Tutkimus käsittelee kolmen pakistanilaisen naisen omaelämäkerrallisia tekstejä jälkikoloniaalisesta, materialistis-feministisestä teoreettisesta näkökulmasta. Se kartoittaa naisten tapoja kirjoittaa uudelleen Pakistanin poliittista historiaa, ajoittaa sen merkkihetkiä ja niiden vaihtoehtoisia varjotapahtumia, joita yksi tutkittavista, Sara Suleri, kutsuu varjodynastioiksi. Paikoitellen varjotapahtumat johtavat karnevalistiseen kuvaukseen yksityisistä aisti-iloista, mutta ne voivat myös tuottaa strategisia muistinmenetyksiä ja hiljaisuuksia. Tutkimustekstien kriittisimmät ajanjaksot ovat vuoden 1971 Bangladeshin itsenäistymisen jälkeinen kansallinen kriisitila ja vuosien 1977-88 Zia ul-Haqin sotilasdiktatuurin aika. Bangladeshin sotaan liittyy aktiivisen vastarinnan, häpeän ja elämää suojelevan hiljaisuuden momentteja. Episodi kiteytyy vereksi ja lihaksi bengalilaissyntyisen Begum Shaista Ikramullah n kieltäytymisessä kirjoittaa koko sodasta ja sitä seuraavassa kahden vuosikymmenen kirjallisessa tauossa. Vuodet 1977-88 olivat Benazir Bhutton vankilatuomioiden, maastapaon ja maanalaisen poliittisen toiminnan yliopisto, mutta jakso synnytti myös maan ensimmäisen valtakunnallisen naisliikkeen protestina naisia sortavaa islamilaista lainsäädäntöä vastaan. Benazir Bhutton henkilöhahmossa tiivistyi maan feministien tulevaisuuden toivo, mutta hän ei valtaan päästyään saavuttanut naisliikkeen esittämiä tavoitteita. Tutkittavat kolme naista eivät pelkästään kuvaa kansallisia kriisejä ja ääritilanteita, vaan kutsuvat lukijansa osallistumaan Pakistanin ylemmän keskiluokan ja eliitin arkeen. Heille yliopistokoulutus ja julkinen ura eivät ole olleet pitkän taistelun lopputulos, vaan jotain, jota heidän luokka-asemansa on mahdollistanut ja jopa jotain, jota heiltä on odotettu. Työ johdattelee lukijansa naisten vallan käytäville politiikassa ja yliopistomaailmassa, mutta samalla muistuttaa tekstien toisista , suuresta pakistanilaisesta nais- ja miesenemmistöstä, jotka eivät kirjoita omaelämäkertoja. Millaisia luokka- ja sukupuoliulottuvuuksia luku- ja kirjoitustaidolla, koulutuksella ja kirjallisella toiminnalla on jälkikoloniaalisessa Pakistanin kansallisvaltiossa? Kenelle tutkimani tekstit ovat tärkeitä samastumisen ja voimistamisen lähteitä? Mikä on tekstien materiaalinen konteksti ja millaista elämää ne ovat eläneet toisten käsissä julkaisunsa jälkeen? Mitkä ovat itse tekstien varjodynastiat? Muistin ja tunteiden politiikka viittaa odotusten ja pettymysten, toivon ja epätoivon väliseen dialektiikkaan, jota on havaittavissa kaikissa poliittisissa kulttuureissa. Omaelämäkerrallisissa teksteissä poliittisuus on jotain vapaasti luettavissa ja tulkittavissa olevaa: lukija voi päättää osallistumisensa tason ja intensiteetin. Lukukokemus on kohtaaminen, jolla voi olla laajojakin eettisiä ja maailmanpoliittisia seurauksia. Henkilöhistorian lisäksi omaelämäkertoja voi pitää kutsuina opiskelemaan tekstien poliittista, kulttuurista ja historiallista kontekstia. Metodologiset valinnat pohjautuvat mm. Edward Saidin ajatukseen kontrapunktisesta luennasta ja Teresa de Lauretisin feministisen uudelleenkirjoittamisen ehdotukseen. Kontrapunktien etsiminen merkitsee pakistanilaisten naisten tekstien lukemista yhdessä ja ristiin esimerkiksi muiden eteläaasialaisten tai muslimimaiden naiskirjailijoiden kanssa, maailman tuomista sisään yhteen kansalliseen kontekstiin. Feministinen uudelleenkirjoitus merkitsee globaalien ja paikallisten valtarakenteiden kriittistä tarkastelua niiden sisältä. Se avaa myös mahdollisuuden fiktiivisten ilmaisumuotojen sisällyttämiseen tutkimustekstiin. Työ kutsuu pohtimaan feministitutkijan osallisuutta ja toimijuutta toisten naisten omaelämäkertojen ja kulttuurien varjostajana. Fiktiivisten tyylikeinojen käyttö ei ole vain esteettinen valinta, vaan pyrkimys antaa sanoja kokemuksille ja tunteille, joita on vaikea tavoittaa akateemisen kirjoittamisen konventioiden kautta. ; The study explores three Pakistani women's life-writing from a postcolonial, materialist-feminist theoretical perspective. It maps women's ways to rewrite the country's political history and to locate its key episodes and their counterpoints, or what one of the researched, Sara Suleri, calls shadow dynasties, in historical time. In other words, the three women do not only portray national triumphs, crises and emergencies but invite the readers to participate in the everyday life of the Pakistani political élite and upper middle class. The study invites its readers to enter the corridors of women's power in politics and academic life, but it also reminds them of the texts' "others", the great majority of Pakistani women and men who do not publish autobiographical texts. In other words, what kinds of gender and class dimensions do literacy, education and literary activities have in the postcolonial Islamic Republic of Pakistan? What are the texts' shadow dynasties? Methodologically, I rely on Edward Said's idea of contrapuntal reading and Teresa de Lauretis' strategic suggestion for feminist rewriting. The study looks for counterpoints to the women's texts from women writers in other Muslim countries and South Asia and thus attempts to bring the world into a local, national context. Feminist rewriting means the analysis of global and local power relations from the inside. The study narrates the feminist researcher's postcolonial complicity and agency in front of other women's life-writing from other cultural spheres. What kinds of global and local political effects can a cross-cultural study of life-writing have in the present conjuncture?
As late back as 1993, Ahmed noted that many Muslims voiced concern of the negative representation of Islam and Muslims by the Western media. However, following on from such incidents as the Rushdie affair, the first Gulf War and 9/11, interest in media representations of Islam have grown. An ever‐increasing body of research has argued that the images, representations and discourses relating to Islam and Muslims in mainstream Western media tend to be negative and hostile (Poole and Richardson 2006). Various studies have examined the specific relationship between media and Islam (Ahmed 1993; Runnymede Trust 1997); the representations of Muslim minorities in the West (Allen 2005; Poole 2002) and others on Muslims and Islam in the global media (Poole and Richardson 2006; Zelizer and Allan 2002). Ideologically, these constructions can be traced back the expansion of Western imperialism where a dichotomy of 'West' versus 'East' was constructed (Said 1978).The following suggested reading list provides a starting point for researchers that are interested in exploring issues of representation and minority groups. This is not an exhaustive list but provides some of the fundamental texts that help us to understand the relationship between one minority group in the West (i.e. Muslims) and their representations in the media.The reading list is constructed in the following way. First, it presents key cultural theory (i.e. Orientalism) and relates this to issues of 'race'. Second, it examines the link between media research on minority groups and representations of Muslims/Islam. Finally, it provides some background knowledge on Muslims/Islam within the West.Suggested textsCultural theorySaid, Edward 1978. Orientalism. London, UK: Penguin (republished, 2003 and 2005).Edward Said's Orientalism (1978) is a theory that has transformed the ways in which power relations between West and East can be understood. This explores the ideas that have become embedded in Western culture through history that justify imperialism/colonialism on the basis that the West is viewed as superior to the East. Within the book, Said offers three major claims. First, he describes Orientalism as an objective, disinterested and esoteric set of ideas, the overall function of which is to serve political ends. These, for example, provided an ideological justification for Orientalist scholars to allow Europeans to take over Oriental lands. Second, Said looks at how these tools are important in helping Europe to define its image and to establish and maintain opposites and others. On this basis, Europe was given its own cultural and intellectual superiority over Islamic cultures, and this led the West to see the Islamic culture as static both in place and time. Third, Said points out that Orientalism has produced a false description of Islamic cultures, including a belief that that it is possible to unconditionally define the essential qualities of a whole Islamic culture and the people within it. The qualities of this culture are usually defined in negative terms.The following link provides a summary by Said on the new edition of Orientalism: http://books.guardian.co.uk/review/story/0,12084,1010417,00.html (last accessed 24 June 2008)Ferguson, Robert 1998. Representing 'Race': Ideology, Identity, and the Media. London, UK: Arnold.The operations of ideology in the media are also discussed in Representing 'Race'. Ferguson argues that the study of 'race' and the media cannot be seriously undertaken without engaging with theories of ideology and without an awareness of contemporary theoretical work, such as approaches to Orientalism, hegemony and critical discourse analysis. Ferguson also highlights the danger of accepting at face value socially constructed and ideologically charged notions such as 'race'. The book also provides a useful summary and critique of Orientalism and applies various concepts to case studies within the media.For a good analysis of how hegemony, representation and notions of 'race' are intertwined that draws upon Ferguson's work, see the following: Can Gramsci's theory of hegemony help us to understand the representation of ethnic minorities in western television and cinema? By Reena Mistry at http://www.theory.org.uk/ctr‐rol6.htm (last accessed 24 June 2008).Media and 'race'Cottle, Simon 2000. Ethnic Minorities and the Media: Changing Cultural Boundaries. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press.This key text brings together international researchers who have investigated some of the latest issues, debates and examples informing the field of ethnic minorities and the media. It provides a useful opening chapter that reviews the developments within this field. It also explores changes in media representations as well as different approaches that examine discourse, production and identity and debates within broader media theory such those about the media' role as the public sphere.Van Dijk, Teun 1991. Racism and the Press. London, UK: Sage.Van Dijk notes that most white people have very little contact with ethnic minorities and that their attitudes towards ethnic groups are therefore influenced on this basis by the media. He states that the media play a central role in the reproduction of racism in Western countries. Using discourse analysis, his book investigates the nature of the existence of racism through an analysis of statements on racial/ethnic relations found within the Dutch and British press. Van Dijk links the idea of 'primary definers' to the notion that the media constitute an 'elite' in society. Whilst accepting that the media represent conflicts over these ideas that include the voices of other social actors, he argues that in terms of race and ethnicity, an ethnic consensus is prevalent here. Van Dijk notes that the media constitute a cultural elite, and as the experts in matters of 'formulation' (and re‐formulation), the media produce the dominant discourse environment of a racist society.A collection Van Dijk's work on racism, discourse analysis and media can be found on the following web site: http://www.discourses.org Representations of Islam/muslims in the mediaPoole, Elizabeth 2002. Reporting Islam: Media Representations of British Muslims. London, UK: I.B. Tauris.Poole examines the claim that Muslims are negatively represented in the British press. She argues that media images of Muslims are informed by official definitions of Islam that serve elite interests and that these change over time to suit political purposes. Orientalist discourses, it is argued here for example, maintain the view of Islam as a coherent, trans‐national monolithic force that has been engaged in a confrontational relationship with the West throughout history. The book makes clear and concise connections between theory and representation and provides excellent examples to illustrate this.Poole, Elizabeth and John Richardson (Eds) 2006. Muslims and the News Media. London, UK: I.B. Tauris.This book examines the role and representations of Muslims in the news media in context of the current discussions of the 'War on Terror'. It includes chapters by both academic authorities and media practitioners and demonstrates how theory can be exemplified in practice. Furthermore, it is set in both a British and international context and recognizes similarities and differences present within coverage from around the globe. From a media perspective, the book clearly explores the connections between national/global context, content, production and different audiences (Muslim and non‐Muslim) and looks also at how Muslim media is organized and structured.Muslim minorities in the WestModood, Tariq 2006. Multicultural Politics: Racism, Ethnicity and Muslims in Britain. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.In Multicultural Politics, Tariq Modood explores how much of the 'blame' for the failure of multiculturalism has been attached to Islamic culture's incompatibility with the 'democratic' principles of the West. Arguing that the old 'racial' division of black–white has been complicated by factors such as cultural racism and the rise of Islamophobia, the book moves to chart these developments within the British context whilst also paying attention to global political developments. The book has an impressive range of topics covered such as 'race', racism, Islamophobia, the multicultural debate and even summarizes broader relevant cultural theory.Films, videos and on‐line sourcesVisual sources are an excellent teaching method that can be employed to explain theories of 'race' and media representation. Rather than concentrate on 'actual' films, videos online material that may considered Islamophobic the following provides academic and more critical sources that may be useful for teaching issues of Islam, Muslims, minority representation and even 'race'.Edward Said: On Orientalism (1998)In this documentary, Said talks about the context within which his book was conceived, its main themes and how its original thesis and ideas still relate to a contemporary understanding of 'the Orient' that is represented in the mass media and wider public politics.A brief version of the documentary can be found here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xwCOSkXR_Cw http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BjlRR‐qRkcc (last accessed 26 June 2008)Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People (2008)Race, the Floating Signifier: Featuring Stuart Hall (2006)Stuart Hall discusses the concept of 'race' and how race is represented and naturalized in the media. This interview gives relevant examples to help to understand the concept of mediated representations. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7cxBOdBoxpg&feature=related (last accessed June 26 2008)A documentary supported by the Media Education Forum based on academic research on how Muslims/Islam/Arabs are represented (and treated as a homogenous group) by Hollywood. It builds upon media representations of various minority groups and then looks specifically at similarities and differences in Arab portrayalsThe trailer and a brief version of the documentary can be found at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ko_N4BcaIPY http://www.democracynow.org/2007/10/19/reel_bad_arabs_how_hollywood_vilifies (both last accessed 26 June 2008)Online sourcesRace, racism and ethnic minority affairs http://www.cre.gov.uk/ The home page for the Commission for Racial Equality provides up to date information on news and current affairs. It also provides links to a variety of other relevant sources form the media to black history groups. http://www.irr.org.uk The Institute of Race Relations (IRR) was established as an independent educational charity in 1958 to carry out research, publish and collect resources on race relations throughout the world. This website contains links to academic research, policy research and also media stories that are relevant to anyone interested in the area of 'race' and ethnicity. It also published the highly respected journal 'Race and Class'. http://www.islamophobia‐watch.com/islamophobia‐watch/ The above link also provides useful information on examples of racist and Islamaphobic sources that maybe useful for teaching or illuminating theories. I have purposefully not included the original links to many of these because they are, in my opinion, racist. http://www.guardian.co.uk/race The Guardian has a link to a database of back issues of relevant race articles. These include information on media representations and provide links to a variety of other sources as well as events/topics such as 9/11 and Asylum Issues. http://www.johnpilger.com/ This site contains articles on a variety of opinions from the respected author John Pilger. Much of this is relevant to issues of 'race' and ethnicity. http://www.insted.co.uk/islam.html The above links to a full text of the commission's 2004 report, plus also some extracts from it, including Islamophobia and Race Relations and Debate and Disagreement. http://www.fairuk.org/ Useful range of recent newspaper articles and several valuable fact sheets.Sample SyllabusModule justificationIt is clear that as issues of race, ethnicity and religion are as crucial to the 21st century as at any time in human history. We need to build clear understanding of these topics as well as an awareness of how they have evolved into present debates. Many of these debates and issues have invoked the use of racial, ethnic or national terminology but the discussion is not always fashioned around theories of 'old' racism but around concepts of 'new' racism.Whilst traditional notions of racism may have been challenged, these have been replaced in the West by fears of minority cultures, especially fear of Muslims. Following the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, the subsequent War on Terrorism has in some quarters been debated in terms of a clash of civilisations invoking representations of the 'Others' and based on historical conceptions of the 'Orient'.Furthermore, the European community as a whole is now debating issues of asylum seekers and refugees in what could be argued to be ethnic and racial terms. Thus, there is a need for a module that examines issues of race and ethnicity by linking media representations with theoretical and historical considerations.Section 1 Theories of 'race', racism and the 'other'This reading looks at how the concept of 'race' has been ideologically constructed. This will be done by examining race theory and applying this to historical and contemporary examples.Donald, James 1992. Cultural Identity. London, UK: Sage/Open University.Dyer, Richard 1997. White. London, UK: Routledge.Fryer, Peter 1984. Staying Power: History of Black People in Britain. London, UK: Pluto Press.Gilroy, Paul 1993. Small Acts: thoughts on the politics of black cultures. London, UK: Serpent's Tail.Gilroy, Paul 1987. There Ain't No Black In The Union Jack. London, UK: Hutchinson.Hiro, Dilip 1991. Black British, White British, 2nd edn. London, UK: Grafton Books.Mason, David 1995 Race and Ethnicty in Modern Britain. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.Modood, Tariq 1997 Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage. London, UK: PSI.Solomos, John 1993. Race and Racism in Contemporary Britain. Basingstoke, UK: MacMillan.Solomos John and Les Back 1996. Racism and Society. Basingstoke, UK: MacMillan. Possible Seminar discussion Is racism about class or colour? Would you consider yourself racist? Section 2 'Race' history and imperialismThis reading examines how representations of race and culture are mediated through ideological power and explain this through historical and contemporary examples.Bhabba, Hommi 1990. Nation and Narration. London, UK: Routledge.Fanon, Frantz 1986. Black Skin: White Masks. London, UK: Pluto.Gandhi, Leela 1998. Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.Said, Edward 1978. Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient. London, UK: Penguin Books.Said, Edward 1997. Covering Islam. London, UK: Vintage.Section 3 Islam, Islamophobia and cultural racismThese readings look at how constructions of religion in popular media are increasingly racialised and consider at the case study of Western media representations of Islam and Muslim communities.Ahmed, Akbar 1992. Postmodernism and Islam. London, UK: Routledge.Anthias, Floya and Yuval‐Davis, Nira 1992. Racialized Boundaries. London, UK: Routledge.Ballard, Roger (Ed.) 1994. Desh Pradesh, The South Asian Presence in Britain. London, UK: Hurst and Co.Conway, Gerald 1997. Islamophobia: A Challenge for Us All. London, UK: Runnymede Trust.Modood, Tariq 2006. Multicultural Politics: Racism, Ethnicity and Muslims in Britain. London, UK: I.B. Tauris.Said, Edward 1978. Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient. London, UK: Penguin Books.Said, Edward 1997. Covering Islam. London, UK: Vintage.Note * Correspondence address: Department of Media and Cultural Studies, University of Sunderland, St Peters Campus, SR6 ODD. Email: amir.saeed@sunderland.ac.uk
Azerbaijan is a secular, majority-Shiite, oil and gas-rich country whose per-capita income quadrupled in real terms during the period 2004-10. While rising incomes have reduced poverty, steps towards a more secure, diversified economy are held back by a public sector that rests on vested interests, patronage-based incentive structures, and ingrained patterns of behavior that include significant rent extraction, particularly from the non-oil economy, with minimal checks and balances from Parliament, the private sector, and civil society. Bank engagement in Azerbaijan at the country level focused on areas which had government support. Some modest results have been achieved, even though in many cases modern laws and practices were adopted without adequate plans for implementation. At the project level, the Bank has supported the strengthening of project implementation units (PIUs) and tools for monitoring, and governance and institutional filters have signaled that Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) processes need to be embedded in the Bank projects. At the sector level, the Bank's work was highly relevant in supporting oil revenue transparency, primary education, roads, and the development of safeguards. It was substantially relevant in public financial management, and private sector development and procurement. Bank engagement was moderately relevant in decentralization, civil service reform, and accountability institutions.
From nuclear weapons to terrorism, the United States and Iran clash on nearly even front. Yet, it has not always been this way. As recently as 1979, Norwich University, the oldest Senior Military College in the United States, played host to nearly eighty Iranian Midshipmen. Although Norwich's Iranian program was short-lived, it was one of the most successful cultural exchanges in the university's history. In the face of tremendous adversity, Norwich overcame all obstacles and successfully academically, militarily, and socially integrated the Iranian Midshipmen into the Corps of Cadets and the greater Norwich community. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the University Archives category, honorable mention. ; Tribulation, Triumph, and Tragedy: Norwich University's Iranian Program (1976-1979) Joseph C. Chatterton History 249- Historical Methods Dr. Bennett 3, December 2021 Word Count: 3159 1 January 29, 2002, just five months after the most devastating terrorist attacks in American history, in his first State of the Union since the beginning of War on Terror President George W. Bush branded Iran as a member of the so-called Axis of Evil along with the likes of North Korea and Saddam Hussian's Iraq. In one line in particular, President Bush decried the Islamic Republic and made it clear that in his role as Commander and Chief, he regarded Iran as one of America's greatest geopolitical foes stating, "Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror, while an unelected few repress the Iranian people's hope for freedom."1 President Bush's remarks are unsurprising. After all, as recently as May of 2018, prominent Iranian politicians congregated in the hallowed halls of their Parliament to burn American flags and chant "Death to America."2 From nuclear weapons to terrorism, the United States and Iran clash on nearly even front. Yet, it has not always been this way. As recently as 1979, Norwich University, the oldest Senior Military College in the United States, played host to nearly eighty Iranian Midshipmen. Although Norwich's Iranian program was short-lived, it was one of the most successful cultural exchanges in the university's history. In the face of tremendous adversity, Norwich overcame all obstacles and successfully academically, militarily, and socially integrated the Iranian Midshipmen into the Corps of Cadets and the greater Norwich community. In the fifty years since the birth of Iran's Islamic Republic, scholars, historians, and government officials have devoted the vast majority of their analysis on the dramatic collapse of the Shah's regime, the ensuing hostage crisis, and the profound implications it had on American foreign policy. While the significance of this is undeniable, far less research has been done into 1 George W Bush, "2002 State of the Union ," National Archives and Records Administration (National Archives and Records Administration, January 29, 2002), https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/stateoftheunion/2002/. 2 "Iranian Politicians Set Fire to US Flag in Parliament," BBC News (BBC), accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-middle-east-44055625. 2 academic links which bound the two nations, and the effects that the regime's collapse had on the vast number of Iranian students studying in the United States. Norwich's Iranian program was not the first of its kind, however it was the most successful. Similar programs were attempted at other military academies such as at The Virginia Military Institute (VMI) and the Citadel. However, both of these programs were plagued by difficulties. In 1976 Lieutenant Colonel Paul LaFond, the Deputy Commandant of Norwich's Corps of Cadets, visited VMI to observe VMI's Iranian program so that Norwich might draw lessons for the establishment of its own program. Following the trip Colonel LaFond compiled a detailed report. In the report, it becomes quickly evident that the VMI program consistently struggled to successfully integrate the Iranian students. Major flash point included the serving of Pork products during chow time and their "more relaxed idea of the honor code,"3 LaFond ends this memorandum with a section dedicated "Staff, Faculty and Cadre reaction to the Iranian Program." In this section it becomes evident that many prominent leaders of VMI had less than positive things to say about the program. One Cadet advisor remarked, "The Iranians have put a great strain on our system. The school has been weakened." he continued on dramatically stating, "If we had large numbers for very long it could destroy our system."4 Probably the gravest signal that VMI's Iran program was less than successful are the somber closing remarks of the schools highest ranking officials, the Commandant of Cadets: " You will have a severe problem. Are you ready to cope and is it worth it? There will be many problems with your own cadets."5 The first half of this quote is simple enough to analyze. Of course, there will be many general challenges with introducing a large contingent of foreign midshipmen into a military environment such as 3 Paul LaFond. Memorandum to Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 4 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 5 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 3 VMI, yet it is the second part of this quote that really requires some unpacking. What exactly was the Commandant's intent when he stated, "There will be many problems with your own cadets."6 As mentioned previously VMI's Iranian program was notorious for its struggles to integrate the Iranian Midshipmen into their Corps of Cadets, one aspect of this often overlooked is the initial hostility between American Cadets and the Iranian Midshipmen. Earlier in the memorandum VMI's Commandant is quoted to have stated in subsection 5, Discipline and Control, "At first, the 'Old Cadets' harassed the Iranians, and were hard on them. A period of turbulence resulted," he goes on to articulate his point stating that he "cautions, to watch our martinets that they don't cause trouble and states that this type of cadet is particularly frustrated when working with Iranians."7 Although the wording in certain sections of this memorandum can be somewhat confusing for a twenty-first century perspective to comprehend, the general theme is clear, VMI's Iranian program was plagued with trials and tribulations, many of which remained unresolved at the time of its publication. In spite of this evident adversity, Norwich remained resolved to push forward and succeed where VMI failed. With this in mind one must question why Senior Military Colleges such as Norwich placed such an emphasis on creating relations with Iran? For thousands of years Iran has been a strategic regional power. Throughout antiquity the Persian Empire was one of the world's premier powers, and this prominence continued into the Middle Ages. In the 7th century CE, the nation played a vital role in helping to facilitate the spread of Islam from the Arabian peninsula to Central Asia.8 As time progressed the nation's strategic value only grew. During the age of European Imperialism, Iran held a vital role as a 6 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 7 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 8 Kathryn Babayan, "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1/4 (1994): 135–61. 4 buffer between the British lion and the Russian bear.9 By 1879, Iran was a colony within the British Empire in all but name. The Iranian government was forced to grant monopolies on everything from "the construction of railways, canals and irrigation system,"10 to control of the nation's banking system.11 Yet the nation's greatest strategic value laid below its surface. In 1908, as oil was beginning to gradually replace coal as the key to industrialization, foreign interest in the country skyrocketed with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company discovery of black gold beneath the waters of the Persian Gulf.12 Iran entered the Cold War in a very interesting position. Many of its institutions, and much wealth continued to be controlled by foreigners in London and by this point Washington. Understandably this angered many Iranians and many turned to socialist politicians like Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nassar, and in Iran's case Mohammad Mosaddegh. In the general election of 1951 Mosaddegh campaigned on the simple message that Iran must free itself from the British imperial yoke. He would win the Prime Ministership in a landslide, and upon assuming the highest office in the nation he set out to make good on his campaign promise. Symbolically on May Day in 1951, Mosaddegh announced the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. In October of that year he doubled down, expelling all British subjects from the nation. Yet the Western powers did not take kindly to being forcefully evicted from Iran, especially taking into consideration the ongoing Cold War, the nation's strategic geography, and its valuable resources. Thus, the British Intelligence service (MI6) in conjunction with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), began planning for regime change. In August of 1953 Operation Ajax (alternatively known as Operation Boot) successfully ousted the democratically 9 Chris Paine and Erica Schoenberger, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers: 1872-1954." MERIP Reports, no. 37 (1975): 3–28. 10 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 11 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 12 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 5 elected Mosaddegh, and bestowed the on nation's monarch or Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi near absolute power.13 The Shah's Iran played a vital role in the United States' middle eastern policy. As described in his journal article, American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era, Dr. Mathew K. Shannon "The Shah's Iran provided to successive American administrations, with a toe hold in the Persian Gulf region … a bulwark against Soviet expansion… and guaranteed the westward flow of Iranian oil."14 With this in context it is understandable that the United States wished to do everything within its power to strengthen its strategic relationship with Iran. While on one hand this means providing Iran with military funds and equipment, it also means flexing the United States' soft power. The Oxford dictionary defines "soft power" as, "a way of dealing with other countries that involves using economic and cultural influence to persuade them to do things, rather than military power."15 In the 1970s the United States had many of the top universities in the world, as well as one of the most robust and modern educational systems. Thus, it seems only logical that the US utilizes its education system, as a bastion of strength. Dr. Joseph Nye, a well-established political scientist and the former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs is quoted for stating, "The ideas and values that America exports in the minds of more than half a million foreign students who study every year in American universities and return to their home countries, tend to reach elites in power."16 Throughout the Cold War the United States would 13 Moyara de Moraes Ruehsen. "Operation 'Ajax' Revisited: Iran, 1953." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 3 (1993): 467–86. 14 Matthew K. Shannon, "American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era" Diplomatic History 39, no. 4, (2015) 661. 15 "Soft Power,"Definition, pictures, pronunciation and usage notes, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. 16 Carol Atkinson, "Does Soft Power Matter? A Comparative Analysis of Student Exchange Programs 1980–2006" Foreign Policy Analysis 6 no. 1, (310) 2. 6 faithfully follow Dr. Nye's advice to further develop its relationship with the Shah's Iran. The previously mentioned Dr. Mathew Shannon notes the rapid and substantial growth of Iranian students in the United States stating, "The population grew from a mere five hundred in 1950, to upwards of fifty thousand in the late 1970, making them the largest national group of students in the United States."17 The significance of this cannot be understated. Upon graduating from American Universities these students returned to their homeland and played an active role in building the new modern Iran. It was on their shoulders that the "bulwark against Soviet expansion rested." It was the alumni of American universities that ran Iran's state oil company and made the plans for modernizing Iranian industry and infrastructure. These alumni would hold high positions in the nation's civil service, would serve as elected members of Iran's Majlis (Parliament), and crucial to Norwich as officers in the Iranian Military. While Iran benefited from this influx of a highly educated, professional class, the United States was able to stock the Iranian government with those sympathetic to the West. Norwich University first began accepting Iranian Midshipmen in the fall of 1976. President Loring Hart and his administration put a great deal of emphasis on naturalizing the Iranian Midshipmen to the University from the onset. Captain M. Ali Foroughizadeh an Iranian Imperial Navy officer stationed in Arlington, Virginia, would serve as the main point of contact between the University and the Iranian government, for much of the program's existence. The correspondences between Captain Foroughizadeh and President Hart provide unique insight into its early development. The process of integrating Iranian students into the Corps of Cadets and the greater University community did not begin in August with the traditional start of the school year, but rather in June of 1976. As detailed by William F. Beatty, the Executive Assistant to the 17 Shannon, American-Iranian Alliances, 662. 7 President, "Currently fifty-two Iranian midshipmen are undergoing an intensive English, Mathematics and Physical education study program at Norwich in preparation for their enrollment next September as members of the class of 1980."18 Clearly even from the onset of its program Norwich was taking the proactive? steps to fully integrate the Midshipmen firmly into the Corps. Although at times it can become easy to forget, at the end of day Norwich is not merely a remote outpost of the US military but is a university with a long and storied tradition of academic excellence. As such, the importance of academic integration for the Universities Iran students cannot be understated. One of the key takeaways from VMI's tumultuous Iranian program was that failure to integrate the Iranian students in the classroom could have disastrous consequences. Thus, Norwich's faculty and administration made every effort to thoroughly integrate the Iranian students academically into the University. Associate professor Dr. Hollis D. McBride of the Engineering Department described the climate in the classroom stating "Conflicts between Irani and Americans in class have been few." Dr. Hollis does briefly pause his praise to note that the Iranian students seemed more inclined to help each other than their fellow American students, and does advise that having fewer Iranians per class would "reduce their dependence on each other."19 Yet in spite of these challenges Dr. McBride makes it abundantly clear he believes that the presence of the Iranian midshipmen had a profound and positive impact on the education of all students of all nationalities. McBride's praise for the program goes as far as to state, "Never have I seen a class of students work as hard as both Irani and Americans." He goes on to state "I am convinced that the example of the Irani working 18 William F Beatty, Letter to CDR Abghari, 4 November 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 19 Hollis D McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier, 15 July 1977. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 8 overcomes the more usual image of upperclassmen playing to encourage this premier academic effort I have witnessed in my ten years at Norwich."20 Great strides were also taken to properly integrate the Iranian midshipmen socially into the Norwich community. In one of his first memorandums regarding the arrival of Midshipmen, he encourages members of the staff to "host one or two Iranian students for an evening meal to socialize."21 The University also made a significant effort to integrate Iranian and American students within the barracks. The previously mentioned engineering professor, Dr. McBride makes a strong case for integration stating, "An American roommate is a plus, but even more important is an American roommate of the same major."22 The logic behind this is self-evident. Forcing American and Iranian students to live together in close quarters means they are far more likely to develop close cross-cultural bonds, which in turn are "beneficial to both the American and the Iranian."23 Having an American roommate also forced the Iranian Midshipmen to use English on a daily basis and forces them to not to rely solely on their fellow Iranians. Sports and extracurricular activities also played a role in assimilating the midshipmen into the campus community. Many of the Iranian midshipmen played soccer both competitively and recreationally for the school. President Hart remarks upon the Midshipmen in a memorandum he sent to Iranian Admiral Farzaneh regarding the filming of a promotional video stating, "we might arrange a game for the Iranian Cadets on the soccer team." 24 While it is easy to overlook such trivial events as American and Iranian athletes competing together, surely the connections and 20 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 21 Loring E Hart , Memorandum to Distribution Lists I and II, 15 June 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 22 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 23 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 24 Hart, Loring E, Memorandum to Vadm D. Farzaneh, 11 December 1978. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 9 comradery built on the playing field can overcome linguistic and cultural differences and help the Iranian students merge into the student body. Despite these successes, a shadow lurked over the entirety of the program. One with a limited knowledge of world history, might wonder why the program was so short lived if it was clearly so successful The simple answer: revolution. Despite the guise of modernization beneath Iran's surface, discontent was brewing against the Shah and his authoritarian regime. Chief among the dissenters' grievances were not only the brutal human rights violations committed by the secret police (SAVAK), but the perception of American imperialism, and backlash for the increasingly secular nature of Iranian society. By 1978, demonstrations against the Imperial government occurred across all the nation's major cities with riots targeting symbols of the West such as banks, cinemas, and restaurants.25 The nation's Shiite clergy also played a major role in the overthrow of the Imperial regime. With his health failing and the regime crumbling, the Shah and his family were forced to flee in exile in Egypt. Simultaneously the Ayatollah Khomeini, a leader of the Shiite clergy, and an outspoken critic of the government returned from exile just in time for revolutionary forces to capture Tehran.26 Meanwhile back in Northfield, President Hart's administration was doing everything within its power to look after the best interests of the Iranian Midshipmen. Initially it appeared that the situation was under control. As late as November 9th, 1979, the Institute of International Education wrote "Foreign students who are in this country to pursue an and who are lawfully engaged in that pursuit, properly enjoy the protection of the laws which allow them to enter the 25 Said Amir Arjomand, "The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." State, Culture, and Society 1, no. 3 (1985): 41–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006816. 26 Said Amir, Arjomand,"The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." 10 country and permit them to remain."27 Five days later University Vice President James Galloway echoed similar sentiments, writing that the state department had advised him that "State and Defense were discussing Iranian students, but were oriented towards those Iranians holding student visas, not members of an organized program. Current guidance was the status quo, and to maintain a low profile."28 Unfortunately this good news would be short lived. November 4, 1979 saw the storming of the American embassy in Tehran and the capture of 52 American hostages, President Carter issued an executive order calling for all the review of all educational visas for Iranian students in the United States.29 The optimism that the program could survive evaporated Almost overnight. Less than a month later Vice President James Galloway was forced to send out a new memo with a far different tone. While the November addition spoke of maintaining the status quo, the updated version stated, "On the basis of official order from the Iranian government or the U.S government, the Norwich Naval Contingent is directed to terminate their school and depart or prepare to depart."30 Throughout the winter of 1980 the campus held its breath bracing for the inevitable. On April 7, this finally occurred when "The State Department severed diplomatic relations with Iran and ordered the deportation of "employees" and "officials of Iran by Friday April 11 at midnight."31 The next day on April 8, a glimmer of false hope set in, with 27 Hughes Jenkins, "Educational Exchange Agencies Urge Care in Coping with Iranian Students in U.S, 9 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 28 James V Galloway, Memorandum For Record, 14 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 29 Will Tiague, Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981. The Arkansas Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2018): 113-130. 30 Harry A Buckley, Contingency Plan for the Iranian Crisis, 4 December 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 31 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events, 7-14 April 1980. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 11 the general feeling being that "the Iranian Cadets would be classified as students rather than as officials or employees, and would therefore be permitted to finish the semester."32 However, the next day such hopes would be shattered when the State department reversed its decision and labeled the Midshipmen as Officials of Iran. Two days later on April 10, President Hart briefed the Corps on the unfolding situation. In a testament to the successes of the program when Iranian Midshipmen " c/CPT Kazem Yahyapour bid farewell to the American students on behalf of the Iranians students, he received a standing ovation from the Corps. Faculty, and staff."33 On April 12, 1980 the Iranian program would officially die with the departure of 80 Iranian students and officials. The last communication upon touchdown in Tehran was simple and sober, "We received and are warm and ok."34 The Iranian program was over. Since that infamous date in 1980 the relation between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have only grown worse. Today it would be unimaginable for Midshipmen from Iran to study at an American military college such as Norwich University. Yet only fifty years ago between 1976 and 1979 over 80 Iranian students were fully integrated, academically, socially, and militarily into the Norwich community. Although the program ended in tragedy, in a world where military cooperation continues to grow increasingly important, the story of success remains relevant and worth remembering. 32 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 33Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 34 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 12 Bibliography Primary Sources Beatty, William F. Letter to CDR Abghari, 4 November 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Galloway, James V. Memorandum For Record, 14 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Hart, Loring E. Memorandum to Distribution Lists I and II, 15 June 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Hart, Loring E. Memorandum to Vadm D. Farzaneh, 11 December 1978. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. LaFond, Paul. Memorandum to Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Marsilius, Philip R, Sequence of Events, 7-14 April 1980. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. McBride, Hollis D. Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier, 15 July 1977. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Jenkins, Hughes. "Educational Exchange Agencies Urge Care in Coping with Iranian Students in U.S, 9 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Secondary Sources Arjomand, Said Amir. "The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." State, Culture, and Society 1, no. 3 (1985): 41–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006816. This article provided valuable information about the events of Iran's Islamic Revolution. It discusses the initial protests and the peoples major grievances against the secret police, the west, and the increasing secular nature of society. Babayan, Kathryn. "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1/4 (1994): 135–61. 13 This article provides information on the history of Islam in Iran. Initially it was used to help inllistrate how historically Iran has been very stratiegic, but it also serves to introduce Islam, which would prove to be a very important factor in the 1979 Revolution. Carol Atkinson, "Does Soft Power Matter? A Comparative Analysis of Student Exchange Programs 1980–2006" Foreign Policy Analysis 6 no. 1, (310) 2. This article helps to illustrate the significance of soft power, particularly the use of student exchange programs to project American power across the globe. Clearly this is very relevant to Norwich's Iranian exchange program, and helps to explain its significance and one of its purposes. Bush, George W. "2002 State of the Union ," National Archives and Records Administration (National Archives and Records Administration, January 29, 2002), https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/stateoftheunion/2002/. Used in the introduction to help establish the very hostile relationship that that United States currently has with the Islam Republic of Iran. "Iranian Politicians Set Fire to US Flag in Parliament," BBC News (BBC), accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-middle-east-44055625 Used in the introduction to help establish the very hostile relationship that that United States currently has with the Islam Republic of Iran. Shannon, Matthew K. "American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era" Diplomatic History 39, no. 4, (2015) 661. Provides valuable background information into the nature of the Iranian state, and the Iranian education system during the Shah's reign. Key to Norwich, this article mentions exchange programs particularly those with the United States. Moyara de Moraes, Ruehsen. "Operation 'Ajax' Revisited: Iran, 1953." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 3 (1993): 467–86. Discussed the Anglo-American coup which overthrew Iran's democratically elected government, and handed the Shah absolute power. Played a vital role in creating the Iranian government which Norwich cooperated with, it is also key to understand the underlying factors behind the 1979 Revolution. Paine, Chris, and Erica Schoenberger. "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers: 1872-1954." MERIP Reports, no. 37 (1975): 3–28. Helps to establish the early history of Iran, and its history of Anglo-American domination. 14 "Soft Power,"Definition, pictures, pronunciation and usage notes, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. Provides a definition for soft power, to help illustrate its significance to the United States particularly in a strategic ally such as the Shah's Iran. Tiague, Will. Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981. The Arkansas Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2018): 113-130. Provides context for the Iranian hostage crisis, President Carter's reaction, and the effects that it had on the vast number of Iranian students studying in the United States. Yarbrough, Tinsley E. Federal Alienage Doctrine and the Iranian Student Litigation. Human Rights Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1982): 243–60. Discusses the legal issues facing Iranian students facing deportation in the United States following the Islamic Revolution.
The Middle East and North Africa region is in turmoil. Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen are in civil war, causing untold damage to human lives and physical infrastructure. Fifteen million people have fled their homes, many to fragile or economically strapped countries such as Jordan, Lebanon, Djibouti and Tunisia, giving rise to the biggest refugee crisis since World War II. Palestinians are reeling from deadly attacks and blockades. With recruits from all over the world, radicalized terrorist groups and sectarian factions like Daesh are spreading violence around the globe, threatening some governments' ability to perform basic functions. Countries undergoing political transitions, such as Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan, face periodic attacks and political unrest, leading them to address security concerns over inclusive growth. Even relatively peaceful oil exporters, such as Algeria, Iran and the GCC, are grappling with youth unemployment and poor-quality public services, the same problems that contributed to the Arab Spring, alongside low oil prices. Finally, the author will develop and monitor input indicators that are consistent with the theory of change associated with the new strategy. We will have indicators that show whether our interventions are helping to renew the social contract (the use of citizen engagement in projects is an example). Household surveys can tell us whether the welfare of refugees and host communities is improving. Preparedness indicators can be used to inform progress on the recovery and reconstruction pillar. And standard indicators such as the share of electricity production that is traded will be used for the regional integration pillar.
В этом номере журнала мы публикуем материалы дискуссии между известным социологом Б.В. Дубиным (Левада-Центр) и экономистом А.А. Аузаном (МГУ), которая состоялась 17 ноября 2011 года на экономическом факультете МГУ в рамках Диспут-клуба Ассоциации независимых центров экономического анализа. Дискуссия была посвящена обсуждению роли культурных факторов в модернизации ряда незападных стран, а также культурных особенностей нашей страны, препятствующих или, наоборот, способных быть конвертированными в конкурентные преимущества России. ; There's continuous debate in Russia, as well as in many other parts of the world, on whether cultural factors affect modernization and determine the prospects of social and economic development. In this issue of the "Universe of Russia" we publish the materials from one such debate which took place at Moscow State University on November 17th, 2011 at the instigation of Association of Independent Centres for Economic Analysis. The two leading specialists in the field of Russian sociology (B. Dubin, Levada-Centre) and institutional economics (A. Auzan, Moscow State University) discuss the role of culture in social, political and economic modernization of non-Western countries and speculate on Russia's modernization prospects in this peculiar context. Dubin openly claims that he is skeptical about the cultural argument, and in doing so he relies on vast amounts of sociological data collected by Levada-Centre in the past 20 years. These data paradoxically show that there is actually little demand for modernization among Russians, although the latter is generally regarded (also in the elites) as a certain 'good'. What this means is that people actually want the change to happen, but preferably not now and not at their own effort. Secondly, Dubin has certain objections against modernization as some 'written project'. He rather defines it as a slow and simultaneous progress in all aspects of society's being, which is, in fact, a side product of struggle for political and economic power between various elite and proto-elite groups. On the other hand, modernization is not about the change in economic or political regime, but rather a cardinal change in behavior models individual as well as collective and their regulation via certain norms and institutions. According to Dubin's claims, a modernized society is a society, which is based on autonomy, competition and solidarity. And this is, indeed, a historical know-how which has been invented by Western societies. Such societies put stronger emphasis on personal achievements rather than ascribed characteristics, and are based on functional differentiation which constantly develops and progresses, while at the same time promoting universal orientations, norms and values. And this is where Russia has, in fact, particularly serious problems. Dubin prefers to characterize current Russian society in terms of "scattered mass" or "spectators" by referring to Russians' lack of participatory behavior. I.e. that is when people observe many bad things that happen in their own country (war, crimes, corruption, terrorism, etc.), but prefer to stay away and let it go. At the same time this situation of extreme "scatteredness" produces the situation of extreme particularism in private relations. For instance, it is quite common among Russians to expect particular attitude from others (and, often, neglect the existing social rules), when they are in desperate need of something. Nevertheless, Dubin is optimistic about the future, since he also makes note of emerging and expanding self-organized (rather than state-led) social movements and public organizations. Of course, these phenomena are yet too few to be considered as a strong social force, but it would eventually grow into something bigger, enough to promote serious positive change (although via cultural or educational, rather than political revolution). In his response to Dubin's arguments A. Auzan refers to examples of contemporary societies, which are not yet modern, but are no longer traditional. Another peculiar example are the so-called "Western off-shoots" (a Western post-colonial legacy), which have actually never been traditional societies. Auzan recalls the famous Lipset modernization hypothesis, according to which at some point economic growth in every society produces enough wealthy and educated people to create a sufficient demand for political modernization. However, it's been already 52 years since this hypothesis has been numerously supported and criticized, and there's yet no single opinion about "what drives what". Auzan develops his own argument from the well-known empirical work by Acemoglu, Johnson, Robinson and Yarred, who've run dozens of different regressions to show that neither economic growth, nor political modernization themselves are the necessary conditions for successful development, but there certainly is some third yet unaccounted factor. He further refers to the recent book by North, Wallis and Weingast who consider particular social institutions that historically emerge in societies and, thus, affect the course of any social change. To support his argument Auzan further demonstrates a series of GDP per capita long-term profiles for various countries based on famous A. Maddison's time rows beginning with 1820 and onto 2010. Among them he distinguishes 1) the countries of the so-called "Christian trajectory", i.e. the Western European countries which have been developing steadily but at slower paces, 2) a group of Middle Asian and North-Eastern countries which heavily depend on natural resources and, thus, are characterized by very unsteady trajectories, 3) the countries of the so-called "Confucian trajectory", which have recently entered the age of steady and quick development, i.e. Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong, 4) a group of South-Eastern countries, which only enter modernization, with most notable case of Malaysia, which is also a case of probably the first successful Islamic modernization. The next thing he does is overlaps this data with the data from various cross-cultural studies (i.e. Hofstede, Inglehart, Schwarts) collected for the past 40-45 years. And their findings show that both, the Confucian and Western modernizations, are associated with even changes in certain values, i.e. a shift from values of survival to secular-rational values, a decrease in power distance and an increasing individualization. By showing this, Auzan concludes that cultural change is possible and, moreover, it is the key to successful modernization. He further comments on results from their own sociological study of Russian highly skilled professionals, who work in innovative industries in Russia (Saint-Petersburg), Germany (Berlin and northern Westfalia) and USA (Maryland and New Jersey). The goal of the survey was to establish typical characteristics of Russian workers, which distinguish them from their counterparts from other countries. The results were quite striking, since almost all Russians are characterized by radical (even conflict-bearing) individualism, valuing personal achievements over career and promotion, universal qualifications, and, at the same time, complete disregard for solving routine tasks and problems. All of this, according to Auzan, is a perfect explanation to a quite common situation of complete dedication of Russians in solving complex and non-trivial problems, but at the same time their authoritarianism and lack of negotiability as managers. One of the most serious failures to account these traits for production purposes is the well-known Russian car industry, which has failed to produce a decent car for civil purposes, but at the same time successfully develops a state-of-the-art super-car "Marussia" to be sold and produced in small series. Same logic applies to everything else and, particularly, the nuclear and aerospace industries. However, the other striking result from this research is that such cultural traits can easily be changed via education. The Russians, who work for innovative industries abroad, but have, at some point, acquired Western education, were far less likely to demonstrate the above mentioned characteristics. Finally, by considering all of the above Auzan develops the layout for successful Russian modernization, first, by exploiting its current cultural advantages and, second, by gradually changing the cultural patterns via education system and, particularly, its humanitarian component. The debate has provoked an active discussion, followed by various critical arguments and supportive opinions in favor and against both positions.
In the first census of 1790, the Census formally counted Free White Males, Free White Females, All Other Free Persons, and Slaves (as three-fifths of a person). The census racial categories have changed multiple times over the centuries, and still has yet to add many more to accommodate the growing culture in America. It wasn't until the year 2000 where individuals were able to mark off more than one box for their racial identity. Today, the census gives us statistics on neighborhoods, race crime rates, population count, college demographics, and more. However, if the majority of American individuals cannot place themselves in the correct categories, how accurate are the racial statistics in our country?
In 1984, various puppet arts emerged. One of them is in the north coast area which creates its own style in puppetry. One of them is the puppeteer Ki Enthus Susmono, who has his own characteristics compared to other puppeteers. This style can be seen from the performance of the typical Tegalan puppet. The uniqueness of Ki Enthus Susmono is that he develops puppets with the contents of the stories that he makes himself out of the norms of Yogyakarta and Surakarta with the contents of the stories adjusting to current issues, making Wayang Rai Wong with the faces of important figures, Ki Enthus Susmono often criticizes Government policies. Based on this background, the writer wants to know the existence of Wayang Wong and how dim it was when Ki Enthus Susmono died. This study uses a historical methodology. Beginning with collecting sources or what are known as heuristics. Consists of primary sources, consisting of newspapers, pictures of his time, documents, or live witness interviews. Secondary sources consist of books, previous research, and articles. The next step is source criticism, not only external criticism of the shape of the archive itself, I also do it regarding the suitability of the contents of the archive or source with what the writer will later narrate. Furthermore, the authors do historiography or write down what has been obtained from the process of searching for research sources. The results of the study discussed the existence of Ki Enthus Susmono in developing Ki Enthus Susmono's works, for example, such as the Rai Wong puppet and Wayang Santri in Tegal Regency. Ki Enthus Susmono created a puppet concept with a face similar to that of a cleric and political figure called the Rai Wong puppet. Ki Enthus Susmono also made puppets with the theme of Islamic da'wah which were called puppets. Ki Enthus Susmono changed the wayang santri to the Yogyakarta and Surakarta standard to become the typical Tegalan standard. In addition, in the development of Wayang Santri, it uses wayang kulit and puppet show Wayang santri functions as a medium of preaching to the community, social criticism of the problems that are developing in society. The conclusion is that Ki Enthus Susmono used Wayang Rai Wong and Wayang Santri as performances and education for critics of the government. Seeing this, Wayang Rai Wong and Wayang Santri have a major influence on the development of the Tegal Regency government. After his death, Tegalan's grip receded in his performance. Pada tahun 1984 muncul berbagai kesenian wayang. Salah satunya didaerah pesisir utara melahirkan corak tersendiri dalam pedalangan. Salah satunya adalah dalang Ki Enthus Susmono sebagai dalang yang memiliki ciri khas tersendiri dibandingkan dengan dalang lainnya. Corak tersebut dapat dilihat dari pementasan wayang khas Tegalan. Keunikan Ki Enthus Susmono yaitu mengembangkan wayang dengan isi ceritanya di buat sendiri keluar dari pakem Yogyakarta dan Surakarta dengan isi ceritanya menyesuaikan isu terkini. Ki Enthus Susmono Sering mengkritik kebijakan Pemerintah. Berdasarkan latar belakang tersebut, penulis ingin mengetahui eksistensi Ki Enthus Susmono sebagai dalang edan di Kabupaten Tegal Penelitian ini menggunakan metodologi sejarah. Diawali dengan mengumpulkan sumber atau yang dikenal sebagai heuristik. Terdiri dari sumber primer, terdiri dari koran, gambar pada masanya, dokumen, atau wawancara saksi hidup. Sumber sekunder terdiri dari buku, penelitian terdahulu, serta artikel. Langkah selanjutnya adalah kritik sumber, tak hanya kritik eksternal mengenai wujud dari arsip itu sendiri, juga saya lakukan mengenai kesesuaian isi arsip atau sumber dengan apa yang nanti penulis narasikan. Setelah itu, penulis membuat gagasan untuk menghidupkan kembali cerita sejarah. Selanjutnya penulis melakukan historiografi atau menulis apa yang sudah didapatkan dari proses pencarian sumber penelitian. Hasil penelitian membahas eksistensi Ki Enthus Susmono dalam mengembangkan karya Ki Enthus Susmono contohnya seperti wayang Rai Wong dan Wayang Santri di Kabupaten Tegal. Ki Enthus Susmono membuat konsep wayang dengan wajah yang mirip dengan seorang tokoh ulama maupun tokoh politik yang disebut dengan wayang Rai Wong. Ki Enthus Susmono juga membuat wayang dengan tema dakwah islam yang dinamakan dengan wayang santri. wayang santri yang awalnya masih menggunakan pakem Yogyakarta dan Surakarta diubah oleh Ki Enthus Susmono menjadi pakem khas Tegalan. Selain itu dalam pengembangannya Wayang Santri menggunakan wayang kulit dan wayang golek. Wayang santri berfungsi sebagai media dakwah kepada masyarakat, kritik sosial terhadap permasalahan yang sedang berkembang di masyarakat. Kesimpulannya adalah Ki Enthus Susmono menggunakan Wayang Rai Wong dan Wayang Santri sebagai pertunjukan serta edukasi kritik terhadap pemerintah. Melihat hal tersebut, Wayang Rai Wong dan Wayang Santri memiliki pengaruh besar terhadap perkembangan pemerintah Kabupaten Tegal. Sepeninggalnya beliau, pakem Tegalan surut dalam pementasan.
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 133-173
ISSN: 1467-8497
Book reviewed in this article:NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE IN CANADA AND AUSTRALIA: A Comparative Political Economy Analysis. By Malcolm C. Brown. Canberra.WHY SO FEW? Women Academics in Australian Universities. By Bettina Cass.THE LONG FAREWELL: The Perilous Voyages of Settlers under Sail in the Great Migrations to Australia. By Don Charlwood.ARBITRATOR AT WORK: Sir William Raymond Kelly and the Regulation of Australian Industrial Relations. By Braham Dabscheck.NEW GUINEA UNDER THE GERMANS. By Stewart Firth.ALL THAT DIRT: Aborigines 1938. An Australian 1938 Monograph. Edited by Bill Gammage and Andrew Markus.FREDERICK WELD. By Jeanine Graham.THE REMARKABLE REVEREND CLARKE: The Life and Times of the Father of Australian Geology. By Elena Grainger.THE GLENNIE: A Work of Faith. By Christine Henderson.CONVICT SOCIETY AND ITS ENEMIES: A History of Early New South Wales. By J. B. Hirst.THE GREAT AUSTRALIAN NIGHTMARE: A Critique of Home‐ownership Ideology. By Jim Kemeny.PUBLIC SECTOR ADMINISTRATION: New Perspectives. Edited by Alexander Kouzmin.A NATION APART: Essays in Honour of Andrew Fabinyi. Personal Views of Australia in the Eighties. Edited by John McLaren.FOR LOVE OR MONEY: A Pictorial History of Women and Work in Australia. By Megan McMurchy, Margot Oliver and Jeni Thornley.AUSTRALIA'S CONSTITUTION: Time for Change? By John McMillan, Gareth Evans and Haddon Storey.AUSTRALIAN FEDERALISM: Future Tense. Edited by Allan Patience and Jeffrey Scott.SUB ROSA: Memoirs of an Australian Intelligence Analyst. By R. H. Mathams.PUBLIC SECTOR BORROWING IN AUSTRALIA. Edited by R. L. Mathews.MICRONATIONALIST MOVEMENTS IN PAPUA NEW GUINEA. Edited by R. J. May.THE FIRM AND THE FORMLESS: Religion and Identity in Aboriginal Australia. By Hans Mol.THE FIXED AND THE FICKLE: Religion and Identity in New Zealand. By Hans Mol.INTERNEE 1/5126. By Robert Paterson. Annerley, Queensland, Dr Robert Paterson, 1983.THE PHONE BOOK: The Future of Australia's Communications on the Line. By Ian Reinecke and Julianne Schultz.A HISTORY OF TASMANIA. Vol. I: Van Diemen's Land from the Earliest Times to 1855. By Lloyd.MINING AND AUSTRALIA. Edited by W. H. Richmond and P. C. Sharma.TRADE, TACTICS AND TERRITORY: Britain in the Pacific 1783–1823. By Margaret Steven.HEATHCOTE: A Study of Local Government and Resident Action in a Small Australian Town. By R. A. Wild.SOCIAL PROCESS AND THE CITY. Urban Studies Yearbook I. Edited by Peter Williams.SYDNEY'S TRANSPORT: Studies in Urban History. Edited by Garry Wotherspoon.ARMING THE CHINESE: The Western Armaments Trade in Warlord China, 1920–1928. By Anthony B. Chan.COLD WAR HOT WAR. An Australian Perspective on the Korean War. By Gavan McCormack.IMPERIALISMUS UND KOLONIALMISSION: Kaiserliches Deutschland und Koloniales Imperium. Edited by Klaus J. Bade, Weisbaden, Steiner Verlag, 1982.THE ISLAMIC THREAT TO THE SOVIET STATE: By Alexander Benningsen and Marie Broxup.ITALY AND THE APPROACH OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR. By Richard Bosworth.THE CRISIS OF MEDIEVAL RUSSIA 1200–1304. By John Fennell.THE STATE, FRANCE AND THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. By Howell A. Lloyd.SOCIALISM AND EUROPEAN UNITY: The Dilemma of the Left in Britain and France. By Michael Newman.SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND SOCIETY: Working‐class Radicalism in Diisseldorf, 1890–1920. By Mary Nolan.POLICY STYLES IN WESTERN EUROPE. Edited by Jeremy Richardson.IMAGES OF IMPERIAL RULE. By Hugh Ridley.THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY: Past, Present and Future. Edited by Loukas Tsoukalis.NAZI PROPAGANDA: The Power and the Limitations. Edited by David Welch.THE UNOFFICIAL COMMONWEALTH: The Story of the Commonwealth Foundation, 1965–1980. By John.COVENANTS WITHOUT THE SWORD: Public Opinion and British Defence Policy 1931–1935. By Patrick Kyba.THE GREAT MAP OF MANKIND: British Perceptions of the World in the Age of Enlightenment. By P. J. Marshall and Glyndwr Williams.WHERE DID WE GO WRONG? Industrial Performance, Education and the Economy in Victorian Britain. Edited and introduced by Gordon Roderick and Michael Stephens.LOCAL GOVERNMENT: The Conditions of Local Choice. By John Stewart.THE ORIGINS OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY. By Noel Tracy.CHINESE MINE LABOUR IN THE TRANSVAAL. By Peter Richardson.POLITICAL ALTERNATIVES FOR SOUTHERN AFRICA: Principles and Perspectives. Edited by D. J. van Vuuren and D. J. Kriek.MAX WEBER ON CAPITALISM, BUREAUCRACY AND RELIGION: A Selection of Texts. Edited by Stanislav Andreski.MODERNISATION AND REVOLUTION. By Bill Brugger and Kate Hannan.A CRITIQUE OF FREEDOM AND EQUALITY. By John Charvet.THE MODERN LIBERAL THEORY OF MAN. By Gerald F. Gaus.FROM RIGHT TO LEFT: An Autobiography. By Frederick Vanderbilt Field.MAKING HISTORIES: Studies in History‐Writing and Politics. Edited by Richard Johnson, Gregor McLennan, Bill Schwarz and David.GUNBOAT DIPLOMACY 1895–1905: Great Power Pressure in Venezuela. By Miriam Hood.EDUCATED GUESSING: How to Cope in an Uncertain World. By Samuel Kotz and Donna F. Stroup.THE PURSUIT OF POWER: Technology, Armed Force, and Society since A. D. 1000. By William H. McNeill.LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC THEORY AND ITS CRITICS. Edited by Norman Wintrop.ORGANIZING INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS. By Timothy B. Woolstencroft.PUBLIC MONEY IN THE PRIVATE SECTOR: Industrial Assistance Policy and Canadian Federalism. By Allan Tupper.
In: Growth and change: a journal of urban and regional policy, Band 3, Heft 4, S. 35-52
ISSN: 1468-2257
Book reviews in this article:Predictable Views The New Economics of Richard Nixon: Freezes, Floats, and Fiscal Policy by Roger LeRoy Miller and Raburn M. Williams.The Voice of the Dodo Let Me Say This about That: A Primer on NIXONomics by Ralph Jensen.An Authoritative Analysis Making Monetary and Fiscal Policy by G. L. Bach.Bullish on Puerto Rico The Role of the Financial Sector in the Economic Development of Puerto Rico by Rita M. Maldonado.About Underdeveloped Societies Economic Progress and the Developing World by Edward Marcus and Mildred Rendl Marcus.Updating Development Protagonists of Change: Subcultures in Development and Revolution, edited by Abdul A. Said.The Transcendent Behaviorist Society and Economic Growth: A Behavioral Perspective of Social Change by John H. Kunkel.Viewing History Afresh At the Edge of History by William Irwin Thompson.The Snow of Yesteryear Public Affairs by C. P. Snow.Government Personnel Public Service: The Human Side of Government by John W. Macy, Jr.Labor Relations in Government The Unions and the Cities by Harry H. Wellington and Ralph K. Winter, Jr.Revolting Students, Then and Now Student Activism: Town and Gown in Historical Perspective, edited by Alexander DeConde.1972 Is Another Ball Game Passion and Politics: Student Activism in America, Part 1 by Seymour Martin Lipset and Part 2 by Gerald M. Schaflander.Tullock's Law The Logic of the Law by Gordon Tullock.Grace and Works in Latin America Human Rights and the Liberation of Man in the Americas, edited by Louis M. Colonnese.Man and Beast The Cougar Doesn't Live Here Any More by Lorus J. Milne and Margery Milne.Getting to Know the Bomagai‐Angoiang Place and People: An Ecology of a New Guinean Community by William C. Clarke.Geography in the Seventies The North American City by Maurice H. Yeates and Barry J. Garner.Learning from the Past The New Deal in the Suburbs: A History of the Green‐belt Town Program, 1935–1954 by Joseph L. Arnold.Slow Progress Urban Land Economics and Public Policy by Richard B. Andrews.Stop the Music Noise Pollution: The Unquiet Crisis by Clifford R. Bragdon.On Behalf of the Indian Big Brother's Indian Programs‐With Reservations by Sar A. Levitan and Barbara Hetrick.Near‐White Status The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White by James W. Loewen.Lost Ground The Job Crisis for Black YouthFinancial Dilemma Fiscal Pressures on the Central City: The Impact of Commuters, Nonwhites, and Overlapping Governments by Werner Z. HirschRed Roundup Yearbook on Latin American Communist Affairs, 1971, edited by William E. Ratliff.Comprehensive Guide The Cambridge History of Islam: Vol. 1, The Central Islamic LandsThe Value of a Degree Economic Dimensions in Education by Martin O'Donoghue.Demographic Dimensions Population Growth and the Brain Drain, edited by F. Bechhofer.Agricultural Sagacity The Economics of Agriculture by Margaret Capstick.A Brief Rapid Population Growth: Consequences and Policy Implications, Vol. 1, Summary and RecommendationsA Challenging Question Is Law Dead?, edited by Eugene V. Rostow.One River's Environment Swan River Landscapes by George Seddon.An Objective Method Voting and Collective Choice: Some Aspects of the Theory of Group Decision‐Making by Prasanta K. Pattanaik.A Practical Handbook Regional Economic Analysis for Practitioners by Avrom Bendavid. Chicano Manifesto by Armando B. Rendon. Politics, Position, and Power: The Dynamics of Federal Organization by Harold Seidman. Economic Development and Population Control: A Fifty‐Year Projection for Jamaica by B. Thomas Walsh.SDS by Alan Adelson.Now Is the Time: A New Populist Call to Action by Fred R. Harris. Japan: Its History and Culture by W. Scott Morton. The Emerging Japanese Superstate: Challenge and Response by Herman Kahn. Hanging Together: Equality in an Urban Nation by William L. Taylor. A Mind of One Piece: Brandeis and American Reform by Melvin I. Urofsky. Sentencing in a Rational Society by Nigel Walker. Social Experimentation and Manpower Policy: The Rhetoric and the Reality by Sar A. Levitan and Robert Taggart 111. Social Control and Social Change, edited by John Paul Scott and Sarah F. Scott. The State of the Nations: Constraints on Development in Independent Africa, edited by Michael F. Lofchie. The Presidency by Dale Vinyard. The American Left: Radical Political Thought in the Twentieth Century, edited by Loren Baritz. Design for the Real World: Human Ecology and Social Change by Victor Papanek. Man and Atom: Building a New World through Nuclear Technology by Glenn T. Seaborg and William R. Corliss. Toward a Rational Power Policy: Energy, Politics, and Pollution by Neil Fabricant and Robert M. Hallman. Land of Urban Promise: Continuing the Great Tradition‐A Search for Significant Urban Space in the Urbanized Northeast by Julian Eugene Kulski. The Politics of Disorder by Theodore J. Lowi. The Shape of Likelihood: Relevance and the University Regional Economics: Theory and Practice, edited by David L. McKee, Robert D. Dean, and William H. Leahy. The Foreign Affairs Fudge Factory by John Franklin Campbell. The Public Economy of Metropolitan Areas by Robert L. Bish. The Future of the Oceans by Wolfgang Friedmann.
This report provides an overview of the World Bank Group's engagement in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, highlighting the new operating model of the World Bank Group. In particular, the report provides insight on the key challenges and strategic engagement of each sector (Global Practice) in MENA and details some of the key cross-cutting challenges that countries face. This report serves as a basis to convene international thought leaders, as well as internal and external stakeholders, in the context of developing a new strategy for the Middle East and North Africa region later this year. The region faces three challenges in particular: (a) long-standing distortions that have generated jobless growth and poor service delivery as well as low financial access and inclusion; (b) severe imbalances that threaten macroeconomic stability; and (c) deep political and social tensions, at times escalating into violent conflict. The World Bank Group's current engagement supports four key pillars: (a) strengthening governance; (b) ensuring economic and social inclusion; (c) creating jobs; and (d) accelerating sustainable growth. Progress on these pillars can be made through a two-pronged approach focused on addressing the immediate needs arising from humanitarian crises throughout the region while also giving sustained attention to the investments and reforms needed for medium- and long-term development. This two-pronged approach is necessary to help governments cope with immediate pressures on already fragile institutions and at the same time develop long-term strategies to address deep-seated issues that have hindered inclusive growth and prosperity for decades. This report details nine specific cross-cutting challenges: climate change; decentralization; disaster risk management; fragility, conflict and violence; fuel subsidies and social safety nets; gender; governance and service delivery in health and education; private sector development and job creation; and public-private partnerships. Looking ahead, responding to the changing realities on the ground, the World Bank Group is rethinking its regional strategy in order to maximize its impact in the Middle East and North Africa. This new strategy, which is currently under preparation, will aim to step up the Bank Group's engagement in the region in order to achieve shared growth and prosperity, as well as work with partners to convene change in the region.
In recent years, sustainable economic development has been an increasingly higher priority for all, both well and less developed, states. The global economic crisis that broke out in 2008 showed that the steadily high growth rates demonstrated by many countries throughout the pre-crisis years, even giving some of them the honorary titles like, for instance, "Celtic tiger," in actual fact do not always testify to sustainable development. There are economic and social "diseases" that can disrupt, or at least slow down, growth no matter how sustainable it previously seemed. Whereby these diseases can be both internal, that is, determined by trends governing the country's development, and external, that is, brought in from the outside world, making sustainable economic development not at all what it seemed to be before the crisis. Economic development can be considered fully sustainable if it meets the following three conditions: (a) the economy increases at a stable rate that is sufficiently high for its size and for the given time; (b) it is able to efficiently resist external negative impacts; and (c) it is not oriented toward exclusively current tasks, but leaves sufficiently broad opportunities for the future-including with respect to resource distribution. In other words, economic development is sustainable if it is stable, tenable, and long-term. Practical achievement of this sustainability is complicated by the fact that it depends not only on economic factors as such, but also on other components of social development. Conceptually, balanced and harmonious development of the different components of social progress is a mandatory condition of its sustainability as a whole, on the one hand, and of each of these components separately, on the other, whereby in terms of all three parameters of sustainability. We should proceed from the fact that the development curves of different spheres of public life, including the economy, politics, religion, science, education, public health, and culture, wind around the common trunk of social development that forms as their integral result. Should one of these curves ultimately break away from the main trunk (over the span of a hundred years, say), it will be unable to survive independently. Each sphere of social life draws other spheres toward it and tries to bring them to its level of development (higher or lower), which is what causes all the curves to gravitate toward the common trunk. Which curve proves the strongest and is able to attract the others to it depends on a multitude of factors, including its "weight and strength" at a particular historical stage in social development and on how socially important the functions it performs are in public life. The development of the world's countries and regions abounds in examples that confirm this governing law. We know that in Western Europe, the capitalist economy that came to life in the womb of feudalism eventually gave rise to so-called bourgeois revolutions that raised the political system to the economic level. In the U.S., on the contrary, constitutionally enforced political rights opened the way to economic and then cultural development. A splendid illustration, although of an entirely different nature, is the experience of the Arab world. In the pre-Islamic period, Arab tribes were disunited and extremely backward communities.Girls were killed at birth, burying them alive in the desert sand. Along with polygamy, about which much has been said, there was also polyandry, when several (up to ten) men pooled their money to pay for an "extremely expensive" bride and then went into her tent in turn, leaving their staffs propped up outside the door to let the other husbands know that their common wife was currently occupied. The forms of government had only some remote resemblance to statehood. The new religion that emerged proved to be an immeasurably more progressive component of public life than all the rest and drew them along behind it. State- and nation-building essentially began under the auspices of Islam. In historically short time spans, an army (along the lines of a war ministry), integrated financial system (a prototype of the ministry of finance), communication service, and navy were created, while the newly conquered territories were divided into regions (administrative-territorial reform), and so on. Then the Golden Age of the Muslim East, related primarily with the Seljuk Turks, dawned. Along with intensive development of the economy, it was marked by tempestuous scientific progress in mathematics, geography, mineralogy, philosophy, comparative theology and ethics, astronomy, physics and chemistry, psychology, and even political science. Medicine (particularly physiology and pharmacology), practical engineering, and art (poetry, music, architecture, and painting) underwent unprecedented development, not only in the East, but also throughout the world. These and many other achievements of the Golden Age are described in detail in a magnificent article by Professor S. Frederick Starr. In the contemporary world, the different spheres of public life interact somewhat differently, possibly less directly and in more complex ways, although this in no way disaffirms the general patterns that govern them. There is a special case when for some reason, particularly if there is a surplus of resources, the economic prosperity of a state and the wellbeing of society as such race far ahead of other spheres. This is precisely what is happening at present, as we shall see, in Azerbaijan.
The art of medical writing and science of scientific publishing has made tremendous progress during the last two decades. The revolution in information technology while on one hand has brought lot of ease and benefits, it has also created tremendous pressure and problems for the medial editors who are trying to come up to the expectations of authors who are very keen to see their manuscript published soon after submission.1,2 One can be a good physician or a good surgeon but it does not mean that he/she can also be a good Editor as one has to learn this art. That is why starting with the International Committee of Medial Journal Editors (ICMJE)3,4 which was formed in 1978 and later World Association of Medical Editors formed in 19955 have been working to improve the professional skills of medial editors by regularly organizing conferences, Hands on Workshops as well as seminars to train the editors. Their websites offer lot of useful information and training material. American Medial Writers Association (AMWA),6 European Medical Writers Association (EMWA)7 and European Association of Science Editors (EASE)8 founded in 1982 have also been doing a commendable job helping the authors and researchers. They too organize their annual conferences and training workshops on regular basis. Then came the various regional bodies like Eastern Mediterranean Association of Medical Editors (EMAME) and Asia – Pacific Association of Medial Editors (APAME) which have been busy in promoting the discipline of medical journalism in their respective regions.9,10 Numerous countries in these regions have also formed their own associations of medical journal editors to improve the professional capacity of their member editors in their respective countries. Pakistan which had taken an active part in establishing the EMAME in 2003 did not lag behind and established Pakistan Association of Medial Editors (PAME) in 2010. Since then it has not only hosted EMMJ5 Medical Journals Conference in 2010 which was attended by thirty four foreign delegates and guest speakers from eighteen countries but has also organized three national conferences and a large number of Hands on Workshops all over the country.11 PAME organized training course for medical journal editors at Karachi on July 14, 2012, at PIMS Islamabad on September 15, 2012, at Khyber Medical University at Peshawar in Khyber KPK on September 16, 2012 and at University of Health Sciences Lahore on April 25, 2013. PAME organized yet another training course for medical journal editors at University of Health Sciences Lahore on March 4-5th 2016. All this was aimed at to build up the professional capacity of editors of biomedical journals published from Pakistan. Journalology has now emerged as an important discipline with numerous subspecialties. Publishing a good quality peer reviewed journal is an uphill task which requires a team work. Publishing a medical journal is not economically viable for many institutions and organizations. The problems are further compounded with the non-availability of good Peer Reviewers, willing and interested Editorial Board Members which play a vital role in improving the contents and quality of a journal. If this was not all, the issues like plagiarism, scientific misconduct and upholding professional ethics has made the job of the editors more difficult. Institutions like Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) UK has come up with very informative Flow Charts to guide the editors on dealing with scientific misconduct including plagiarism, duplicate and redundant publication etc., but it has not made the life of medical journal editors easy.12 It is extremely important that one should opt for professionalism, seeks help and assistance from the respective government institutions, organizations to find a solution to the various problems with the medical journal editors are facing. It was in this context that PAME in its Third National Conference held at UHS Lahore from April 1 – 2, 2016 had devoted a special session to "Professionalism and Medical Journal Editors†where representatives of Higher Education Commission (HEC) and Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PM&DC) were also invited. However, it was unfortunate that none of them came to attend the meeting thus deprived themselves to update on latest developments and problems faced by Editors. Some of the issues concerning both these institutions which were highlighted during the conference were as under: Pakistan Medical and Dental CouncilIts website is not updated regularly.List of PM&DC recognized journals is not update and lacks lot of information and there is no mention of Publication Ethics.There is a communication gap between the PM& DC and the Editors. Not enough time is given when asking for some documents or holding meeting of Journals Evaluation Committee.Communications sent to the PM&DC remain unanswered and it makes no differentiation between those journals who fulfill all the requirements, are published regularly and those who do not follow the laid down criteria.Communications received from the Journals Committee of PM&DC from time to time have a threatening tone and they need to show respect to the Editors.PM&DC wants the journals to submit plagiarism report but provides no help or assistance to the journals in this regard. Higher Education CommissionCommunications received from Quality Assurance Department regarding meeting of Journal Evaluation Committee does not give enough time.In the past HEC used to provide the facility of checking manuscripts for plagiarism using the Turnitin software but now it has been restricted to medical universities only.HEC website is also not updated regularly.Communication gap between the HEC and Medial Journal Editors also needs improvement. It will be unfair not to mention the generous grant the Higher Education Commission has been providing to its recognized biomedical journals for the last many years but it will be much better if it is replaced by providing much needed services and software facilities. Pakistan Association of Medical Editors with its meager resources has been doing a commendable job to help improve the professional capacity of Editors through various ways. Its website also contains some useful material for the training of the new editors.11 Regulatory bodies like PM&DC and HEC working in close collaboration with PAME can work wonders and go a long way in improving the standard of biomedical journals published from Pakistan. Commission on Iranian Medical Journals based in Ministry of Health in Islamic Republic of Iran apart from providing financial assistance also provides software for checking plagiarism, helps the journal in preparing their websites, helps them provide facilities of XML which has helped a large number of Iranian Medical Journals to go to PubMed Central and has thus increased their visibility and readership manifold. The number of medical journals published from Iran was ninety in 2005 which has now increased to over four hundred. Seventy two of these Iranian Medical Journals are visible on PubMed, PubMed Central and Medline while twenty are covered by ISI Thompson Reuter known for Impact Factor.13 On the contrary only about half a dozen medical journals from Pakistan are covered by Medline, PubMed and PubMed Central and only four medical journals from Pakistan has an Impact Factor.14 Our regulatory bodies can learn from Iran and that is what the HEC should be doing in Pakistan. Instead of offering any financial grants it can better utilize the same resources to provide facilities for checking plagiarism, software to prepare XML files for submission to PubMed Central, organizing training workshops for Editors and support staff on Open Journal System, electronic publishing, peer review, publication ethics etc. PAME has the professional capacity to help PM&DC and HEC to realize these objectives. What is missing is the proper liaison and understanding between Medical Journal Editors and these regulatory bodies like PM& DC and HEC. A study presented at the PAME Third National Conference by the author had also heighted some basic and serious deficiencies in the journals which are recognized by PM&DC as well as HEC because the members of their respective Journal Evaluation Committees are not fully conversant with the latest developments in the field of medical journalism. These committees need to be further strengthened by inducting competent, knowledgeable professional editors and PAME has time and again offered its help and assistance in this regard. Even once the PM&DC had also issued a notification making PAME President an exoffico member of the Journals Evaluation Committee but no meeting was ever held.15 To improve the present situation and find a workable, feasible, practical solution to the various problems being faced by the medical journal editors in Pakistan is not an uphill task. The objective of every one, the editors and regulatory bodies like PM&DC and HEC are the same i.e. improvement in the quality of contents, standard of medical journals so that we can increase our contribution to the world medical literature and promote research culture in Pakistan. Intentions of everyone are good but what is lacking is cooperation, coordination and bridging the communication gap. It is never too late and let us makes a new beginning in our relationship. The role of the regulatory bodies is to facilitate and not to create hurdles and discourage those who are working under difficult circumstances with meager resources and facilities available.
The central objective of this paper is to put the discussion of women's rights in Afghanistan in the context of the multiple transitions entailed by the process of post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to peace), a political transition (to the formation of a legitimate and effective state) and a socioeconomic transition (from a "conflict" economy to sustainable growth). These transformations do not occur in a social vacuum but build upon existing societal arrangements that condition and limit the range of available opportunities. The first section contextualizes current attempts at securing women's rights in the troubled history of state-building and state-society relations in Afghanistan. The latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, and a rural hinterland that both resisted the incursions of the state and attempted to represent tribal interests within it. Attempts at modernization, including the expansion of women's rights, were instigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize power were thwarted at various junctures. The issue of women's rights was used as a bargaining counter in contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp swings of the pendulum between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and the Islamist policies of the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, in a context where the state's interface with local communities, whether in terms of the legal framework, revenue collection or service delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women's rights with reference only to government policies suffer from serious shortcomings. It is, rather, to the profound transformations brought about by years of protracted conflict that one must look for a better appraisal of obstacles to and opportunities for more gender-equitable development in Afghanistan. The second section discusses the implications of the far-reaching changes in social relations brought about by years of war and displacement following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A predominantly rural country whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed into a fragmented polity where a significant proportion of the economy is based on illicit, criminalized networks of trade in drugs (opium poppy, in particular) and commodities such as timber and emeralds, smuggling of goods and human trafficking. The central argument put forward in this section is that routine violations of women's rights in Afghanistan are determined by analytically distinct but overlapping and mutually reinforcing sets of influences: the dynamics of gendered disadvantage, the erosion of local livelihoods and growing poverty, the criminalization of the economy, and insecurity due to the predations of armed groups and factions. Particular combinations of new pressures (such as poverty, indebtedness and predation by local strongmen) and existing practices (such as the early marriage of girls against the payment of brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as unmediated expressions of local "culture", thus detracting critical attention from the full nexus of influences that deepen the vulnerability of girls and women. The third section focuses on processes of institutional development and reform since the Bonn Agreement in 2001.The national machinery set up for the advancement of women consists of: the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA); the Office of the State Minister for Women (OSMOW), set up to provide policy guidance with particular reference to legislative and judicial reform processes; the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tasked with the advancement of women's rights under one of its five programme areas; and the Gender Advisory Group (GAG), a donor-government co-ordination body that assists in formulating a national framework and budget for gender mainstreaming. The most tangible gains so far have been achieved in the area of legal rights, which were enshrined in the new Constitution of January 2004 and provide legal guarantees for women's equality as citizens and for their political representation. Many unresolved questions remain concerning the respective roles of Islamic and tribal laws and the stipulations of international treaties to which the government is a signatory (such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW which was ratified without reservations in March 2003). Without a process of consensus-building through political normalization and reconciliation, the risk that women's rights will be held hostage to factional politics remains high. The expansion of women's formal rights cannot, in any case, translate into substantive benefits in the absence of security and the rule of law. Moreover, women's formal rights to civic participation may have limited impact in a context where they remain wards of their households and communities and where their most basic entitlements to education and health continue to be denied. The conclusion draws attention to crippling disjunctures between different facets of post-conflict transition. Legal and governance reforms have advanced at a faster pace than has been achieved in the security sector or the transition to sustainable livelihoods. There is also a disjuncture between, on the one hand, the time frames adopted and outputs expected by international actors driving the women's rights agenda, and on the other, the length of time required for non-cosmetic changes in societal relations to develop as a result of peace-building. Since the issue of women's rights continues to occupy a highly politicized and sensitive place in the struggles between contending political factions in Afghanistan, this disjuncture may itself produce unintended effects, with disempowering consequences for women.
