourd'hui essentiellement par une médiatisation. Or, cette réduction implicite de l'espace public politique à l'espace médiatique est remis en cause par l'étude attentive de l'espace public Suisse. Étude qui montre que, d'une part, la communication politique ne se réduit pas aux interactions entre médias, opinion publique et élus, ce que soulignait déjà J.M. Ferry (1989) et qu'il convient donc d'analyse d'autres constructions symboliques médiatiques comme les mythes par exemple ; et qui montre, d'autre part, que l'espace public est aussi un lieu concret d'engagement, ce qu'ont montré parfaitement les manifestants de la place Tahrir. Pour penser les problèmes spécifiques de la construction européenne, il convient donc de s'appuyer sur des études empiriques de manière à faire évoluer une pensée habermassienne toujours fertile mais parfois un peu trop aveugle aux évolutions concrètes des espaces publics vécus.

ouvrage collectif issu d'un colloque internationale oragnisé à Nantes sur la citoyenneté européenne ; International audience ; L'Union européenne a mis en place une politique de communication visant à instaurer un « espace public européen » (Dacheux 2003). Derrière cette politique volontariste se trouve l'idée – défendue avec talent par J. Habermas - que l'espace public est un espace de médiation politique et que cette médiation passe aujourd'hui essentiellement par une médiatisation. Or, cette réduction implicite de l'espace public politique à l'espace médiatique est remis en cause par l'étude attentive de l'espace public Suisse. Étude qui montre que, d'une part, la communication politique ne se réduit pas aux interactions entre médias, opinion publique et élus, ce que soulignait déjà J.M. Ferry (1989) et qu'il convient donc d'analyse d'autres constructions symboliques médiatiques comme les mythes par exemple ; et qui montre, d'autre part, que l'espace public est aussi un lieu concret d'engagement, ce qu'ont montré parfaitement les manifestants de la place Tahrir. Pour penser les problèmes spécifiques de la construction européenne, il convient donc de s'appuyer sur des études empiriques de manière à faire évoluer une pensée habermassienne toujours fertile mais parfois un peu trop aveugle aux évolutions concrètes des espaces publics vécus.

The instruments of power used by the United States to achieve its hegemonic interests have been updated. In the academic, doctrinal and political-media debate, the terminology of war has adopted different names in recent years, including hybrid warfare, to characterize an increasingly complex and multiform phenomenon. With the irruption of the new information and communication technologies, the informational component of the war acquires an even more relevant dimension as powerful interference tools are developed in the digital public space. In several recent political events, the deployment of these machines for manipulating public opinion has been verified with the utmost impunity. Due to the bitter class struggle in the internal context and in its external sovereign projection, Venezuela has become a laboratory for the experimentation of these new instruments as part of what has been called a continuous coup. The Bolivarian leadership has shown the ability to counteract these actions supported by popular mobilization, the civic-military union and its external alliances. ; Los instrumentos de poder utilizados por Estados Unidos para el logro de sus intereses hegemónicos se han ido actualizando. En el debate académico, doctrinario y político-mediático, la terminología de la guerra ha adoptado en los últimos años diferentes denominaciones, incluida la de guerra híbrida, para caracterizar un fenómeno cada vez más complejo y multiforme. Con la irrupción de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones, el componente informacional de la guerra adquiere una dimensión aún más relevante al desarrollarse poderosas herramientas injerencistas en el espacio público digital. En varios acontecimientos políticos recientes se ha comprobado el despliegue de estas máquinas de manipulación de la opinión pública con la más absoluta impunidad. Debido a la enconada lucha de clases en el contexto interno y en su proyección soberana externa, Venezuela se ha convertido en laboratorio para la experimentación de estos ...