Suchergebnisse

The emergence of a nationalist ideology & national identity in 19th-century Catalonia is studied; specific attention is directed toward Valenti Almirall's (1902) work on Catalanism & Enrique Prat de la Riba's (1925) writing on Catalan identity. Almirall's separation of Castilians & Catalans into different national collectives, philosophy that conflict was a natural & essential aspect of human life, & perception of Catalanism as an ideological foundation capable of restoring Spain are discussed. In addition, Almirall's rationale for favoring Catalans who were members of the urban bourgeoisie to head the region's new political system is explained. After discussing biographical differences between Almirall & Prat de la Riba, an overview of Prat de la Riba's critique of the Spanish system government is presented. Prat de la Riba's attempt to demonstrate that Catalonia was a separate nation & perception of the rural family as the most important social unit are also addressed. The advantages of utilizing the study's analytical methods for future examinations of nationalism are also considered. J. W. Parker

A review essay on a book by George Soros, The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (New York: Public Affairs, 1998). Poznanski describes Soros's model as an intelligent challenge to the general optimism about the future of capitalism & also as a framework for the study of the fall of communism. Soros describes a crisis in capitalism caused by a shift in the balance between the market economy & state power. As the state ceases to regulate the market, the market becomes highly speculative & widens the gap between the rich & the poor. The resulting excessive speculation damages economies, while income disparity encourages political upheaval. The state is also dismantling the welfare system, & thus making the gap wider. This pattern is apparent at both the national & global levels. Regional financial crises are deteriorating economies & transferring wealth abroad. Postcommunist readers find Soros's work unacceptable because it puts their new hope in capitalism in a negative light & also implies that communism collapsed from moral decay. L. A. Hoffman

African American men have played a role in all aspects of the media in the US, but their participation has not always been welcomed or come easily. The dominant media have either excluded African Americans or portrayed them in such a bad light that some black people may have preferred exclusion. But over the years, African Americans have used adversity to motivate them to create opportunities for themselves. Racist editorial attacks on black people motivated Samuel Cornish & John Russworm to found the country's first black newspaper. Years later, Percy Sutton purchased his first station, WLIB radio (New York City), as a means of marshaling political power for the city's black & Hispanic communities. At the close of the 20th century, African American men work in all areas of the media in positions ranging from technicians to owners. The level of their authority & their images vary, but they have a definite presence. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines Michel Foucault's concept of problematization, which addresses how/why certain phenomena are questioned, analyzed, classified, & regulated, while others are not. Foucault's focus on phenomena that are taken for granted was an attempt to objectify what is considered to be objective, which challenged assumptions about the relation between theory & practice, thought & the world. Foucault's genealogical approach & archaeological method are explored, noting that he did not view theory & practice in opposition, but as being so closely intertwined that theory "does not express, translate, or serve to apply practice: it is practice." It is maintained that a basic insight of Foucault's work is that reality is the product of the constituting & colonizing activities of theory. A discussion of the implications of the genealogical approach for understanding the nature, object, & purpose of theory contends that theory becomes a practice in its own right, separate from the social forces it is concerned with, & its reality is restructured as a place that becomes integrated so that the object is always the object for theory. J. Lindroth

This note re-examines the survey data gathered by the Members of Parliament Project (MPP) on the attitudes of British parliamentarians toward European integration. Central to the analysis of the MPP is the idea that, within the parties, there is at work a dramatic cohort effect: long-serving Labour MPs are Euro-skeptic, but the more recently elected Labour MPs are pro-European; while long-serving Conservative MPs are pro-European, but the more recently elected are Euro-skeptic. The MPP has argued that this cohort effect began at different times in each party: in 1979 for the Conservatives & in 1987 for Labour. This note finds that, while this is (largely) true for the Conservatives, it is not true for Labour. According to the MPP's own data, pro-European Labour MPs began entering the House of Commons in 1979, 8 years -- & two elections -- before the MPP has argued. 6 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that the primitive state of thinking in the US about the obligation to give material aid to poorer members of the world community is rooted in the work of Cicero, whose distinction between two kinds of duties, in On Duties, has influenced political thought ever since. Cicero saw duties of justice as very strict & requiring high moral standards on the part of everyone involved; however, duties of material aid were only to be undertaken when they did not involve sacrifice on the giver's part. A detailed exploration of Cicero's argument points out its incoherence & suggests that his position, & acceptance of it by others, is rooted in ideas from Stoicism about the irrelevance of material goods for human flourishing. Cicero's thoughts in regard to property rights, gratitude for nurturing, dependency of children, fellowship, accountability, & the difficulty of assigning duties, are examined to determine if they provide any support for the distinction between the two types of duties, & varied reasons are offered for rejecting his premise. J. Lindroth

Defends the claim that pragmatic philosophy provides a normative foundation for the pursuit of a participatory democratic politics. This claim seems problematic to modern-day readers; however, the myths that have developed around the pragmatic tradition can be dismissed when pragmatism is revived as a substantive political doctrine. Five of the most common myths about the pragmatic tradition are examined. These myths encompass problems of context, problems relating to foundations, & problems relating to method. Although it is not the author's intent to disprove these myths in order to simply substitute another claim, this proves to be necessary in certain cases. In discussing these five myths, the author hopes to illuminate the features of pragmatic philosophy that are essential for normative political theory. In doing so, the idea that normative political theory works in defense of a participatory democracy, is supported. The author also refutes critics of pragmatism in the hope of bolstering the claims of pragmatism's modern-day supporters. K. A. Larsen

This article focuses on politicians' efforts to shape the issue agenda outside Congress. Control of the issue agenda inside the institution is a central part of congressional politics. The majority party exerts extensive control over this agenda, & the minority party often works to subvert that control. However, legislators (particularly those in the minority party) may extend the battle over the congressional agenda beyond the internal operations of Congress by promoting their arguments in the news media. Shaping this broader issue agenda can help politicians pursue their policy & electoral goals. If legislators draw media attention to an issue, they may more successfully move related legislation through Congress. In addition, media attention may publicize legislators' claims & accomplishments to constituents. I find that coordinated support for a single message increases the likelihood that the message receives news coverage. This article illustrates how these media campaigns may be an underappreciated source of bias in our news coverage. 1 Table, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Homeless families face the economic & personal challenges of sparse employment opportunities & child care & nutrition needs, compounded by the loss of adequate housing. The Family Development Center (FDC) is a transitional housing program in Atlanta, GA, designed to provide young homeless mothers an opportunity to emerge from what may well be desperate circumstances & begin the journey to economic self-sufficiency. This paper describes the research on programs for homeless families & presents the results of a comprehensive look at the operation & effectiveness of the FDC program during its first 5 years of existence. The work shows that while many families were able to effect notable positive changes in their lives during & after taking part in the housing program, for some the recovery from homelessness was extremely difficult. For even the most successful formerly homeless families -- those that secured employment, housing, & other social supports -- the escape from welfare dependence & poverty proved very difficult. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for relevant public policy. 4 Tables, 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Der Artikel beschreibt die politsche und ökonomische Situation in Kuba zu Beginn des neuen Millenniums. Zunächst erfolgt ein kurzer historischer Überblick, in dem die verschiedenen Etappen der kubanischen Entwicklung seit Anfang der 70er Jahre angerissen werden. Danach werden einige Veränderungen beschrieben, die z.B. die Beteiligung von Auslandskapital an kubanischen Unternehmen betreffen. Abschließend untersucht der Autor die Rolle verschiedener interner politischer Akteure. (DSE/DÜI)