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The Aam Admi Party (AAP; Party of the Common Man) was founded as the political outcome of an anti-corruption movement in India that lasted for 18 months between 2010–2012. The anti-corruption movement, better known as the India Against Corruption Movement (IAC), demanded the passage of the Janlokpal Act, an Ombudsman body. The movement mobilized public opinion against corruption and the need for the passage of a law to address its rising incidence. The claim to eradicate corruption captured the imagination of the middle class, and threw up several questions of representation. The movement prompted public and media debates over who represented civil society, who could claim to represent the 'people', and asked whether parliamentary democracy was a more authentic representative of the people's wishes vis-à-vis a people's democracy where people expressed their opinion through direct action. This article traces various ideas of political representation within the IAC that preceded the formation of the AAP to reveal the emergence of populist representative democracy in India. It reveals the dynamic relationship forged by the movement with the media, which created a political field that challenged liberal democratic principles and legitimized popular public perception and opinion over laws and institutions.

AbstractThis article seeks to explain why electoral support for the Venezuelan opposition has increased substantially, using Venezuelan public opinion survey data from LAPOP and an opt-in sample collected through the online vote advice application Brújula Presidencial Venezuela. It analyzes why Venezuelans who had either voted for Chávez or abstained in 2006 defected and started to support the opposition in subsequent elections. It proposes several reasons: negative voter evaluations of the economy, concern for public safety, and dissatisfaction with Venezuelan democracy. While the finding that negative policy evaluations boost support for the opposition aligns with theoretical expectations, this study finds a strong relationship between having different evaluations of the quality of democracy and supporting Chávez, which shows that the advocacy of two competing visions of democracy by the incumbent and the opposition also affects voting patterns in Venezuela.

"Contents" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Chapter 1 Historical Memory as an Omitted Variable?" -- "Abstract " -- "Mission Impossible?" -- "Objectives and Organization" -- "Chapter 2 Collective Memory and National Identity" -- "Abstract " -- "Primordialism, Constructivism, and Instrumentalism" -- "The Chosenness–Myths–Trauma (CMT) Complex" -- "Identity as a Variable" -- "Chapter 3 Memory, Perception, and Policy Making" -- "Abstract " -- "Framing and Reframing" -- "Three Causal Pathways of Beliefs" -- "Chapter 4 Memory, Education, and Textbooks" -- "Abstract " -- "History Education and Collective Memory" -- "History Textbooks, Conflict, and Reconciliation" -- "Chapter 5 The Four Dimensions of Historical Memory" -- "Abstract " -- "Historical Consciousness" -- "Political Usage of Historical Memory" -- "Reconciliation of Past Conflicts" -- "Openness and Diversity of Opinion" -- "Chapter 6 Researching Historical Memory" -- "Abstract " -- "Introduction" -- "Bridging the Qualitative and Quantitative Divide" -- "Narratives Matter" -- "Researching History Textbooks" -- "Using Public Opinion Surveys" -- "Conclusion" -- "Bibliography

Badiou indicts this approach, which reduces politics to a matter of opinion, thus eliminating any of its truly radical and emancipatory possibilities. Against this intellectual tradition, Badiou proposes instead the consideration of politics in terms of the production of truth and the affirmation of equality. He demands that the question of a possible "political truth" be separated from any notion of consensus or public opinion, and that political action be rethought in terms of the complex process that binds discussion to decision. Starting from this analysis, Badiou critically examines the thought of anthropologist and political theorist Sylvain Lazarus, Jacques Ranciere's writings on workers' history and democratic dissensus, the role of the subject in Althusser, as well as the concept of democracy and the link between truth and justice. -- Pubisher description

Abstract: Research by Wegner et al. (1981) suggests that incriminating innuendo in questions can negatively affect attitudes and opinions. Two preregistered studies ( N = 506) provide a close replication of Study 1 of Wegner et al., additionally testing whether question-innuendo effects are moderated by partisanship. Replicating the original findings of Wegner et al., questions insinuating something negative about a target person reduced favorable impressions of the target. Counter to the novel hypotheses that effects of incriminating questions would be reduced for political-ingroup targets and enhanced for political-outgroup targets, question-innuendo effects did not differ across target groups. The findings suggest that merely asking a question about a false proposition can influence public opinion in the absence of incorrect assertions that could be deemed misinformation.

AbstractDoes information about the way victims of gender-based violence (GBV) are treated by the police influence evaluations of government policies to combat gender-based violence? I theorize that because most citizens have incomplete information about such policies, information about procedural fairness should be given more weight when forming evaluations of the government's performance in this domain. Using original experiments embedded in public opinion surveys collected from Brazil, I find that information about procedural unfairness powerfully predicts more critical evaluations of GBV laws and the government's performance in helping victims. In addition, these critical opinions influence bystander intervention attitudes. Mediation analysis confirms that views of procedural unfairness are critical in explaining these effects. The implications of the findings for the implementation of specialized services are discussed in the results and conclusion.

The aim of this study is to explore the discursive practices of foreign policy experts. While policy decisions involving war and peace keep people alarmed all over the globe, most of these decisions are shaped by policy experts who work on influencing public opinion through the media (Manheim, 2011). This study adopts a critical discursive stance and uses argumentation analysis to examine the ideological backdrop to the discourse of thirty opinion articles authored by American foreign policy experts in print media. Drawing on the Pragma-dialectical method of augmentation analysis (van Eemeren and Grootendorst, 2004), and more particularly on its notion of strategic maneuvering, the analysis examines the confrontational strategies used by this group of experts and attempts to determine the rhetorical goals pursued by these strategic maneuvers.

The aim of this study is to explore the discursive practices of foreign policy experts. While policy decisions involving war and peace keep people alarmed all over the globe, most of these decisions are shaped by policy experts who work on influencing public opinion through the media (Manheim, 2011). This study adopts a critical discursive stance and uses argumentation analysis to examine the ideological backdrop to the discourse of thirty opinion articles authored by American foreign policy experts in print media. Drawing on the Pragma-dialectical method of augmentation analysis (van Eemeren and Grootendorst, 2004), and more particularly on its notion of strategic maneuvering, the analysis examines the confrontational strategies used by this group of experts and attempts to determine the rhetorical goals pursued by these strategic maneuvers.

This paper presents the results of the Victorian Jury Sentencing Study which aimed to measure jurors' views on sentencing. The study asked jurors who had returned a guilty verdict to propose a sentence for the offender, to comment on the sentence given by the judge in their case and to give their opinions on general sentencing levels for different offence types. A total of 987 jurors from 124 criminal trials in the County Court of Victoria participated in this mixed-method and multi-phased study in 2013–2015. The results are based on juror responses to the Stage One and Stage Two surveys and show that the views of judges and jurors are much more closely aligned than mass public opinion surveys would suggest.

The defence of Arctic sovereignty has gathered high levels of support from the Canadian population in the past 40 years. However, the relationship between public opinion and decision makers is more ambiguous, in particular that between decisions taken by the governing party and an effect in the general population. This is especially true for foreign policy issues. Hence, this article offers a test to assess whether standing up for Arctic sovereignty translates into concrete political gains for the governing party. We gathered federal party support levels reported in 859 opinion polls conducted from 2006 to 2014 in Canada. By focusing on sovereignty operations held by National Defence Operations NUNALIVUT and NANOOK and aggregating poll results into a "poll of polls," we found that standing up for Arctic sovereignty is politically profitable in certain circumstances.

Research on political speeches is commonly undertaken in countries where the president has a powerful position, typically in the United States. In the Czech Republic, too, political speeches are an important instrument for influencing public opinion. Meanwhile, few politicians are so known for their fiercely held opinions on the European Union as former President of the Czech Republic Václav Klaus; his speeches about the European Union are the subject of this article. Our research is based on quantitative and qualitative content analyses of the speeches posted on the former president's website ( http://www.klaus.cz ) from 1995 until the end of his presidency in March 2013. Our goal was to identify the changes over time in how he spoke about the European Union, and whether and in what way his positions and vocabulary on the subject evolved.

При анализе современной отечественной научной литературы, посвященной политическому пиару, автор приходит к выводу, что большинство российских исследователей понимают данное явление только как манипуляцию общественным мнением и считают такой порядок вещей естественным. Из этого следует убежденность в невозможности построения политического пиара как межсубъектной (диалогичной) коммуникации. Автор указывает, что это является одной из причин антигуманности современной политической практики. ; The author analyzes Russian academic literature on political PR and concludes that the majority of researchers in Russia understand this phenomenon as manipulation of public opinion only and find this order of things natural. Hence it follows that a dialogical social communication between the state and the nation is impossible. The author shows that this opinion is one of the basic reasons for the inhumane nature of the modern political process.

Recently, as in the other sciences, also in Statistics quality is calling more attention. In this article the Authors consider the methodological peculiarities of electoral polls carried out in Italy in the last eight years and published on the web site of Department for Information and Publishing of Presidency of the Council of Ministers, according to the Authority Regulation. Particularly, they analyze the electoral polls considering how they respect the major quality dimensions and propose to this aim a study conducted on the basis of analysis scenarios. The results show that, even many gaps in terms of quality respect and information completeness persist again, quality culture is becoming a general rule for many opinion polls companies, encouraging in public opinion a greater knowledge of its importance.Key words: Quality; Completeness; Polls.Parole chiave: Qualitŕ; Completezza; Sondaggi.

How do majority group members in emerging multicultural and multiracial societies respond to the experience of living amidst ethnic diversity? Recent public opinion surveys are analysed to assess the contextual determinants of English whites' opinions towards ethnic minorities and immigrants. Multilevel analyses reveal that whites' racial hostility is affected by local ethnic context; however, the direction of this effect depends on which ethnic minority groups reside in the area. Consistent with the contact hypothesis, whites who live in neighbourhoods with relatively large black populations display lower levels of racial hostility than respondents with few black neighbours. However, in line with racial threat theory, residential proximity to Pakistanis and Bangladeshis is associated with more negative attitudes towards ethnic minorities. (British Journal of Political Science/ FUB)

Presentación ; Centro Iberoamericano de Estudios Provinciales y Locales (CIEPROL) ; La descentralización política en la constitución de 1999: federalismo y municipalismo ; Politic decentralization in 1999's Constitution: federalism and municipality ; Brewer-Carías, Allan R. ; Legitimar la descentralización. El Fides y la experiencia del Zulia ; To legitimize the decentralization, FIDES and Zulia's experience ; Vázquez Soto, Baldomero ; La opinión pública en la definición de la nacionalidad venezolana: pluralismo democrático y constitucionalidad ; Public opinion in the Venezuelan nationality definition: democratic pluralism and constitutionality ; Barrero Valverde, Juan Ignacio ; Comunidad y acción en un marco de sustentabilidad ; Comunity and action in a frame of sustainable ; Saavedra, Sol y Contreras, Ismaira ; La descentralización fiscal en Colombia, otra mentira jurídica ; Fiscal decentralization in Colombia, another Juridical lie ; Morelli, Sandra ; semestral ; Nivel monográfico