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Under ex ante access regulation entrants often claim that access fees are excessive. I show that this is only the case if further entry is admitted. If the entrant is protected from further entry it would agree with the incumbent upon a strictly positive access fee which may exceed the efficient level. Ex post regulation facilitates this type of collusion and should be abandoned.

Peace Education is considered to be an important pillar in preventing armed conflict and promoting positive peace. The aim of this article is to understand if education systems help development of peace processes in post-conflict settings and if the idea of implementing Peace Education into the formal curriculum could advance prospects for peace. In the paper three case studies are investigated more deeply – Japan, Germany and the South Caucasus. The article uses secondary sources to present the issue. The literature review includes academic books, articles, and official declarations of international organizations. The paper concludes that examples of integrating Peace Education principles in formal school education curriculums are not numerous, and the lack of a comprehensive data on Peace Education around the world could have been the reason that prevented governments from seeing the importance of implementing Peace Education within their national education systems.

The idea of a public sphere has long been central to discussion of political communication. Its present condition is the topic of this essay. Debate about the public sphere has been shaped by the boundary-policing of competing political systems and ideologies. Current discussion reflects the accelerating transition from the mass media era to the ramifying entrenchment of the Internet age. It has also been influenced by the vogue for analysing populism. The present transitional phase, whose outcome remains unclear, is best described as an unstable 'post-public sphere'. This instability is not unusual as, over time, conceptions of the public sphere's underpinnings and scope have continually shifted. Latterly, states' responses to the development of the Internet have given rise to a new shift of focus, a 'regulatory turn'. This is likely to influence the future shape of the public sphere.

The idea of a public sphere has long been central to discussion of political communication. Its present condition is the topic of this essay. Debate about the public sphere has been shaped by the boundary-policing of competing political systems and ideologies. Current discussion reflects the accelerating transition from the mass media era to the ramifying entrenchment of the internet age. It has also been influenced by the vogue for analysing populism. The present transitional phase, whose outcome remains unclear, is best described as an unstable 'post-public sphere'. This instability is not unusual as, over time, conceptions of the public sphere's underpinnings and scope have continually shifted. Latterly, states' responses to the development of the internet have given rise to a new shift of focus, a 'regulatory turn'. This is likely to influence the future shape of the public sphere.

The best way to think about political legitimacy in the European Union is to consider it as the product of the mutual support provided by the legitimation resources of the member states and of supranational bodies. This parallelism between different sources of legitimation is an indispensable element of multi-level governance. Integration in this sense does not release democratic states committed to the rule of law from their obligation to subject political rule to legitimacy; rather, it gives the state a central role. Consequently, the task of the EU is not to overcome the democratic state but to shape structures of discourse that go beyond states. This kind of "post-emotive" understanding of the EU takes due account of the Union's fragmented societal foundations, and has the potential to guarantee a continuous process of political communication. Adapted from the source document.

The legal version of post-modernism has not failed to challenge comparative law. It points out that, traditionally, comparatists have participated in a project of objectivity, universalism and neutrality of law, of which the "new" approach to comparative law is altogether sceptical.1In the era of globalisation, both the discipline and its critique have gained relevance. What the transition of post-socialist countries and the unification of Europe have effected regionally, globalisation now accomplishes on a global scale: it creates desires for harmonisation and, as a pre-requisite, legal comparison. However, not only the technical function of comparative law is needed, but also its critical potential. In the process of globalisation, different legal systems and different cultures are confronted with each other and must interact. This provokes new questions about the options and limits of comparative law and legal unification, regarding, for instance, the applicability of specific moral and legal standards to other cultures by comparatists and law-makers. These questions are all the more pressing as we begin to realise that governing globalisation, in particular economic globalisation, with the help of global law perhaps requires a concept of a global legal order which is based on a "global legal pluralism".2

Over two years have passed since the Japanese peace treaty came into effect and Japan once again embarked on a relatively independent course. In view of the unprecedented scope and method of the Allied Occupation, many divergent postaudits can be expected to emerge in the near future dealing with the relative success or failure of Occupation reforms and with post-treaty revisions made by the Japanese government. Such studies can be valuable for the understanding both of Japanese domestic politics and of American policy toward Japan.It is the purpose of this paper to analyze some results of a two-pronged voter and leadership survey of post-treaty Japanese political opinion made by the author between the fall of 1952 and the late summer of 1953. Few scholars would be bold enough to draw final conclusions on the Occupation from a one-year study of Japanese opinion, but history's verdict on the subject will be determined largely by native opinion rather than by the theorizing of foreign observers. And, in the first year after the treaty, certain patterns of Japanese opinion crystallized sufficiently to permit us to make tentative conclusions about Japanese revisionist attitudes.

Cultural regeneration : Mosley and the Union Movement / Janet Dack -- History and cultural heritage : the far right and the "Battle for Britain" / Steven Woodbridge -- Cultures of space : spatialising the National Front / Thomas Linehan -- Securing the future of our race : women in the culture of the modern-day BNP / Martin Durham -- British neo-Nazi fiction : Colin Jordan's Merrie England, 2000 and The uprising / Paul Jackson -- When popular culture met the far right : cultural encounters with post-war British fascism / Nigel Copsey -- Subcultural style : fashion and Britain's extreme right / Emily Turner-Graham -- British, European and white : cultural constructions of identity in post-war British fascist music / Ryan Shaffer -- Nazi punks folk off : leisure, nationalism, cultural identity and the consumption of metal and folk music / Karl Spracklin -- The "cultic milieu" of Britain's "New Right" : meta-political fascism in contemporary Britain / Graham Macklin -- "Cultural-Marxism" and the British National Party : a transnational discourse / John E. Richardson.

An America in which the color of one's skin no longer matters would be unprecedented. With the election of President Barack Obama, that future suddenly seemed possible. Obama's rise reflects a nation of fluid populations and fortunes, a society in which a biracial individual could be embraced as a leader by all.Yet complicating this vision are the shifting demographics, rapid redefinitions of race, and instant invention of brands, trends, and identities that determine how we think about ourselves and the place of others. This collection of original essays confronts the premise, advanced by bl

International experience in combating corruption is relatively easily identify the causes and single out the societies with high levels of corruption in their bureaucracies and private sectors. It is much more difficult to prescribe effective remedies and even more problematic to get new approaches applied in an appropriate and sustained fashion. This is particularly true with respect to the post-communist countries that embarked on the road of transition to a new economic and political reality over a decade ago. Making significant advances along this road has turned out to be much more difficult than expected at the beginning and has revealed risks and obstacles not anticipated. The article explores to what extent the task of containing corruption was on the agenda of public management reforms in these countries, the impact of these reforms on the level of corruption, if any, and seeks to identify more effective approaches for combating corruption in transitional states.

CARIM-East: Creating an Observatory of Migration East of Europe. ; This paper uses, as its starting point, the argument that integration presupposes reciprocity. On the basis of secondary qualitative data analysis, the paper examines reintegration practices in post-Soviet countries where the State is said to be a weak provider of integration. The purpose is to explore inter-regional differences and major critical issues in existing reintegration practices. To achieve this, the paper looks at the expectations to integration held by the European Commission, evaluates the reintegration practices in the former Soviet Union against the EU standards, and makes intra-regional comparisons based on the EU standards. Placing Georgia and Ukraine at the low extreme across the reintegration continuum, the constructed Reintegration Barometer locates the best reintegration country of Armenia halfway far from the theoretical/utopian ideal of the European Union. ; CARIM-East is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

Ideology is one of the foundations of authoritative regimes and forms the image of their leaders. Using Uzbekistan as an example, A. March comes to the conclusion that the ideological system imposed by the state has a tangible impact on society, even one that has already lived at one time under the communist ideology. Based on an analysis of several special features of the development of the post-Communist countries (and several others), the conclusion is drawn that during a political regime change, the population can be ideologically "reset." After a new ideology has been repeatedly fed to the people over the span of several years, it becomes a conscious or subconscious element of society's mindset. Thus ideology plays a significant role in stateand nation-building, particular after the formation of new states or territorial units. The new system forms in several interdependent dimensions. The first, chronologically, is historical ideology. The existence of a historical past that goes back into antiquity sets a nation or nationality above others (usually its neighbors). Research studies in this area are leading to the rapid development of archeology and myth creation about antiquity. Another goal of historical ideology is searching for the most significant periods in history of a certain territory (or nation) which are frequently associated with certain outstanding personalities: "great" nations are regarded as the predecessors of present-day territorial units, and heroes are associated with the leaders of the most recent times (presidents or monarchs), which largely determines the ideology of modern states. As early as Soviet times, studies of the ancient historical past turned into a "struggle over the oldest settlement" in this or another Central Asian republic, whereby the number of celebrations in honor of "the founding of a City" has only increased in the post-Soviet era. In this way, based on the "latest studies," the history of several towns proved older that people thought. Building a modern nation is the second dimension of the ideological system (based on its national and territorial past), which frequently leads to denial of the previous regime. In this way, such "modernization" in post-Soviet countries is turning into denial of the Soviet regime and is manifested differently in each of them. Attempts are being made to introduce modern power institutions and advanced technology (often at any cost), rebuild cities (mainly capitals), democratize society (keeping in mind local national traits), and incorporate other innovations; the regime strives to become "modern." These ways of forming a new system lead to the people identifying the presidents of the new states with historical heroes and sometimes idolizing them (as in the case of the first Turkmen president). Presidents become the guarantors of contemporary development and stability, which in the conditions of the authoritarian regimes of Central Asia (CA) promotes the emergence of personality cults. This article will take a look at these phenomena (the personality cult and its development) based on the example of Tajikistan. An analysis will be conducted of the political portrait of Tajik President Emomali Rakhmonov (Rakhmon) drawn by his ideologists and "court" journalists on the pages of official publications. Particular attention will be given to his ancestry and a description of his personality and activity during his time as a statesman. Running ahead, it can be noted that a certain idealized virtual portrait of president Rakhmon has been created in the sources used.

Chapter 1. A Brief History of Bosnia and Bosnian Education - Brotherhood and Unity -- Chapter 2. Global Trends in Post-Conflict and Post-Socialist Education - Reshaping the Future -- Chapter 3. Dayton Implementation to European Integration -- Chapter 4. Post-Conflict education in BiH-Education for Democracy -- Chapter 5. Divided Education - Education in Ethnic Cylinders -- Chapter 6. International Community Involvement in Education in BiH - Stumbling in the Dark -- Chapter 7. Higher Education Reform - From Recovery to Bologna -- Chapter 8. Conclusions and What's Next for BiH