Suchergebnisse

Our fundamental objective in this article is to explain why certain counties within the U.S continue to restrict the sale of alcohol at the start of the 21st century. What factors identified as important for the initial drive for Prohibition remain important nearly 80 years later? We assess to what extent social, political, and economic variables are related to the presence of restrictions on the sale of alcohol at the county-level across the United States. Analyzing contemporary county-level data from over 3,000 U.S. counties, the strongest factor associated with "dry" status of a county is the religious composition, specifically the presence of Evangelical Protestants. Conversely, a larger concentration of Roman Catholics inhibits prohibition in a county. The regional character of the political geography of contemporary prohibition-the phenomenon is almost entirely Southern-appears to be driven by the uneven distribution of different religious adherents across the country. Adapted from the source document.

The study of politics seems endlessly beset by debates about method. At the core of these debates is a single unifying concern: should political scientists view themselves primarily as scientists, developing ever more sophisticated tools and studying only those phenomena to which such tools may fruitfully be applied? Or should they instead try to illuminate the large, complicated, untidy problems thrown up in the world, even if the chance to offer definitive explanations is low? Is there necessarily a tension between these two endeavours? Are some domains of political inquiry more amenable to the building up of reliable, scientific knowledge than others, and if so, how should we deploy our efforts? In this book, some of the world's most prominent students of politics offer original discussions of these pressing questions, eschewing narrow methodological diatribes to explore what political science is and how political scientists should aspire to do their work

Article 17 TFEU has been mainly interpreted as a "safeguard clause" aimed at preventing the EU from affecting (even indirectly) national disciplines religiously connoted. Although this traditional interpretation seems to find confirmation in the letter of the provision, in the systematic reading with Article 4 TEU, second paragraph, as well as in the original will of the parties, some scholars started giving credit to a different interpretation: the Article could allow the development of a European Law and Religion System. This article aims to investigate the current possibility for the aforementioned change of prospective. It focuses on three key factors: the interpretative difficulties concerning the Article, the recent jurisprudential evolution of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the growing axiological-systematic relevance of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. This work argues that Article 17 TFEU does not recognize a national competence ex ante in all religious matters; it only requires the EU to refrain from regulating cases that are concretely characterized by a high rate of denominational specificity.

The intrusion of domestic politics into questions of foreign policy and peacemaking has usually had a negative impact. This has been true in a number of earlier small wars—for example, the Boer War and the French struggles in Indo-China and Algeria. It appears to be equally true in the Vietnam war. The force of this argument is illustrated by discussing the policy-making style of the American Govern ment, with some references to the British and French cases, first in normal circumstances, and then in situations where each has had to contend with rising dissent both within the elite and by the general public. Some effort has been made to indicate the difficult kinds of choices which confront a demo cratic government in this situation. Insofar as the govern ment attempts to manipulate public dissent to silence elite critics, another argument is made for the unique importance of dissent by former officials to counterbalance the govern ment's control of information and expertise. The situation which develops in these cases seems to indicate that the intru sion of domestic politics inhibits the possibility of successful peace negotiations.

Background: Adolescents are a vulnerable group who have great curiosity and need access to various adolescent health information. Therefore, the government has implemented a strategy through the implementation of Youth Care Health Services (YCHS). However, some of the stakeholders and youth have limited access to YCHS especially the ones delivered in schools setting. The purpose of this study was to investigate the implementation of adolescent health programs in schools especially public schools and religion-based schools.Design and methods: This study was an analytic observational quantitative study by using a cross-sectional design. This study was conducted in public schools and religion-based schools in North Surabaya Indonesia. The sample in this study consisted of 100 students through a simple random sampling technique.Results: There was a difference in the level of knowledge of adolescent reproductive health between public schools and religion-based schools (p=0.047). Student's attitudes (p=0.000) and environmental influences (p=0,000) both related with reproductive health contents. However, there was no difference in adolescent's attitudes about adolescent reproductive health programs (p=0.190) and adolescent's exposure to adolescent reproductive health policies (p=0.196).Conclusion: The implementation of adolescent health programs in two types of schools (public and religion-based) were different. Adolescents should have the same right to obtain knowledge about adolescent health as the prelude for forming a positive attitude. Therefore, stakeholders need to conduct regular monitoring and evaluation on the implementation of standardized adolescent health programs in all types of schools.