Suchergebnisse

Ende 2019 erlebte Lateinamerika erneut einen Zyklus popularer Mobilisierungen, der zahlreiche Länder erfasste und international für Aufsehen sorgte. Wegen ihres Ausmaßes und ihrer regionalen Bedeutung liegt der Schwerpunkt des Artikels auf dem temporären Volksaufstand in Ecuador, den Protesten in Bolivien und Kolumbien sowie der Insurrektion in Chile. Dabei werden neben der Analyse des historischen Kontexts, der Forderungen und der beteiligten AkteurInnen vor allem die auftretenden Antagonismen, die Konfliktlinien und widerständigen Subjekte in den einzelnen Ländern sichtbar gemacht. Der Artikel schließt mit einer vergleichenden Einschätzung der Mobilisierungen, in der Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede der vier untersuchten Fälle herausgearbeitet werden.

The article analyzes the dynamics of protest control in São Paulo, from June 2013 to June 2014, focusing on coalitions between actors, arenas and institutional repertoires. We argue that the police crackdown on June 13 in São Paulo encouraged ordinary citizens to join the demonstrations, as well as spurred changes in local and federal government responses to protests and in repressive repertoires of social control.

Einführung: Nahrungsmangel, Hunger und Protest -- 1. Forschungsstand, Fragestellungen, westeuropäischer Vergleich -- Moralische Ökonomie und historischer Kontext -- Die räumliche Ausbreitung von Nahrungsrevolten in Südwest-England 1766, 1795 und 1801 -- Am Rande Europas. Subsistenzproteste in Südwest-Spanien 1880–1923 -- 2. Obrigkeitliche Nahrungspolitik im 18. Jahrhundert -- Lohn- und Kostkonflikte im deutschen Handwerk des 18. Jahrhunderts. Überlegungen zur Geschichte des Lohnstreiks -- Obrigkeitliche Krisenregulierung und kommunale Interessen: Das Beispiel Württemberg 1770/71 -- 3. Die klassische Periode der Hungerunruhen in Deutschland 1790–1850 -- Die norddeutschen Subsistenzproteste der 1790er Jahre -- Hungerkrisen in Posen und im Rheinland 1816/17 und 1847 -- Hungerunruhen in Preußen -- Frauenspezifische Partizipation an Hungerunruhen des 19. Jahrhunderts. Überlegungen zu strukturellen Differenzen im Protestverhalten -- "Mutter, a Brot." Essen und Hungern in der Wiener Vormärzliteratur -- 4. Das Ende der traditionellen Nahrungsrevolte? -- Industrialisierung, Familienökonomie und Hungererfahrung. Sozialkonflikte, Arbeitskämpfe und Konsumboykott in der Schweiz 1880–1914 -- Hauptsache: Ordnung. Hungrige Kinder, Schulspeisung und der Berliner Rektorenprotest von 1895 -- Die Fleischrevolte am Wedding. Lebensmittelversorgung und Politik in Berlin am Vorabend des Ersten Weltkriegs -- Fleischteuerungsprotest und Parteipolitik im Rheinland und im Reich 1905–1914 -- 5. Existentielle Krisen der Kriegs-, Zwischenkriegs- und Nachkriegszeit 1914–1950 -- Teuerungsprotest und Teuerungsunruhen 1914–1923. Selbsthilfegesellschaft und Geldentwertung -- Lebensmittelunruhen in Berlin 1920–1923 -- Hunger und Überleben in den nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslagern (1938–1945) -- Hungerkrise und kollektiver Protest in Westdeutschland (1945–1949) -- Hunger und sozialer Konflikt in der Nachkriegszeit -- 6. Hungererfahrung und Hungerprotest in der Dritten Welt -- "Wer Nahrung liefert, hat auch Hunger." Getreidemarkt und moralische Ökonomie der Bauern — ein Kontrastbeispiel aus dem südlichen Afrika (ca. 1950–1990) -- Nahrungsmangel und Hungerkrisen in Äthiopien. Zerstörung traditionaler Produktionssysteme am Beispiel der Ogaden-Nomaden -- Bibliographie.

It is clear that the recent wave of self-immolations and protests taking place in southern Amdo and northern Kham in eastern Tibet is a reflection of an extreme form of defiance in response to an increasingly repressive atmosphere. The atmosphere is epitomized by the intensification of patriotic education campaigns in monasteries and is framed within a broader political context of discriminatory rule by authorities who generally see only variants of assimilation as the solution to the so-called 'Tibet Question.' However, it is less clear why this particular form of protest – self-immolation – is happening in this particular part of Tibet. The explanation is probably not found in differences of governance styles across this eastern Tibetan region, which has been fragmented, absorbed and ruled by the Chinese provinces of Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu and the Tibet Autonomous Region. Additionally, there are large Tibetan areas in these provinces, under similar conditions of rule, where self-immolations have not taken place. Rather, local histories in these Tibetan areas need to be carefully considered, especially with respect to the evolving fusion between religious faith, political dissidence, and rapid dislocating social change.

Since the 1990s, organizations formed by Israelis of Ethiopian origin (IEO) have criticized the government's policy toward them. This article deals with the development of, and innovation in, those organizations' activities. Our research question looks at the elements of innovation that helped these organizations improve the effectiveness of their work with the government and in the public sphere. We base our study on interviews with IEO activists who participated in the community's protests in the 1990s, 2015, and 2020. Our theoretical overview incorporates a global perspective on innovation in policymaking and the effects of NGO networks on government policy. The article describes the development and innovation of NGOs in Israel alongside similar cases in other countries.

"Am Beispiel algerischer Vertragsarbeiter wird die Lebenssituation ausländischer Arbeiter in der DDR untersucht. Die häufig gestellte Frage, ob Migranten ausgebildet wurden oder unattraktive Tätigkeiten ausführten, wird mit einem 'sowohl als auch' beantwortet. Die geringe Zahl von Ausländern führte in der DDR nicht nur zu Ausländerfeindlichkeit, sondern auch zu besonderer Neugierde. Für die Migranten bedeutete sie schwache soziale Kontrolle durch Landsleute. Die Ergebnisse lassen sich mit drei Konzepten fassen. Die untersuchten Vertragsarbeiter verfügten über einen doppelten Sozialstatus: Ihre Position am Arbeitsplatz war niedrig, doch in der Freizeit verfügten sie angesichts des Zugangs zu Westattributen über ein hohes Prestige. Zumeist durchlebten die Migranten eine späte Adoleszenz: Alkoholkonsum und Paarbeziehungen waren dabei von besonderer Bedeutung. Die Algerier praktizierten Protest: Dabei nutzten sie traditionale Solidarität, Instrumente der Arbeiterbewegung und ihre Westattribute. Die Studie kontrastiert mit drei gängigen Annahmen der Migrationssoziologie. 1. Die untersuchten Migranten migrierten nicht für ihre Familien, sondern profitierten von der Freiheit von familiären Verpflichtungen. 2. Sie sahen sich selbst nicht als Opfer von Rassismus, sondern als Täter, die in legitimer Weise physische Gewalt anwendeten. 3. Sie integrierten sich nicht primär am Arbeitsplatz, sondern lebten vor allem für private Beziehungen in der Freizeit." (Autorenreferat)

The waves of public protest events that accompanied the early years of the transition from Communism in the former Soviet republic of Belarus offer the opportunity to explore the short-term interaction between state repression and the ongoing choice of protest form by challengers. Using police (militia) records of public protest events between 1990 and 1995, we examine the evolving choice of protest form by collective actors in Belarus. We develop expectations about how the strength of social actors interacts with the extent and form of state repression in shaping protest form. Analyses show that as democratic access expanded and state repression waned during a "democratic opening" weak collective actors came to dominate the protest arena, staging mostly pickets and vigils. As state repression escalated, however, strong collective actors reentered the protest arena, but, in response to the escalating state repression, employed mostly the picket/vigil protest form that, during less repressive times, had been the weapon of the weak collective actors.

Global crises - the financial crisis, the energy crisis, the food crisis - have numerous social, political, and ecological impacts at the local level. This article examines the relationship of global crises and local conflicts using protests against the high cost of living in Burkina Faso as an example. Burkina Faso was among the states that witnessed particularly intense confrontations related to the global food price crisis of 2007/2008. How are global crises mediated so that they lead to conflicts and collective action at the national and local level? This question is dealt with referring to the analytical concepts of scale and framing. Global crises result in political protest, when oppositional actors successfully frame them in a way that links them to existing conflicts and claims, thus mobilizing protest potentials. Adapted from the source document.

<em>This study seeks to investigate news content on environmental protests in the Indian newspapers. A quantitative designed based on content analysis was adopted in this research. This study used two English dailies i.e., The Hindu and The New Indian Express and two Telugu dailies i.e., Eenadu and Vaartha were taken for analysis. It is not a random sample. In this a purposive sample method was adopted and analyzed 365 issues of each newspaper. Selection of time period was one year i.e., 1^st January, 2002 to 31^st December, 2002 were analyzed for daily reportage and space allocation and unit of analysis published. Keeping in view 10 environmental protests have been mainly identified for this research. All data collected were analyzed using simple descriptive statistics. Statistical techniques as chi-square, ANOVA, mean, median, SD etc. have been used for analysis.</em>

This study combines ethnographic and computational approaches to critically examine what gets 'lost in translation' when studying intersecting social contexts of diasporic mobilisation around homeland politics. Considering how Ukrainians living in the U.S. engaged with homeland politics during the Euromaidan protests, we map transnational diasporic mobilisation, shining light on the various material, discursive, and affective connections that emerged in the process. We find that Euromaidan protests were a point of passage – and thus, convergence – between the often incongruous notions of national identity across regional as well as national territorial borders. Translating the local meanings and cultural codes associated with the Euromaidan protests, diasporas sought to amplify them to reach global audiences through their use of the grammars and vocabularies of socially mediated protest. Situating our inquiry in networked diasporic discourses and building on a decolonial understanding of Ukraine's history and politics, our approach illuminates the possibilities for studying transnational mobilisation and activism as a heterogeneous network of publics, discourses, and identity practices.

Argued is that mass urban protests are more important indicators of political change in many developing areas than political innovation & institution building at the top governmental level. Most development theorists in the West have concentrated their enquiries on the latter, almost to the exclusion of the former. In Pakistan, the Ayub regime was overthrown in 1969 largely by massive urban protests of students & industrial labor, whereas the Bhutto regime was overthrown in 1977 by urban protests organized by the bourgeoisie & key elements in the army. Such protests indicate the kind of social changes taking place in the organized urban sector in Pakistan. The petite bourgeoisie in a more industrialized city like Karachi is better organized than its counterparts in less industrialized cities, & has a tendency to unite for political action. The groups that exist in the rural areas, eg, of peasants, tenants, & landless laborers, who tended to support Bhutto, & with whose help Bhutto might have won an election even from his prison cell, are relatively unorganized. 7 Tables. Modified AA.

Studies on mass protests primarily examine the process, consequences and implications of protests from such angles as resource mobilization, political structure and opportunity, as well as policy frameworks, with little attention paid to the guiding role that related government policy have in dealing with mass protests. This paper analyzes the basic characters of government policies, further explains the basic logic behind their design, and takes the response to the Wukan incident as a typical case for confirmatory analysis. The study find that policy elements such as policy purpose, target groups, policy tools and executive bodies have remarkable underlying assumptions about effectiveness. If some assumptions fail to occur, policy failure is likely to appear. Therefore, in face of varying circumstances, it is recommended that policy design attach importance to elements about social construction, and adopt an open, interactive model which involves protesters in policy design.