Suchergebnisse

Ведущими органами печати русских монархистов в годы Первой мировой войны были газеты «Русское Знамя», «Земщина», журнал «Российский гражданин» и др. Вследствие крайне правых политических воззрений эти издания подвергались преследованию со стороны властей. Влияние правой печати на формирование общественного мнения было ничтожным. ; The leading organs of seal of Russian monarchists in the years of the First World War were newspapers «Russkoye Znamya», «Zemschina», the magazine «Rossiyskiy Grazhdanin» at al. Because of uttery right political views they were exposed to pursuit from the side of authorities. Influence of right seal in forming of public opinion was insignificant.

Автор рассматривает политмобы как простой и оперативный способ выражения общественного мнения, а также как реакцию оппозиции на запрет протестных акций. Высказывается предположение, что политмоб станет предвестником нового общества, где многие институты демократии будут дублироваться в виртуальном мире. ; The author analyzes the politmob as the simple and effective way of public opinion expressing, and the response of the opposition to official ban of protest actions fs well. The author assumes, that politmob by using modern social networks can turn into harbinger of new society, where a lot of institutions of existing democracy will express in virtual space.

В данной статье на материале дореволюционной московской и петербургской прессы анализируется образ российских немцев в русском общественном мнении накануне Первой мировой войны. Констатируется большой интерес русской прессы, в том числе партийной (кадетской, октябристской, черносотенной), к теме положения российских немцев, выделяются позиции различных политических партий по «немецкому вопросу». ; The article is based on the material of the pre-revolutionary press and represents the image of the Russian Germans in the mirror of the Russian public opinion on the eve of the First World War. The author analyzes positions and views of different politic parties towards the «German question».

Using indexing theory as a framework, this content analysis of 2003–2007 Time coverage explores the range of dissenting voices of the war in news dialogue. Findings show that war criticism remained constant throughout the years and was largely targeted toward the Bush administration. While most dissent originated from official sources, American and Iraqi civilians did have space to voice their dissatisfaction. Journalists themselves became increasingly vocal in their condemnation of the war. These results suggest that clashes between public opinion and official perspectives have implications in news coverage and promotion of debate about current affairs.

AbstractThe Chinese media have undergone commercial liberalization during the reform era. Interviews with media practitioners reveal that media reform has brought about three different types of newspapers that differ with respect to their degree of commercial liberalization. Based on a natural experiment during the anti-Japanese protests in Beijing in 2005, this article shows that urban residents found more strongly commercialized newspapers more persuasive than less commercialized newspapers. Provided that the state can enforce press restrictions when needed, commercial liberalization promotes the ability of the state to influence public opinion through the means of the news media.

Ellen Mickiewicz has done an excellent job of presenting the key elements of our argument and empirical analysis about why the mainstream press proved incapable of independent news framing at critical junctures in the Iraq War. She then raises a series of excellent broader questions: What about the responsibility of government institutions to hold those in power accountable? What about the independent force of public opinion? Were earlier administrations as able to spin the press as successfully as the Bush administration? Each of these questions might well fuel a book. I can only address them briefly in this response.

This article asks what impact, if any, the 'don't ask, don't tell' policy might have on the U.S. military's reputation. Original empirical research is presented to suggest that the policy harms the military's reputation in four ways: the policy is inconsistent with public opinion, it prompts many journalists to criticize the armed forces while attracting almost no favorable media coverage, it provides a vehicle for antimilitary protesters to portray military culture as conflicting with widely accepted civilian values, and it is inconsistent with the views of junior enlisted service members. Adapted from the source document.

Some Members of Congress have expressed interest in the feasibility of using a value-added tax (VAT) to either replace all or part of the income tax or finance health care reform. A VAT is imposed at all levels of production on the differences between firms' sales and their purchases from all other firms. Policymakers may be interested in the following aspects of a VAT: revenue yield, international comparison of composition of taxes, vertical equity, neutrality, inflation, balance-of-trade, national saving, administrative cost, intergovernmental relations, size of government, and public opinion.

Автор рассматривает региональный аспект практики управления общественным мнением. Массовое сознание подвержено манипулятивному воздействию, особенно в условиях информационного общества. Субъектам политического поля необходимо искать новые подходы к организации своего существования в современном информационном пространстве. ; The author of the article reviews the regional aspect of public opinion management practice. Attention to susceptibility of mass consciousness to manipulative influence, especially in the context of information-oriented society is emphasized. The author comes to the conclusion that there is a necessity for the subjects of political field must search for new approaches to arrange their activity in the modern information space.

The struggle against child labour is showing results. But the consensus is now being attacked from two sides: abolish all child labour versus there is nothing wrong with child work. Kristoffel Lieten, who is the Child Labour Studies chair at the University of Amsterdam, gives an overview of the current state of affairs. Policies are in place, financial resources are available and public opinion is sensitive to the issue. Yet the problem continues. Ending child labour and achieving universal primary education is the target, but it remains elusive in an environment of deprivation and unfathomable misery.

Abstract: Using New Europe Barometer public opinion surveys from 13 postcommunist countries, this article shows that with the passage of time citizens in undemocratic as well as democratic regimes tend to accept their political system; however, they do so for different reasons. Democratic regimes can gain positive support from reform-minded democrats and those who reject undemocratic alternatives. By contrast, undemocratic regimes depend more on resigned acceptance from citizens who do not think there is any alternative, thus, for better or worse, making their new regime the only game in town.

This article asks what impact, if any, the "don't ask, don't tell" policy might have on the U.S. military's reputation. Original empirical research is presented to suggest that the policy harms the military's reputation in four ways: the policy is inconsistent with public opinion, it prompts many journalists to criticize the armed forces while attracting almost no favorable media coverage, it provides a vehicle for antimilitary protesters to portray military culture as conflicting with widely accepted civilian values, and it is inconsistent with the views of junior enlisted service members.

How has representation changed over time in the United States? Has responsiveness to public opinion waxed or waned among elected officials? What are the causes of such trends as we observe? Scholars have pursued these crucial questions in different ways. Some explore earlier eras in search of the "electoral connection", i.e. the extent to which voters held office-holders accountable for their actions and the degree to which electoral concerns motivated politicians' behavior. Others explore the effects of institutional changes such as the move to direct election of senators or the "reapportionment revolution."

As the performance of long-term projects is not observable in the short run politicians may pander to public opinion. To solve this problem, we propose a triple mechanism involving political information markets, reelection threshold contracts, and democratic elections. An information market is used to predict the long-term performance of a policy, while threshold contracts stipulate a price level on the political information market that a politician must reach to have the right to stand for reelection. Reelection thresholds are offered by politicians during campaigns. We show that, on balance, the triple mechanism increases social welfare.