Suchergebnisse

In Volume 1, distinguished economists, legal scholars, political scientists and sociologists examine the emerging institutions of corporate governance in privatized firms in transition economies. They investigate the role of banks, investment funds, and pension funds, as well as the role and impact of residual state ownership. In Volume 2, distinguished economists, legal scholars, political scientists and sociologists examine the emerging institutions of corporate governance in privatized firms in transition economies. They look at the nature of control exercised by insiders in Central and Eastern European firms and the emergence of indigenous corporate governance institutions. The volume also addresses the role of foreign investors and the many issues involved in the design of corporate and securities law. Each paper combines experience from advanced market economies with in-country empirical work in transition settings. Together these papers represent the most comprehensive and up-to-date comparative analysis yet undertaken of privatization struggles and their impact on corporate governance in Central Europe and Russia. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1199/thumbnail.jpg

For more than two decades, law and policy in the area of campaign finance reform have been framed by the conflict between the norms of promoting political equality and protecting political participation. Viewing campaign finance as a basic component of political activity, the Supreme Court has generally given political participation priority over equality and has invalidated reforms that would limit spending in order to promote equality. The Court, however, has sustained some restrictions on campaign finance activities of candidates, political parties, and individuals and groups who work with these political professionals. In effect, concern about the capacity of private donations to corrupt officeholders has mediated some of the tension between speech and equality and has provided a justification for some reforms, such as disclosure rules and contribution limits. As the 1996 election demonstrated, however, these efforts at reform have had relatively little effect in stemming the flow of special interest money into candidate and party coffers.

The work, particularly Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development (1989) of Vandana Shiva, an Indian writer, activist, feminist, & ecologist, is read as an instance of Third World feminist theory that draws on indigenous cultural traditions but has implications for mainstream feminist scholarship. Teresa L. Ebert's (1992/93) notion of theory is drawn on to discuss Shiva's arguments as an articulation of an alternative paradigm based on the epistemologies of rural women & peasants that integrates them into an oppositional political framework. According to Shiva, rural Indian women & men have been systematically marginalized through the displacement & devaluation of their indigenous knowledges by a profit-oriented Western development paradigm. How Shiva employs the notion of prakriti (nature, a feminine creative force) as it has been mobilized by the Chipko activists she studies is explored. Her critique is taken to represent an alternative conceptualization of the relation between people & nature founded on the indigenous as a subject of theory. D. M. Smith

Examines how the case of artist Marie Laurencin reveals limitations in feminist theories of avant-gardism, focusing on her relation to the cubist avant-garde & how signs of her femininity were mobilized by the artist as well as her colleagues, critics, & patrons. It is observed that current feminist theories of avant-gardism either celebrate Laurencin as an example of transgressive femininity or criticize her as an example of a modernist construction that works to exclude women. Here, it is shown that Laurencin's femininity was at times wielded as an exception to prove the rule that women were not serious avant-garde painters & at others was considered disconcertingly feminist. Drawing on Michel de Certeau's (1984) account of the oppositional practices of everyday life, it is argued that Laurencin's relationship to cubist avant-gardism was at once enabling & alienating, as the unstable modernist discourses of the early 20th century opened a space in which even someone as relatively disadvantaged as Laurencin was able to maneuver. 9 Figures. D. M. Smith

A law, business, or public policy student entering the field of international finance will have a substantial advantage if she takes a course using the Scott and Wellons book entitled International Finance: Transactions, Policy, and Regulations. Most practitioners already working in the field will also find it useful reading since few of them know the range of institutional detail provided by these materials. The book is insufficiently comprehensive, however, to become the kind of classic that defines a field. Nor, with this limited focus, lack of bibliography, and lack of index, is it likely to become a standard reference work. Nevertheless, it is more than just another casebook. Its clear and concise materials illuminate the often mysterious and arcane details of the institutions of international finance and will open up a world about which many, absent its publication, would have remained ignorant. A future edition with a broadened focus would make the book that much more influential.

Both state and federal leaders will need to work together to preserve state sovereignty in the face of challenges posed by trade agreements. Greater federal-state communication will balance the struggle between the federal government's goal in promoting free trade and individual state governments' interests in protecting their sovereignty. Part II of this Comment examines the federalist principles that influence the existing federal-state framework of authority. Part II also discusses the federal government's constitutional authority over state compliance with U.S. trade obligations and whether states have any constitutional or legal authority to demand more autonomy in conducting their trade and commerce. Part III introduces NAFTA and discusses the U.S. government's obligation to individual states under NAFTA to consult with states in trade matters that will affect state interests. Part IV then examines how the NAFTA federal-state consultation process can serve as a safeguard against the federal government's infringement on state sovereignty.This Comment concludes that NAFTA, by requiring increased communication between federal and state government leaders, can have a positive impact on state sovereignty.

Reconsiders & contests historical & political interpretations of the British New Left by Lin Chun in The British New Left & Michael Kenny in The First New Left: British Intellectuals After Stalin. Argues that problems in both books are semantic -- "Left" as a monolithic political term should not be applied to a coalition of diverse philosophical & religious people interested in a non-aligned European movement -- and historical -- indeed, Kenny's work is described as largely ahistorical or antihistorical for its lack of proper contextualization & the misreadings of personalities described in his text -- in character. Both inaccuracies & inadequacies are treated in separate sections by drawing on personal experience & rereading from important journals such as The New Reasoner & describing the relationship between the New Left, the Communist Party, & the Institute for Worker's Control (CND). The importance of the Left Clubs & journals to the development of the non-aligned Left movement since the 1950s is also addressed. More needs to be done, it is suggested, to adequately reevaluate the development & success of this movement since its new left beginnings. R. Rodriguez

Examination of the relationship of Japan & the World Bank with specific interest in analyzing how & to what degree the World Bank acts as an autonomous variable in the international system. Illustrates how Japan was able to change World Bank perception & policy toward East Asian development by following an independent path working with East Asian countries' development projects. Nevertheless, the World Bank is shown to continue to work autonomously as a major agent of development internationally. The East Asian Miracle: Economic Growth & Public Policy, a special 1993 study resulting from the Japan's request that the World Bank examine East & Southeast Asia, is examined here after reviewing the tension between Japan & the World Bank beginning in the 1980s & the process of preparing the study. It is concluded that the Bank's values & objectives are influenced & determined by world financial markets; the financial capital's owners, managers; & organizational structure & staff. While not taking direct orders from the US, this structure & set of values also represent US values & objectives, making the Bank less autonomous than it appears superficially. R. Rodriguez

Examines the ideological theory of Wolfgang Fritz Haug & the Projekt Ideologie-Theorie, developed over the last 25 years, in an analysis of Richard Rorty's (1994) critique of Richard Bernstein's Dictatorship of Virtue (1994). In Haug's work, the notion of ideology is divided into two categories: neutral conceptions, which compose a unified worldview; & critical conceptions, which are imposed in a process of class struggle. Critical conceptions are understood as forms of vertical socialization that position social groups in hierarchies of dominance. In place of these hierarchies, a notion of horizontal socialization is preferred by Haug because it promises a free exchange of ideas between relatively equal groups. Rorty's argument that the white, Protestant, middle-class view in the US ought to be adopted at least in part by subordinate groups is taken to be a form of vertical socialization &, thus, as an instance of ideological dominance. A form of horizontal socialization is proposed as an alternative way to bring together the diverse groups in the US. 60 References. D. M. Ryfe

THE DEVASTATING EXPLOSION IN OKLAHOMA CITY ON 19 APRIL 1995 HAS DRAWN ATTENTION TO THE EXISTENCE OF CITIZEN MILITIAS AND THE PATRIOT MOVEMENT OF WHICH THEY ARE PART. OPPOSED TO GUN CONTROL AND TAXATION AND STRONGLY INFLUENCED BY CLAIMS OF CONCEALED FOREIGN TROOPS, CONCENTRATION CAMPS AND PLANS TO IMPOSE A NEW WORLD ORDER, PATRIOTS ARE THE INHERITORS OF A RADICAL RIGHTIST CONSPIRATORIALISM DATING BACK TO THE 1960S. BELIEVING AMERICAN LIBERTIES TO BE AS THREATENED BY OLIVER NORTH AS BY PRESIDENT CLINTON, THE MOVEMENT IS A DIFFUSE SUBCULTURE WHICH ENCOMPASSES BOTH RACIST ADHERENTS OF WHAT IS TERMED CHRISTIAN IDENTITY AND MORE TRADITIONAL CHRISTIAN FUNDAMENTALISTS (AND EVEN INCLUDES SOME MEMBERS OF ETHNIC MINORITIES). THE OKLAHOMA BOMBING, IT BELIEVES, WAS THE WORK OF FORCES SEEKING TO DEMONIZE THE MOVEMENT BUT WHILE IT ARGUES THAT THE CREATION OF MILITIAS IS PURELY DEFENSIVE, THERE IS A CONSTANT DANGER OF CONFRONTATION WITH THE STATE IN THE RHETORIC OF A SECOND AMERICAN REVOLUTION.