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Societies of Senior Citizens (SSCs) are often thought to be non-political organizations focused on community traditions and services for the elderly. In Huashui Town, Zhejiang, however, SSCs took the lead in mobilizing protest and caused 11 factories to be closed. From 2004 to 2005, SSCs helped to fund a lawsuit, engineered a petition drive and organized tent-sitting at a chemical park notorious for its pollution. Huashui's SSCs were effective mobilizing structures owing to their strong finances, organizational autonomy, effective leadership and the presence of biographically available, unafraid older villagers. Skillful mobilization led to efforts to rein in village SSCs and a reorganization which, however, had only a limited effect. SSC experiences in Huashui suggest that organized protest in China is more feasible than often thought and that understandings of protest outcomes should go beyond the success or failure of an episode to explore long-term consequences for the organizations involved. (China J/GIGA)

This paper studies party-movement interactions in Germany, focusing on Die Linke and the AfD, the two most recent additions to Germany's multi-party system. The electoral rise of both challenger parties went along with mass protests, opposition to Hartz IV in the mid-2000s and anti-Islamic PEGIDA mobilisation in the mid-2010s. We shift the emphasis from how social movements turn into political parties, including significant organisational and personal overlap, to more indirect ways of how protest and electoral politics interact. Specifically, we identify a process composed of two interrelated mechanisms: an external politicisation spiral and an intra-party innovation spiral. We show how mass protest triggers both discursive shifts in the public sphere and internal strategic realignment, providing an opportunity for parties to ride the wave, secure their competitive advantages, and mobilise on the protestors' grievances in the electoral arena. In such a way, challenger parties can take advantage of street protests even when they do not directly emerge from a movement. Methodologically, the article is based on a paired comparison, relying on survey data and an original protest event analysis that provides novel data on anti-Hartz IV and PEGIDA protest mobilisation in Germany.

Protest has long been associated with left-wing actors and left-wing causes. However, right-wing actors also engage in protest. Are right-wing actors mobilized by the same factors as those actors on the left? This article uses cross-national survey data (i.e., US, UK, France, and Canada) gathered in February 2021 to assess the role of misinformation, conspiracy beliefs, and the use of different social media platforms in explaining participation in marches or demonstrations. We find that those who use Twitch or TikTok are twice as likely to participate in marches or demonstrations, compared to non-users, but the uses of these platforms are more highly related to participation in right-wing protests than left-wing protests. Exposure to misinformation on social media and beliefs in conspiracy theories also increase the likelihood of participating in protests. Our research makes several important contributions. First, we separate right-wing protest participation from left-wing protest participation, whereas existing scholarship tends to lump these together. Second, we offer new insights into the effects of conspiracy beliefs and misinformation on participation using cross-national data. Third, we examine the roles of emerging social media platforms such as Twitch and TikTok (as well as legacy platforms such as YouTube and Facebook) to better understand the differential roles that social media platforms play in protest participation.

"Protest and Religion: Christianity in the People's Republic of China" published on by Oxford University Press.

AUSTRALIA HAS ONE OF THE HIGHEST LEVELS OF INVALID VOTES AMONG THE ESTABLISHED LIBERAL DEMOCRACIES. THREE HYPOTHESES HAVE BEEN PUT FORWARD TO ACCOUNT FOR VARIATIONS IN TURNOUT--THAT IT RESULTS FROM INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS, DIFFERING PATTERNS OF SOCIAL STRUCTURE, OR REFLECTS POLITICAL PROTEST BY VOTERS. THESE HYPOTHESES ARE USED TO EXPLAIN INFORMAL VOTING IN AUSTRALIA'S COMPULSORY VOTING SYSTEM. THE DATA ARE NATIONAL POLLING BOOTH RESULTS FOR THE 1987 AND 1990 FEDERAL ELECTIONS, AND POLLING BOOTH RESULTS FROM NEW SOUTH WALES MATCHED TO THE 1986 CENSUS. THE RESULTS REJECT THE INSTITUTIONAL AND PROTEST HYPOTHESES, BUT SUPPORT THE SOCIAL STRUCTURAL HYPOTHESIS. IN PARTICULAR, IMMIGRANTS WHO ARE RECENTLY ARRIVED AND HAVE POOR ENGLISH SKILLS ARE SIGNIFICANTLY MORE LIKELY TO SPOIL THEIR VOTES. AUSTRALIA'S HIGH LEVEL OF INVALID VOTES IS THEREFORE EXPLAINED BY THE INTERACTION BETWEEN COMPULSORY VOTING, THE COMPLEXITY OF THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM, AND BY THE PRESENCE OF LARGE NUMBERS OF IMMIGRANTS WITHIN THE ELECTORATE. THE RESULTS HAVE SIGNIFICANT IMPLICATIONS FOR THE DESIGN OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS IN THE NEWLY-EMERGING DEMOCRACIES OF EASTERN EUROPE.

Objective. Through a comparative analysis of Latino and Asian American participation in the 2006 immigration rallies, this article presents a new framework for understanding differential protest outcomes.Methods. To understand the relative lack of Asian American participation in contrast to their Latino counterparts, I conducted in‐depth interviews with community organization leaders and assessed the text of HR 4437, U.S. ethnic media, and organizational resources.Results. I find that structural disadvantages diminished prospects for Asian American activists to effectively mobilize the Asian American community.Conclusion. By conducting a systematic and multidimensional approach to understanding differential protest participation, I conclude that structural conditions significantly advantage the mobilization of certain groups over others.

Outcomes of democratization paths have been addressed within literature on democratic consolidation as well as on revolution. These approaches have however never been linked with social movement theory that, I argue in this article, can provide new lenses to explain how movements' characteristics at the time of transition might have an impact on the quality of ensuing democracy. As the same time, looking at effects of social movements in terms of democratization can help broadening social movement studies, that have rarely addressed this type of effects. I am in particular interested in linking reflections (and empirical evidence) on effects of social movements to the typology on paths towards democratization that I have developed in other works. Looking especially at Central Eastern Europe post-1989, I single out the different characteristics of contentious politics in countries that underwent, respectively, eventful democratization, participated pacts and troubled democratization. Protest event analysis as constituted the empirical basis for the analysis.

Im Herbst 2004 kam es überall in Deutschland zu massiven Protesten gegen die Reform der Arbeitslosenunterstützung, bekannt als Hartz IV-Reform. In den kurz darauf stattfindenden Wahlen erzielten rechtsradikale Parteien substanzielle Erfolge. Nicht nur Politiker, auch Theorien der Deprivation oder Desintegration verweisen auf einen Kausalzusammenhang zwischen Arbeitslosigkeit und einer Neigung zu Parteien des rechten Spektrums. Die Verfasser analysieren die Beziehung von Arbeitslosigkeit und politischen Präferenzen (politische Einstellung, negative Bewertung der etablierten Parteien, Wahlabsicht) in Hinblick auf rechten und linken Populismus. 1150 Teilnehmer an Demonstrationen in den alten und den neuen Bundesländern wurden mit Hilfe eines standardisierten Fragebogens befragt. Wie vermutet beeinflusst Arbeitslosigkeit die politischen Präferenzen. Es zeigt sich jedoch, dass der aktuelle Beschäftigungsstatus kaum einen Effekt ausübt. Vielmehr ist es die subjektive Angst vor Arbeitslosigkeit bei denen, die noch Arbeit haben, und die subjektive Angst vor Hartz IV bei den Arbeitslosen, die sich auf die politischen Präferenzen auswirkt. Hier gibt es Unterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westdeutschen, die zum Teil durch unterschiedliche objektive und subjektive Deprivation erklärbar sind. Effekte von Deprivation betreffen meist die Zuwendung zu rechtsradikalem und besonders linksradikalem Populismus. Insgesamt lässt sich nur ein geringer Teil der Varianz politischer Präferenzen durch die Faktoren regionale Herkunft, Beschäftigungsstatus und Populismus erklären. (ICEÜbers)

Although organization and management scholars are beginning to research opposition and dissent emerging in response to the global financial crisis, there are few accounts or feminist analyses of social movements and women's mobilizations as an important part of these movements. We address this gap by considering a case of women activists opposing extractivist mining in Chalkidiki, Greece, to demonstrate their crucial role in initiating and organizing resistance within their communities. Drawing theoretical inspiration from social reproduction theory and the literature on embodied protest as a form of political action, we argue that women use diverse means to promote the politics of visibility, erasing public and private distinctions as they defend their communities' right to live in unpolluted environments. By way of contribution, we enhance understanding of the role of affective embodiment as a foundation for activist feminist practices; develop a theory of the protesting body altering spatial relations as a means to oppose the neoliberal assault on life and environment; and suggest how this might prefigure new political practices in the context of social movements. We identify the implications of this theorization and call for academics' deeper sustained engagement in activism.

3 traditional explanations of the rise of the Negro protest movement are examined in terms of the protest participation of Negro Coll students. The 1st explanation, the vulgar Marxist, argues that fundamental econ impoverishment may create the dissatisfaction required for a soc movement to emergy; it is not confirmed by the data. The 2nd explanation is the rising expectations view, which claims that if people of long-standing impoverishment are subject to heightened aspirations, then they may become dissatisfied with gradual improvement of their situation & seek to channel their energies into a soc movement; this is also not supported by the analysis. The 3rd explanation is the relative deprivation one, which argues that discontent, & subsequently, soc rebellion, may occur among people who evaluate their achievements by reference to the standards & accomplishments of some similarly situated persons who differ only in terms of having diff or more numerous advantages; this is also unconfirmed. The data consist of information gathered as part of a survey res study by the NORC from a sample of Negro Coll seniors of the class of 1964. The 3, 500 S's included in the study attended 50 diff predominantly Negro Coll's & represented about 33.3% of all 1964 Negro Coll seniors. The absence of positive results from this study is in contrast to previous studies of Negro Coll students showing the link between econ or status-related deprivations & participation in the Negro protest movement. Comparisons of these earlier studies with the present one are made, & it is concluded that the present study differs from these others in having a much larger sample & in dealing only with Coll seniors. In view of the findings, it is clear that a re-examination of the relevance of econ or status-related deprivations to the emergence of the Negro protest movement needs to be undertaken. AA.

Pablo Neruda's "Song of Protest" faithfully reflects the realities of his time. It addresses the issues of imperialism and tyranny and celebrates the vision of the world created by their heroes and poets. It provides sensuous representations of the history of Latin America, characterized by oppression pervading in all areas of life, made manifest in specific events and concrete individuals. This paper examines the opus as a social product of a particular historical epoch. It discusses the life of Neruda, the governments and politics in Latin America, and how these provide an understanding of the forces that shaped both Neruda and his poetry. Ultimately, Neruda's vision is of unity. That is, equality among men and justice for all. The contribution of Neruda's poetry to the world is on how it inspires the poem-participator to become a dynamic participative historical force.