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The author analyses the goals and instruments of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC), discusses approaches which theorise its functioning, examines its policy content and develops a framework for its evaluation

This paper performs price comparisons of branded pharmaceutical products in markets of eleven European Union countries. We follow a Laspeyres index approach, using Cyprus as the base country and analyse prices in the private and public markets and also consider biotechnology products separately. We find that Germany, Denmark and Austria demonstrate the highest pharmaceutical prices in the EU, followed by Cyprus. When adjusting for per capita income, Cyprus demonstrates the highest prices. Given that there is no universal health insurance in Cyprus, and that the country is facing a financial crisis, our findings underline possible affordability problems for patients. In order to remove barriers to access to medicines, pharmaceutical pricing regulation could be adjusted and price revisions should take place more frequently, and, most importantly, Cyprus must move in the direction of adopting universal health insurance.

This article investigates whether public preferences for European solidarity are associated with vote choices in the 2019 European elections. After multiple crises, the politicisation of European Union affairs has increased, polarising voters and parties between those favouring the redistribution of risks across member states and those prioritising national responsibility in coping with the consequences of the crises. We expect pro-solidarity voters to be more prone to vote for green and radical-left parties and less prone to vote for conservative and radical-right parties. Testing these hypotheses in 10 European Union countries with original survey data, we find that green and radical-left parties profited from European solidarity voting only in some countries, while being pro-solidarity reduced the likelihood of voting for both moderate and radical-right parties in each sample country.

Purpose: In June 2018, the European Union ("EU") decided to use missions as tools of innovation policy in accordance with the market-shaping, mission-oriented innovation policy approach. It stemmed from the EU's efforts to improve the efficiency of innovation policy when it comes to handling major social challenges. In the first quarter of 2020, the EU had to unexpectedly face another social challenge, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the economic and social crisis that followed. This article analyses the actions undertaken by the EU at the supranational level within its innovation policy in relation to the COVID-19 crisis. It also aims to assess the coherence of the EU's interventions with the mission-oriented innovation policy approach implemented and promoted by the EU. Design/Methodology/Approach: The research is descriptive and analytical in nature. First, it covers a case study of the EU's supranational innovation policy. Second, it searches, on a theoretical level, for the reasons of discrepancies between the market-shaping and mission-oriented policy approach promoted by the EU and the interventions that the EU in fact conducts in relation to the COVID-19 crisis. Findings: The results of the research point to certain incoherence in the EU's innovation policy when tackling major policy platforms. On one hand, the EU implements and promotes a mission-oriented policy as a more efficient way of solving major social challenges. On the other hand, its actions (and plans) hardly consider the application of an innovation policy mission as a means for fighting the most recent and crucial challenge, namely the COVID-19 crisis. Originality/Value: This is the first study to point out the incoherence that currently characterise the EU's innovation policy on the supranational level. ; peer-reviewed

Written by a leading expert in the field, this book analyses the complex relations between the European Union (EU) as a regional organization and the United Nations (UN) as an international, global governance institution. The book explores how collaboration between the EU and the UN has evolved and how the two entities collaborate both structurally and in day-to-day work. It shows how the EU acts within institutions such as the United Nations General Assembly and how UN agencies, funds and entities, such as UNHRC, UNICEF and UN Women, interact with the EU and its member states. Through its analysis, the book demonstrates how, despite recent criticism, patterns of multilateralism and cooperation between regional and international institutions can be central to stable patterns of rules-based regional and global governance.

The Assembly of Western European Union (WEU) held the first part of its sixth ordinary session in Paris from May 31 to June 3, 1960. After Mr. Badini Confalonieri (Italian Liberal) had been reelected President of the Assembly, the first item of business was the presentation of the fifth report of the Council of WEU, covering the period from January 1 to December 31, 1959, by Mr. van Houten, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands and Chairman ad interim of the Council. In connection with the transfer of social and cultural activities from WEU to the Council of Europe, he pointed out that, by means of partial agreements, the seven governments of WEU remained free to undertake new activities either among themselves or within the framework of the WEU Council, and that only the implementation of current activities was to become the responsibility of the Council of Europe. Speaking next of the Standing Armaments Committee and of the Agency for the Control of Armaments, Mr. van Houten stated that the procedure for cooperation in the field of equipment formulated by the Committee had been successful and that the Control Agency had continued to develop its activities. Concluding his report, he pointed to the importance of political consultations within WEU as a means of enabling members to discuss differences of opinion and thereby come nearer to a solution. In the general debate which followed, members stressed the importance of cooperation in armaments and civil defense.

The second part of the first session of the Assembly of Western European Union (WEU) was held in Strasbourg on October 24 and 28, 1955 under the chairmanship of Mr. John Maclay, President of the Assembly (United Kingdom, National Liberal and Conservative). A draft charter and draft rules of procedure, the chief items on the agenda, were presented to the Assembly on behalf of the Committee on Organization by the rapporteur, Mr. van der Goes van Naters (Netherlands, Socialist), who stated that the method of creating new organizations in Europe had empirical merits, but that there was a danger of inefficient use of Europe's resources as a whole; he felt that the best possible use should be made of parliamentary time; that parliamentarians should not sit on committees that duplicated each other's work; and that no new assemblies should be created without a careful examination of the burdens involved. Mr. van der Goes van Naters declared that collaboration between the ministerial and parliamentary organs of WEU was the keynote of the charter; in order to avoid a clash between the ministers and the Assembly, the charter had been drafted so as to avoid making general rules to govern future and unknown situations and to allow for each case to be treated on its merits as it arose. He stated that with the exception of two provisions where the assent of the Council of Europe must first be sought, the charter contained no provisions on which the Assembly could not decide for itself.

"In recent years, China, the US, and the EU and its Member States have either promulgated new national laws and regulations or drastically revised existing ones to exert more rigorous government control over inward foreign direct investment (FDI). Such government control concerns the establishment of an ex-ante review regime of FDI in the host state in sectors that are considered as 'sensitive' or 'strategic', with an aim to mitigate the security-related implications. This monograph conducts a systematic and up-to-date comparative study of the national security review regimes of China, the US, and the EU, using Germany as an exampling Member State. It answers a central research question of how domestic law should be formulated to adequately protect national security of the host state whilst posing minimum negative impacts to the free flow of cross-border investment. In addition to discussing the latest development of the national security review regimes in aforementioned jurisdictions and identifying their commonalities and disparities, this monograph establishes a normative framework regarding the design of a national security review regime in general and proposes specific legislative recommendations to further clarify the law"--

This article provides an overview of cases decided by the Court of Justice of the European Union concerning contract law. The present issue covers the period between the beginning of February and the end of June 2019.