Suchergebnisse

Democracy from Aristotélica theory is a 'form of government of the people, all citizens or all those enjoying citizenship rights' (Bobbio, 1981, p. 441). Bobbio's words are used as a shooter for this document, which will briefly address the impact of new technologies on the implementation of democracy and how there are risks to the vast amount of information in space. Institute for International Relations ; La democracia desde la teoría aristotélica es una "forma de gobierno del pueblo, de todos los ciudadanos o bien de todos aquellos que gozan de los derechos de ciudadanía" (Bobbio, 1981, pág. 441) Tomando las palabras de Bobbio como disparador para el presente documento, en el que se abordará de una manera breve, el impacto que tienen las nuevas tecnologías en la ejecución de la Democracia y de cómo a su vez, existen riesgos ante la gran cantidad de información en el ciber espacio. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Summary La Cátedra de la Paz is a mandatory academic space for all educational institutions in Colombia, the aim of which is to create citizenship competences for democratic coexistence, respectful of human rights and peace. This article analyses the bibliographic production of the Peace Chair from three categories: how peace is defined, what role is assigned to educational institutions in the formation of peace citizens and what are the teaching approaches and methodologies for the application of the principles and content of the Chair. It was concluded that the literature on the Chair of Peace should be further explored into the imaginaries, possibilities and characteristics of students, in order to create more precise routes for action on the training of citizens for peace. On the other hand, a consensus was found on the role of schools as primary leaders in civic education, starting with the participation of students. ; Resumen La Cátedra de la Paz es un espacio académico obligatorio para todas las instituciones educativas de Colombia, que tiene como objetivo generar competencias ciudadanas para una convivencia democrática, respetuosa de los Derechos Humanos y en paz. Este artículo analiza la producción bibliográfica sobre la Cátedra de la Paz a partir de tres categorías: cómo se define la paz, qué rol se les asigna a las instituciones educativas en la formación de ciudadanías de paz y cuáles son los enfoques y metodologías de enseñanza para la aplicación de los principios y contenidos de la Cátedra. Se concluye que la bibliografía sobre la Cátedra de la Paz debe profundizar en el estudio de imaginarios, posibilidades y características de los estudiantes, para crear rutas de acción más certeras sobre la formación de ciudadanos para la paz. Por otro lado, se encontró un consenso sobre el rol de los colegios como responsables principales de la formación ciudadana, teniendo como punto de partida la participación de los estudiantes.

UMR 5600, coordinators of the UNESCO chair "Urban policies and citizenship". With the help of Solène Compingt, consultant on citizen participation and empowerment. ; Avec le soutien de Solène Compingt, consultante sur la participation citoyenne et le pouvoir d'agir.

Debates over the stripping of citizenship have been rekindled in many countries in recent years. Radical right populist parties (RRPPs) are often perceived to have played a significant role in these resurging debates, even if they do not possess executive power and are often marginalised by mainstream parties. However, RRPPs' real influence on policy-making remains unclear and the way RRPPs intervene in the policy-making process to influence it has not yet been satisfactorily determined. By focusing on policy-making, this study asks the question: how do RRPPs influence resurging debates over the stripping of citizenship? Using process-tracing and evidence from archives, memoirs, and 67 interviews with policy-makers and party leaders, this research aims to determine if and how RRPPs intervene in the process in France and Belgium. The results indicate that RRPPs matter but that their influence is strongly curtailed. Their influence is not exercised directly and through institutional arenas, but indirectly: based on a provocative style, in a specific context, and through public opinion and the media.

After 1990, a renewal of political history studies on Latin America started. One of the central themes has been the process of citizenship training. It is proposed to put forward a systematic perspective on the learning and exercise of citizenship in Bolivia as a political process in which it is important to understand the dynamics revealed by political mobilisation. In this way, it is important to interpret the electoral offence evidenced by fraud, clientelism and violence. In addition, the escalation of armed citizenship as a democratising factor in society and politics. ; Peer reviewed ; After 1990, a renewal of political history studies on Latin America started. One of the central themes has been the process of citizenship training. It is proposed to put forward a systematic perspective on the learning and exercise of citizenship in Bolivia as a political process in which it is important to understand the dynamics revealed by political mobilisation. In this way, it is important to interpret the electoral offence evidenced by fraud, clientelism and violence. In addition, the escalation of armed citizenship as a democratising factor in society and politics. ; Proyecto I+D HAR 2010-17580 ; After 1990, a renewal of political history studies on Latin America started. One of the central themes has been the process of citizenship training. It is proposed to put forward a systematic perspective on the learning and exercise of citizenship in Bolivia as a political process in which it is important to understand the dynamics revealed by political mobilisation. In this way, it is important to interpret the electoral offence evidenced by fraud, clientelism and violence. In addition, the escalation of armed citizenship as a democratising factor in society and politics. ; Después de 1990 comenzó una renovación de los estudios de historia política sobre América Latina. Uno de los temas centrales ha sido el proceso de formación de la ciudadanía. Se pro- pone una perspectiva sistemática sobre el aprendizaje y ejercicio de la ...

The relations between political citizenship, sovereignty and public education are studied in the first republican trials on the rioplatense coast, showing contact points with the Spanish mainland between 1812 and 1822. We propose a chronological cut in which these sovereign entities believe that it is necessary to establish citizenship criteria that exclude the peninsular in the River Plata and distinguishes between Spanish and Spanish citizens on the peninsula, coinciding approximately with the period from the sanction of the Constitution of Cádiz to the distance from the war of Independence of the Lieutenant. The relationship between the state and national levels and the governmental forms prior to the construction of the national states is problematic and criteria have been established for discussing the issue of the creation of a legitimate authority in the early 1820s. Links are established between public education projects and the definition of political citizenship. There are mainly plans to create political legitimacy through the creation of extended citizenship promoted in the future by means of public education outside the traditional fields of education of the elites. On the rioplatense coast, as in mainland Spain, deadlines and conditions are laid down for the establishment of this public education, which is one of the foundations of an enlarged citizenship that does not exist at a time of profound and original changes in the Faculty of Humanities and Education Sciences. ; In this article, the connections between political citizenship and public education arising during the first Republican years in the River Plate littoral provinces are studied in order to show their links to the European peninsular context between 1812 and 1825. A chronological reading is posited, in which these sovereign entities conceive of the need to establish criteria for citizenship excluding peninsulars in the River Plate and distinguishing between Spaniard and Spanish citizen in the peninsula; this reading coincides ...

Sparing a thought on the State is still an urgent need in our country because the State has not lost a central place as interlocutor of social demands. Specifi cally, I try to recover the substantial contributions some feminist thinkers have made. In particular, risking that my selection could be typecast into the colonialist discursivity, I will return to the contributions of the English political scientist Carole Pateman and American lawyer Catharine MacKinnon. Then, I will make some comments on the derivations of their proposals and how other authors have contributed to debate, with special emphasis in the citizenship both active and passive. Finally, I will think about our practice and our theory in the process of becoming feminists. ; Pensar el Estado sigue presentando cierta urgencia en Argentina pues no ha dejado de tener una gran centralidad como interlocutor de las demandas sociales. Específicamente, procuro recuperar los aportes sustantivos de algunas pensadoras feministas. En particular, y aún a riesgo de que mi recorte pueda encasillarse en el de la colonialidad discursiva, retomaré las contribuciones de la politóloga inglesa Carole Pateman y la jurista estadounidense Catharine MacKinnon. Luego, estableceré algunas consideraciones sobre las derivaciones de sus propuestas y la forma en que otras autoras han aportado con particular eje en la ciudadanía tanto en su faz activa como pasiva. Finalmente, volveré a pensar nuestra práctica y nuestra teoría en el proceso de devenir feminista. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The present work places university radios in the educational context of serving citizenship, civic participation and democratisation of peoples, such as citizen-oriented public services, media alternatives to the commercial and private system. A brief overview is given of the booming international situation, especially in Latin America and Europe, of these universities, which are genuine 2.0 communication platforms, with an intensive use of the Internet, focusing on the importance of collaboration and the generation of international networks as a future strategy. O Present trabalho situa as a university races that do not have a temporary context of serviço à Cidadania, à particippação civica e à democratização dos povos, as public services of vocação cidad, and as mydiatic alternatives or commercial and private system. Apresenta-se um brief overview of the powerful international situação, especially non-Latin American and Europeu, Meios desses universitários, which são autênticas Plataforma de comunicação 2.0, com intensive use da Internet, centrando-se na importância da cooperação e na geração de red internationais as a strategy for or future. This work presents university radios in their educational-communicative context at the service of the citizenship, as a means to foster the civil participation and the democratisation of people, acting as medium alternatives to the commercial and the private system. A brief description of the international situation is presented, specifically in the European and Latin-American dimension, regarding the university average, which work as 2.0 communication platforms, with an intentional use of Internet, foresising on the import of collaborative work and on the generation of international networks as a strategy for the future. ; El presente trabajo sitúa las radios universitarias en el contexto educomunicativo de servicio a la ciudadanía, la participación cívica y la democratización de los pueblos, como servicios públicos de vocación ciudadana, alternativas mediáticas al ...

International audience In the course of the institutional integration of education for sustainable development (ESD), university courses have been going through rapid changes, but this process can be blocked or aided by each country's peculiar features, whether institutional, financial, cultural or other. This article proposes an examination of the specific socio-educational characteristics of the implementation of ESD based on a study of the social representations of students in three European countries (Germany, France and Poland), and in two types of Master's level university education. The paper initially focuses on the differences and similarities in the student research groups. It then analyses the representational components in terms of the possible impacts on the implementation of ESD at the university from a critical, citizenship perspective. Despite the differences in the students' representational structures in the various countries, we can see that, in the three national groups, the social representations of sustainable development are highly focused and have a highly fragmented character. The lack of systematization of the different elements of the representation poses barriers to critical education, although this takes different forms in the different countries.

International audience It is often argued that development aid can and should compensate the restrictions on migration. Such compensation, Shachar has recently argued, should be levied as a tax on citizenship to further the global equality of opportunity. Since citizenship is essentially a "birthirght lottery", that is, a way of legalizing privileges obtained by birth, it would be fair to compensate the resulting gap in opportunities available to children born in rich versus poor countries by a "birthright privilege levy", as Shachar called it. This article sets out a defence of three theses. The first states that equality of opportunity is incompatible with, and cannot be achieved in, segregated territories. The second posits that to believe that material equality compensates the injustice of restrictions on movement is to commit a "sedentarist mistake". The third affirms that any citizenship levy, including the egalitarian and non-sedentarist formula I'm proposing, would be better understood as a penalty rather than a tax.

Based on the in situ observation of the "first pan-European deliberative survey" — Tomorn's Europe — which took place in the Brussels buildings of the European Parliament at the weekend of October 2007, the authors intend to analyse the views of the various entrepreneurs in Europe who have imagined, organised and operationalised by this experience a physical sample of the European public space. For three days, they looked at how the 400 citizens from the 27 Member States of the European Union were doing so to 'discuss the Europe of tomorrow' in a scheme presented as scientifically tried and tested. In addition to the intellectual and political debate always having a bearing on the artificial or unrepresentative nature of this embodiment of European citizenship, the authors focus on representations of institutions — here the EU institutions, think tanks and other partners in European public affairs — on popular perceptions of Europe. By bringing together in the same analysis the loans to theories and methods of science (and, first and foremost, political science), the protocol prescribes for 'deliberation', the development of European interculturality and the media strategy of Tomorns's Europe, the experience is more apparent from a political instrument on the test bed; a political instrument capable of including European civil society and making its opinion predictable. ; International audience "Become Europe's ambassadors" A political analysis of the first pan-European Deliberative Poll experiment The "first pan-European Deliberative Poll" - Tomorrow's Europe - took place in the European Parliament buildings in Brussels in October 2007. Using their in situ observations, the authors propose to analyze the various representations of the "Europe entrepreneurs" who imagined and organized this European public space in miniature. For three days, they watched how four hundred people from the twenty-seven EU member-states managed to "talk about the future of Europe" within a "scientifically proven" framework. Beyond ...

Peer reviewed ; [EN] This article deals with the reciprocal normative implications between the conceptions of global justice and citizenship on the one hand, and the definition of migration politics on the other hand. The investigation is carried out in four steps: first, there will be provided some reasons to overcome the state oriented focus of the theory of justice; then the worldwide poverty and the migration flows will be pointed out as problems that any modern theory of justice has to cope with; in a third step, it will be shown to what extent the national borders have to be regarded as obstacles for an implementation of a global conception of justice; and, finally, it will be argued for a redefinition of the notion of citizenship that is meant to build the normative horizon of migration politics. ; [ES] En este artículo se abordan las recíprocas implicaciones normativas existentes entre las concepciones de la justicia global y de la ciudadanía, por un lado, y la definición de las políticas migratorias, por otro. La exploración se hace en cuatro pasos: se ofrecen algunas razones para superar el enfoque estadocéntrico de la teoría de la justicia; se presentan la pobreza mundial y los flujos migratorios generados por ella como cuestiones ineludibles para una teoría de la justicia; se analizan los obstáculos que las fronteras estatales representan a la hora de implementar una concepción global de la justicia; y, finalmente, se argumenta a favor de redefinir la noción de ciudadanía de modo que constituya el horizonte normativo de las políticas migratorias. Articulo elaborado en el marco del Proyecto de Investigación "Políticas migratorias, justicia y ciudadanía" (HUM2006-1703/FISO), financiado por el Plan Nacional I+D+i del Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (España), desarrollado a lo largo del trienio 2007-2009, proyecto del que el autor fue el Investigador Principal

I. A definition of the citizen in a crisis 1°) the origins2) the constitution of 19583) putting into practice: the 1958-1959II elections. Evolution of political citizenship, from 1959 until the early 19901s) the "dein": list of main facts (to be listed; choose (2) the "dein": the major theories 3°) the "outside" (from the 1958 survey on Algeria to 1992): "size" and "independence" III. The extension of citizenship outside the classified policy area1° the development of "economic citizenship" 2) the emergence of the concept of "social citizenship" 3) the other extensionsa) the concept of citizen beyond the nationalb) development of the concept of "citizen security" c) the school and civism a subject "in the air of time", cf. B.Sickness P.Perrineau dir., The citizen. Mixtures offered at Alain Lancelot, Presses deSciences Po, 2000, 319 p., report in twentieth Seecle. Review of History, Octobre.-December 2000, pp. 144-145D.Schnapper, what is citizenship? Gallimard, 2000, 320 p., report in Twentieth Seecle. Review of History, Octobre.-December 2000, pp. 144-145 ; DEUG ; I. A definition of the citizen in a crisis 1°) the origins2) the constitution of 19583) putting into practice: the 1958-1959II elections. Evolution of political citizenship, from 1959 until the early 19901s) the "dein": list of main facts (to be listed; choose (2) the "dein": the major theories 3°) the "outside" (from the 1958 survey on Algeria to 1992): "size" and "independence" III. The extension of citizenship outside the classified policy area1° the development of "economic citizenship" 2) the emergence of the concept of "social citizenship" 3) the other extensionsa) the concept of citizen beyond the nationalb) development of the concept of "citizen security" c) the school and civism a subject "in the air of time", cf. B.Sickness P.Perrineau dir., The citizen. Mixtures offered at Alain Lancelot, Presses deSciences Po, 2000, 319 p., report in twentieth Seecle. Review of History, Octobre.-December 2000, pp. 144-145D.Schnapper, what is citizenship? ...

For every citizen to be competent, you should have a minimum knowledge of the rules governing the functioning of the democratic system in which you live. The advantages of a competent citizenship in the field of politics are evident: political leaders who develop their government programmes vis-à-vis competent citizens will find it more difficult to disregard their mandates and to behave the general interest than political elites in countries where most of their citizens have a low level of political competence. Despite the technical difficulties in reliably measuring the level of political knowledge of the public, evidence has been presented showing a medium — low level of political knowledge of citizens in Spain. In addition, there is an uneven distribution of this political resource among citizens. In particular, it shows that socio-economic inequalities are replicated at political level, as the highest level of political competition is found among middle-aged men (aged 30-55) and with higher levels of education, precisely those citizens who enjoy greater opportunities for the acquisition and processing of political information. Inequality of opportunity is also reflected in motivations for information and understanding of politics. This work shows that the level of political knowledge of citizens is more in line with more time spent on policy information. However, the sources used to obtain such information appear to be relevant: the written media. By contrast, the consumption of political information on television has no influence on the level of political competition among citizens. In line with these results, proposals are discussed in two broad areas of action: the media and the education system. With regard to the media, a context of polarisation of political information in Spain has been identified, in which the proposed measures to promote the political knowledge of citizens must first seek to ease this polarisation; and secondly, to achieve a better distribution of political information. ; Peer ...

Since the early 1990s, French students have acquired rights to facilitate their participation in the life of the school. Their role in the classroom and board of directors was reaffirmed and new participatory bodies were set up (secondary school life council, general assembly of delegates, health and citizenship education committee, etc.). School life is thus structured around activities organised during the classroom and those taking place outside classroom hours, with in principle continuity of learning in these different educational spaces. If it is observed that not all pupils take up the opportunities offered, a minority nevertheless chooses to be involved on a daily basis, particularly in the consultative or deliberative bodies that guide the institution's political decisions. How is this "active minority" perceived by the staff of the establishment? Do they share a fairly unified, homogeneous approach to student participation? Or, on the contrary, are the status, training and professional practice as many variables involved in the design of the possible involvement of pupils? ; International audience ; Since the early 1990s, French students have acquired rights to facilitate their participation in the life of the school. Their role in the classroom and board of directors was reaffirmed and new participatory bodies were set up (secondary school life council, general assembly of delegates, health and citizenship education committee, etc.). School life is thus structured around activities organised during the classroom and those taking place outside classroom hours, with in principle continuity of learning in these different educational spaces. If it is observed that not all pupils take up the opportunities offered, a minority nevertheless chooses to be involved on a daily basis, particularly in the consultative or deliberative bodies that guide the institution's political decisions. How is this "active minority" perceived by the staff of the establishment? Do they share a fairly unified, homogeneous ...