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National audience ; The vocabulary and practices of "Spiritual Warfare" began to spread in Evangelical circles at the end of 1980s and the early 1990s, under the influence of American missiologists. It first aimed to struggle against the secularisation of Western societies – especially in big cities – and finally gave birth to a global movement that brought decisive changes in Pentecostals/Charismatics' relation with territory, cultural identities and politics.Spiritual Warfare contributes to a reterritorialization of the Pentecostal/Charismatic imaginary, especially through Spiritual Mapping practices involving the exploration of space and history in order to identify "spiritual strongholds", "gates" and "keys" which determine the outcome of this "war of spiritual liberation" of cities and nations.This return of territory goes with a new Charismatic representation of indigeneity, which notably draws on anthropological readings, as the theologians of Spiritual Warfare aim to take "more seriously the worldviews of non-western traditional societies" that deal with territorial spirits (Ediger). This reshaping of the symbolical bound between the individual and the territory results in recognizing indigenous peoples as the "Gate Keepers" of their native territories.Political activism inspired by this Charismatic ideology fights for the establishment of "Christian nations", a political ideology in which the defense of "indigeneity" (also understood as national identity) and Christian identity tends to contradict the building of pluralist and democratic societies based on the recognition of religious and cultural diversity.Based on fieldwork in Europe, Pacific Islands and Asia, this chapter examines different kinds of Evangelical activism inspired by the theology of Spiritual Warfare, to clarify the issues at stakes relating to this Charismatic globalization. ; Le thème du « combat spirituel » (Spiritual Warfare) s'est diffusé dans les milieux charismatiques au tournant des années 1980-90, sous l'impulsion de missiologues nord-américains. Inspiré à l'origine par une volonté de lutter contre la sécularisation des sociétés occidentales – et plus particulièrement les grandes agglomérations urbaines – il a donné naissance à un mouvement globalisé, porteur de plusieurs ruptures décisives dans le rapport pentecôtiste/charismatique au territoire, aux identités culturelles et à la politique.En premier lieu, le « combat spirituel » contribue à une reterritorialisation de l'imaginaire pentecôtiste/charismatique, notamment à travers des pratiques de « cartographie spirituelle » (Spiritual Mapping) consistant à explorer l'espace et l'histoire afin d'identifier les « bastions », les « portes » et les « clés » dont dépend l'issue de cette « guerre de libération spirituelle » des villes et des nations. Ce retour du territoire s'accompagne d'un nouveau discours charismatique sur l'autochtonie : s'inspirant notamment de la littérature anthropologique, les théoriciens du « combat spirituel » entendent en effet « prendre au sérieux les conceptions des sociétés traditionnelles non-occidentales » (Ediger) relatives aux esprits territoriaux. Cette reconfiguration des liens symboliques entre individu et territoire les conduit à accorder aux peuples autochtones un statut de « gardiens spirituels » (Gate Keepers) des territoires.L'engagement politique qui découle de cette idéologie charismatique vise l'instauration de « nations chrétiennes », un idéal politique dans lequel la défense de l'autochtonie et de l'identité chrétienne tendent à s'opposer au développement de sociétés démocratiques plurielles fondées sur la reconnaissance des diversités culturelles et religieuses.En combinant plusieurs terrains de recherche (en Europe, en Océanie et en Asie) et en analysant différents types d'actions militantes inspirées par la théologie du « combat spirituel », cette communication éclairera les principaux enjeux de cette globalisation charismatique.

An increasing number of educational policies, academic studies, and university courses today propagate 'interculturality' as a method for approaching 'the Other' and reconciling universal values and cultural specificities. Based on a thorough discussion of Europe's colonial past and the hierarchies of knowledge that colonialism established, this dissertation interrogates the definitions of intercultural knowledge put forth by EU policy discourse, academic textbooks on interculturality, and students who have completed a university course on the subject. Taking a decolonial approach that makes its central concern the ways in which differences are formed and sustained through references to cultural identities, this study shows that interculturality, as defined in these texts, runs the risk of affirming a singular European outlook on the world, and of elevating this outlook into a universal law. Contrary to its selfproclaimed goal of learning from the Other, interculturality may in fact contribute to the repression of the Other by silencing those who are already muted. The dissertation suggests an alternative definition of interculturality, which is not framed in terms of cultural differences but in terms of colonial difference. This argument is substantiated by an analysis of the Latin American concept of interculturalidad, which derives from the struggles for public and political recognition among indigenous social movements in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. By bringing interculturalidad into the picture, with its roots in the particular and with strong reverberations of the historical experience of colonialism, this study explores the possibility of decentring the discourse of interculturality and its Eurocentric outlook. In this way, the dissertation argues that an emancipation from colonial legacies requires that we start seeing interculturality as inter-epistemic rather than simply inter-cultural. ; Fokus för denna avhandling är spridningen av begreppet interkulturalitet inom utbildning. Utbildningspolicy, akademisk litteratur och mängden kurser i högre utbildning ägnade åt begreppet vittnar alla om dess betydelse i försöken att förena det kulturellt partikulära med det universella. Med Europas koloniala förflutna i åtanke och dess skapande av hierarkier mellan vad som definieras som kunskap, ämnar denna avhandling undersöka vilka kunskaper som krävs för att bli interkulturell. Syftet är framför allt att besvara frågan vad som händer med interkulturalitet om kulturella skillnader istället förstås som koloniala skillnader. Utifrån ett dekolonialt perspektiv som fokuserar på hur skillnader skapas och upprätthålls utifrån föreställningar om kulturella identiteter, analyseras EU-policy, akademisk litteratur samt intervjuer med studenter som avklarat en kurs i interkulturalitet. Analysen visar på hur interkulturalitet, i dess nuvarande tappning, riskerar fastna i en singulär europeisk utblick på världen upphöjd till universell lag. Snarare än att mildra eller förändra maktrelationer och skapa möjligheter till mellanmänskliga möten, riskerar därför interkulturaliteten att bidra till fortsatt förtryck av den som anses kulturellt annorlunda. En alternativ utgångspunkt står att finna i en annan översättning av interkulturalitet – interculturalidad – hämtad från ursprungsbefolkningarnas kamp för att bli synliggjorda, att dela makten, på den offentliga arenan i Bolivia, Ecuador och Peru. Genom att lyfta fram begreppet interculturalidad, som just har sitt ursprung i singulariteten och bär med sig själva erfarenheten av kolonialism, tillförs en möjlig distansering från interkulturalitet med dess implicita eurocentrism. Avslutningsvis argumenteras för att befrielse från kolonialismens ok kräver att interkulturalitet omkodas som inter-epistemisk.

Laying a foundation for studying race, gender, class, and the media / Rebecca Ann Lind -- The social psychology of stereotypes and bias : implications for media audiences / Bradley W. Gorham -- Black criminality 2.0 : the persistence of stereotypes in the 21st century / Travis L. Dixon -- There is hope : race, gender and the uses and gratifications of social media / Kelly Quinn & Dmitry Epstein -- Body image and adolescent girls' selfie posting, editing, and investment / Jennifer Stevens Aubrey & Larissa Terán -- Exploring relationships between gender, social media use, and young adults' well-being / Marina Krcmar & Drew P. Cingel -- The income gap in online news : analyzing the prevalence and influence of partisan slant / Alina Renee Oxendine -- The relationship between court shows and public opinion about state courts / Taneisha N. Means & Katha Sikka -- Re-meme-bering, romanticizing and reframing the Obamas online / Francesca Sobande -- Fashioning the ummah : a thoroughly modern Muslim movement / Sabah Firoz Uddin -- Challenging the invisibility of women¿s postpartum scars / Scarlett Cunningham -- I comment, Usted comenta : reader comments on diversity in English- and Spanish-language newspapers / Danny Paskin -- "Somebody is bound to call you out" : young Latinos' digital media use and political participation / Vanessa de Macedo Higgins Joyce, Issa Galvan & Jené Shepherd -- Arguing over images : Native American mascots and race / C. Richard King -- How TV news makes Arabs and Muslims feel about themselves / Dina Ibrahim & Aymen Abdel Halim -- "Not country" : the CMAS and the Beyoncé backlash / Tejan Green Waszak & Jason Takayuki Ueda -- A case study of race and Twitter activism : #bamasits in response to Colin Kaepernick / George L. Daniels -- I am not your negro : James Baldwin's challenge to whiteness and media / Dwight E. Brooks -- Framing the immigration story / Patti Brown -- Framing feminism / Rebecca Ann Lind & Colleen Salo Aravena -- Boyfriends and Romeo pimps : narratives of romance in news coverage of sex trafficking / Anne Johnston & Barbara Friedman -- Hispanic cultural identity in US Spanish-language newspapers / María José Coperías-Aguilar & Josep Lluís Gómez-Mompart -- Disrupting the thin, sexy stretch of whiteness : representations of yoga practices / Judy L. Isaksen -- Political cartoons and the Black lives matter movement / Anish Vanaik, Dwaine Jengelley & Rolfe Peterson -- She's a 10, he's a 2 : Playboy cartoons and a culture of male entitlement / Pamela Hill Nettleton -- Mediating indigenous identity : exploring cultural persistence and revival in moonshot / Andrew Dietzel -- "The more you subtract, the more you add" : cutting girls down to size in advertising / Jean Kilbourne -- Sex sells, but gender brands / Greg Niedt & Julia C. Richmond -- Race, hierarchy, and hyenaphobia in the Lion king / Naomi Rockler-Gladen -- Lifetime's unreal unmakes the rural south / Christina R. Belcher -- Pretty, big violence in Big little lies / Robert Alan Brookey & Spencer Coile -- Transing Sin-Dee Rella : representations of trans women of color in Sean Baker's Tangerine / Gust A. Yep, Fatima Zahrae Chrifi Alaoui & Ryan M. Lescure -- "People tell me I'm white" : Stephen Colbert and comic deconstruction of colorblindness / Jonathan P. Rossing -- The chiaroscuros of white postfeminist empowerment in the fall / Rebeca Maseda García & María José Gámez Fuentes -- It's okay that we back-stab each other : cultural myths that fuel the battling female in the Bachelor / Jennifer S. Kramer -- Wicked stepmothers wear Dior : Hollywood's modern fairy tales / Lea M. Popielinski -- Honing hegemonic masculinity : a look at I love you, man and get hard / Sarah E. Fryett -- Bella's choice : deconstructing ideology and power in the Twilight saga / Leslie A. Grinner -- Mixed romance at the movies : toward a respectful representation / Marga Altena -- We need to talk... about relational conflict in scripted television / Cassandra Alexopoulos, Amelia Couture & Grace Hope Wolff -- "Trust me. I am not a racist" : whiteness, media and millennials / Christopher P. Campbell -- Knocked up knockouts : pregnancy, media, and the sexy bump / Natalie Jolly -- Special rights for queers? : content, patterns, and context of anti-LGBTQ internet hate speech / Cynthia A. Cooper -- Not just Jezebel : Black women, Nicki Minaj, and sexualized imagery in rap music / Kiana Cox -- Eminem's love the way you lie and the normalization of men's violence against women / Rachel Alicia Griffin & Joshua D. Phillips -- Music video images of ballet / Tessa Nunn -- "Never about my work, never about my motivations" : exploring online experiences of women journalists of color / Gina M. Chen & Paromita Pain -- And then there were two : telling the coming out stories of Jason Collins and Michael Sam in sports media / Andrew C. Billings, Leigh M. Moscowitz, & Qingru Xu -- Exploring gay/straight relationships on local television news / Mark Saxenmeyer -- Target vs. total marketing : the paradox of producing diverse mainstream content / Charisse L'Pree Corsbie-Massay -- Eddie huang : fresh off the boat / Dear Aunaetitrakul -- Is siri a little bit racist? : recognizing and confronting algorithmic bias in emerging media / Michael L. Austin -- The historical contexts of women's and minorities' access to broadcasting / Rebecca Ann Lind -- Encouraging diverse women's success in information communication technologies and media spaces / Paula Gardner & Suzanne Stein.

 I have often struggled with my Jewish identity since I don't believe in any of the religious stuff, but I am aware that identity is socially constructed--it is not just up to me but to society to shape who I am, what groups I belong to, what groups I don't belong to.  That if a Nazi party were to come into power where I live, I would be targeted for execution whether I am a believer or not.So, when I see tweets like this:Republican Jewish Coalition Blasts Gosar Over Staffer's Ties To White Supremacist: Fuentes Has 'No Place' In Congress https://t.co/3YrAoPleEw via @TPM— Josh Marshall (@joshtpm) May 17, 2023

I realize that I am a better Jew than some.  How so?  Rule #1 of post-World War II Judiasm is Never Again!  That is, we must work to make sure nothing like the Holocaust happens again.  Yet there are Jews who have other priorities.  I have often wondered how an LGBTQ+ person could be a Republican, a Log Cabin Republican, can stay in a party that targets them as a dangerous other--a groomer, a pedophile--to be ostracized and targeted for violence.  But I am not a part of that community, so I guess I can't really judge.  I am Jewish by descent, which is good enough to get me killed in Nazi Germany and targeted in 21st century Charlottesville.  So, I am beyond bewildered by "Republican Jews."  How can they support a party that is inciting violence against a variety of minorities?  Maybe they think that these white supremacists, these misogynists are not likely to target Jews?  Well, again, Never Again starts with that famous statement by Martin Niemöller who said First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist.Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a trade unionist.Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.A movement of hate does not really discriminate--the resentment politics will ultimately target women, racial minorities, Indigenous people, LGBTQ+, and, yes, Jews.  So, thinking one is safe because a movement is targeting, say, Muslims, is foolish in the extreme.  Indeed, some of these folks are so ignorant they may attack the wrong people because they cannot tell a Sikh from a Muslim.Maybe the Republican Jews think they can change their party to make it either tolerant or more selective?  That is the height of arrogance and also ignorant of history.  These Republican Jews are useful idiots who allow the white supremacists, the far right reactionaries that now dominate the party to claim that they are not these things because some of their "friends" are Jews.  That's right, these Jews are not only not helping, they are actually harming by giving cover, aid, and comfort to those that want them dead.Maybe they care more about tax cuts?  Or about support for Israel even as the party only supports Israel to please the evangelicals, who see Jews as a means to an end--that a Jewish state controlling Jerusalem is a necessary step towards the End of Days.  Oh, and what happens when all the good Christians are sent to heaven on that day?  Nothing good.Maybe they think that Trump can't be an anti-semite because his daughter married a Jew and he has Jewish grandkids?  Um, have they met Trump?  Yes, he claims to be a philo-semite, but most folks who claim such again see Jews as a means to an end, that their positive views about Jews are all the stereotypes, that Jews are only focused on Israel and not other stuff, like democracy, liberalism, etc.So, when I see Republican Jews, I think those who have joined the Leopard Face Eating Party--what do they expect but to ultimately be a victim of those that they support?  Again, to put it as simply as I can, they are giving aid and comfort to those who seem them as less than, to those who would go along with or enthusiastically support depriving Jews (and other folks) of their rights and send them off to camps.  So, I may be a lousy Jew, but I do remember one of the most consistent lessons of Hebrew school: Never Again.  These Republican Jews?  Either forgot or are selling out everyone else for their own narrow self-interests.

Martynas Jankus (1858–1946) is a famous worker of Lithuanian press in Prussia, aparticipant of national movement, a politician who supported bringing together two parts of theLithuanian nation separated by the borders between German and Russian empires. Over more than40 years he had published and printed 395 non-periodical and 27 periodical publications in Lithuanianand some in German and Byelorussian languages. Among the authors of these publications,there were many significant representatives of Lithuanian and other nations: writers, ethnologists,historians, Protestant theologians and politicians. Jankus' personality was formed by the life styleof a peasant family, social environment of his native Bitėnai village and the pressure of national discriminationaffecting the indigenous people. He attended only a primary school and later self-educatedhimself by reading voratiously literature about Lithuania and Lithuanians. Lithuanian newspapersand especially the works by Georg Sauerwein, a defender of the interests of small nations in the Germanempire, published in them have increased his motivation for social activity. The active politicalmovement of the end of the 19th century and the election campaigns to the Prussian Landtag andGerman Reichstag directly influenced his decision to participate in publishing. In 1879–1888 he publishedseveral leaflets in support of Lithuanian candidates, some books, pamphlets and calendars forthe cultural education of Lithuanians. Among these publications Jankus included his own collectionsof original and folk poetry as well as prose translated from German and Polish languages augmentedby polemic articles. When Jankus got acquainted with the members of the national movement inGreat Lithuania, he became an editor and administrator of the Lithuanian periodical "Auszra" establishedby them. Other editors stayed on his farm in Bitėnai. As there was a lack of popular literature,Jankus and his companion published the Lithuanian "Auszra" calendar ("Lietuviškas "Auszros"kalendorius") in 1883 and 1884. The texts of educational and applied character were published in thecalendar as well as literary texts, such as original and translated poetry and prose. They were written by Lithuanian authors Jonas Basanavičius, Andrius Jonas Vištelis, Petras Vileišis, and writers of other nations such as Sauerwein, Józef Ignac Kraszewski, Adam Mickiewicz, Ivan Krylov, Aleksandr Puškin, William Shakespeare and Guy de Maupasannt. For many Lithuanians these translations were the first acquaintance with the world literature.Martynas Jankus used to order printing of his books, calendars and "Auszra" in the printing houses of nearby towns, such as Ragnit (Lith.: Ragainė) and Tilsit (Lith.: Tilžė). Their production was disseminated in Lithuania Minor and smuggled to the Great Lithuania, which was under the strict ban on Latin printing introduced by the Russian tsarist regime. For this purpose, Jankus established a network of illegal disseminators of literature. It consisted of two sectors: secret book transporters over the border and disseminators in the Great Lithuania and legal storage owners near the border on the side of Prussia. This network was extended along the German-Russian border from Palanga till Dubeningken (Lith.: Dūbininkai; Dubeninki in present day Poland).The first stage of publishing activity was successful for Martynas Jankus. He acquired publishing expertise, knowledge of organizing illegal business, created long-term relations with the owners of printing houses, established the network for the dissemination of publications, developed skills to supply it with different printing materials and information. By March of 1889, the publisher from Bitėnai had established his own printing house in Ragnit and started printing business. This was the start of the second stage of Martynas Jankus' activity. ; Vilniaus universiteto Knygotyros ir dokumentotyros institutasUniversiteto g. 3, LT-01513 Vilnius, LietuvaEl. paštas: domas.kaunas@kf.vu.lt Martynas Jankus (1858–1946) ‒ žymus Mažosios Lietuvos lietuvių spaudosveikėjas, tautinio sąjūdžio dalyvis ir politikas, Vokietijos ir Rusijos imperijossienos perskirtų lietuvių tautos dalių suartinimo šalininkas. Jis per daugiaukaip 40 veiklos metų išleido ir išspausdino 395 neperiodinius ir 27 periodiniusleidinius lietuvių ir kitomis kalbomis. Tarp šių leidinių autorių buvonemaža reikšmingų XIX–XX a. rašytojų, etnologų, istorikų, protestantų teologų,politikų. M. Jankaus asmenybę suformavo valstietiška šeima, gimtojoBitėnų kaimo socialinė aplinka ir gyventojus autochtonus slegianti tautinėsdiskriminacijos atmosfera. Vokiškoje mokykloje gavęs tik pradinį išsilavinimą,lavinosi savišvietos būdu. Visuomeninei veiklai motyvavo lietuviškiejilaikraščiai, didelę įtaką padarė juose skelbta Vokietijos imperijos mažųjųtautų interesų gynėjo vokiečio Georgo Sauerweino kūryba. Imtis leidybospaskatino aktyvus XIX a. pabaigos politinis sąjūdis, ypač rinkimų į Prūsijoslandtagą ir Vokietijos reichstagą kampanijos. Lietuvių kandidatų palaikymotikslu jis 1879–1888 metais išleido keletą agitacinių proklamacijų, tautiečiųkultūriniam švietimui skirtų knygų, brošiūrų ir kalendorių. Tarp jų buvopaties Jankaus parengtų originaliosios ir tautosakinės poezijos, iš vokiečiųir lenkų kalbų verstos prozos rinkinių. Suartėjęs su Didžiosios Lietuvos tautiniosąjūdžio dalyviais, Jankus tapo jų įkurto periodinio leidinio "Auszra"atsakinguoju redaktoriumi. Šio straipsnio tikslas yra išanalizuoti pradinįJankaus leidybos etapą, pasibaigusį spaudos įmonės įsigijimu 1889 m. iraktyvaus dalyvavimo tautiniame bei kultūriniame sąjūdyje pradžia. Jislėmė Jankaus viso gyvenimo ir visuomeninės veiklos, peraugusios į politinę,kryptį.REIKŠMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: Bitėnai, Prūsija, Paprūsė, Mažoji Lietuva, lietuviškos spaudos draudimas,atsišaukimai, knygos, kalendoriai, periodika, "Auszra", leidyba,spausdinimas, spaustuvė, leidinių reklama, leidinių platinimas, knygnešiai.

International audience ; This article studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). In addition to standard socio-economic characteristics, this analysis takes individual media consumption into account, as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appears as a major determinant of policy preferences. Moreover, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals who spend more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration compared with individuals who devote time to other types of content.

International audience ; This article studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). In addition to standard socio-economic characteristics, this analysis takes individual media consumption into account, as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appears as a major determinant of policy preferences. Moreover, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals who spend more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration compared with individuals who devote time to other types of content.

International audience ; This article studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). In addition to standard socio-economic characteristics, this analysis takes individual media consumption into account, as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appears as a major determinant of policy preferences. Moreover, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals who spend more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration compared with individuals who devote time to other types of content.

Die dynamische Bevölkerungsentwicklung Ostdeutschlands seit 1990 zeigt am Beispiel der Entstehung einer Residualbevölkerung die unterschiedlichen Variationen der Selektivität von Wanderungen: Einer Bevölkerung, die aufgrund langfristig wirkender selektiven Wanderungsverluste im ländlich-peripheren Raum ein spezifisches demographisches Verhalten aufweist. Der Wanderungsverlust Ostdeutschlands mit über 2,5 Millionen Menschen hat tiefgreifende Auswirkungen auf die alters-, geschlechts- und bildungsspezifische Bevölkerungsstruktur der neuen Bundesländer hinterlassen. Auch wenn die jungen Generationen zumeist das politisch geeinte Deutschland leben, existieren mit Blick auf die vorliegenden demographischen Prozesse und Strukturen bis heute nahezu zwei deutsche Staaten. Die Entwicklungen sowie die Auswirkungen insbesondere der räumlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung wurden entsprechend dem Stand der Forschung vor dem Hintergrund der Situation Ostdeutschlands vorgestellt und die darauf aufbauenden Forschungsthesen benannt. Das bisher nur theoretische Konstrukt der Residualbevölkerung, die Interdependenz aus natürlicher und räumlicher Bevölkerungsbewegung, wurde anhand von unterschiedlichen demographischen Parametern (u. a. hohe Fertilität, hohe Mortalität, starke Wanderungsverluste, großes Frauendefizit, Überalterung) eingeordnet und damit als messbar definiert. Am Beispiel Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns konnte anschließend gezeigt werden, wie sich die Bevölkerungsstruktur des ehemals jüngsten Bundeslandes aufgrund der selektiven Migration innerhalb eines Vierteljahrhunderts in das älteste umkehrte. Um diesen Verlauf nachzuvollziehen, wurden auf Gemeindeebene die unterschiedlichen Bewegungsentwicklungen ab 1990 dargestellt: Der Rückgang der Sterblichkeit, der Wiederanstieg der Fertilität sowie der sich manifestierende Wanderungsverlust junger Frauen. Daran anschließend zeigten Strukturberechnungen, wie sowohl das Billeter-Maß als auch Geschlechterproportionen, die umfassenden Auswirkungen der Bewegungen auf den Bevölkerungsstand und dessen Struktur Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns: Einen stetigen Rückgang der Bevölkerungszahlen, ein über-proportionales Frauendefizit in jüngeren Altersjahren und eine fortlaufend beschleunigte Alterung der Bevölkerung. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Rahmenbedingungen wurde für die Zeiträume 1990-2001 und 2002-2013 jeweils eine Clusteranalyse durchgeführt, die als Ergebnis eine Typisierung von Gemeinden hinsichtlich einer messbaren Residualbevölkerung ermöglichten. Entsprechend der Vordefinition eines solchen migrationellen Konstruktes konnte für etwa jede fünfte Gemeinde in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern solcherart demographische Bedingungen identifiziert werden. Diese Gemeinden liegen tendenziell im Binnenland und fern der Zentren – eine zentrale Verortung konnte nicht festgestellt werden. Von Gemeinde zu Gemeinde unterschieden sich die demographischen Parameter teils stark, so dass von einflussreichen lokalen (nicht betrachteten) Rahmenbedingungen ausgegangen werden muss. Dagegen konnten auch Gemeinden ohne residuale Züge identifiziert werden. Etwa jede dritte Gemeinde Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns wies keine Parameter einer Residualbevölkerung auf. Diese Regionen waren vor allem in der Nähe der Zentren und der Küste zu finden. Die verbliebenen Gemeinden zeigten nur kurzfristig oder nur im geringfügigem Maße Indizien für eine solche Bevölkerung – das betraf etwa die Hälfte aller Gemeinden im Land. Nach der gesamtgemeindlichen Analyse wurde die Bevölkerungs- und Sozialstruktur der dabei betroffenen Gemeinden Strasburg (Um.) im Landkreis Vorpommern-Greifswald und Dargun im Landkreis Mecklenburgische Seenplatte detailliert analysiert. Die Bevölkerungsentwicklung beider Betrachtungsgemeinden entsprach der vieler ostdeutscher Kleinstädte im ländlichen Raum nach der politischen Wende: Während die Gemeinden in der DDR Bevölkerungswachstum erfuhren oder zumindest gleichbleibende Bevölkerungszahlen als regionales Zentrum aufwiesen, verursachte die Abwanderung vor allem junger Menschen und ein manifestierter Sterbeüberschuss nach 1990 stetig rückläufige Zahlen. In diesen beiden Gemeinden wurden dann nicht gesamtgemeindliche Bevölkerungszahlen analysiert, sondern vielmehr die Zusammensetzung einer Gemeindebevölkerung vor dem Hintergrund ihres Migrationsstatus differenziert. Für den Zeitraum 1979-2014 wurden deshalb anhand dieses Status die Bevölkerungen beider Gemeinden in Sesshafte und Zugezogene unterteilt. Aufgrund der sowohl vorhandenen Sterbe- als auch Geburtsstatistik war es möglich, die natürliche und räumliche Bevölkerungsbewegung der insgesamt fast 22.000 Men-schen direkt herauszuarbeiten. Die sesshafte Bevölkerung repräsentiert dabei die Menschen, die am ehesten dem Typus "Residualbevölkerung" entsprechen. Nach Berechnung der Mortalitäten für unterschiedliche Zeiträume ergab sich tendenziell eine höhere Sterblichkeit bzw. geringere Lebenserwartung der Sesshaften gegenüber den Zuzüglern bei Frauen wie Männern. Wurden darüber hinaus die Zugezogenen nach Lebensdauer in den Betrachtungsgemeinden differenziert, ergab bei beiden Geschlechtern eine längere Zugehörigkeit zu den Gemeinden auch eine höhere Sterblichkeit. Damit wurde einerseits die generell höhere Mortalität des ländlich-peripheren Raums gegenüber dem urbanen Raum bestätigt. Andererseits entspricht die höhere Sterblichkeit der sesshaften gegenüber der der nichtsesshaften Bevölkerung den Vorüberlegungen zur Residualbevölkerung. Darüber hinaus wurde zusätzlich der Parameter "Bedürftigkeit" berücksichtigt. Hier konnte erwartungsgemäß für beide Betrachtungsgemeinden die höchste Sterblichkeit der von Sozial-leistungen betroffenen Menschen festgestellt werden. Je länger dabei die Bezugsdauer, umso höher war die aufgezeigte Mortalität – dies sogar zumeist vor der sesshaften Bevölkerung. Bezieher von Sozialhilfe waren im Vergleich zu Beziehern von Wohngeld am stärksten betroffen; Unterschiede bei Männern besonders stark vertreten. Die Nichtbezieher wiesen bei beiden Geschlechtern die geringste Sterblichkeit auf. Neben der Mortalität wurde als zweite Variable der natürlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung die Fertilität der beiden Bevölkerungsgruppen untersucht. Hier ergaben sich jedoch keine signifikanten Unterschiede zwischen beiden Bevölkerungsgruppen Im Bereich der Periodenfertilität wiesen Zuzügler gegenüber den Sesshaften eine erhöhte Fertilität auf. Berechnungen der Kohortenfertilität ergaben wiederrum eine leicht höhere Fertilität der Sesshaften. Auch eine detaillierte Analyse der Zuzüglerinnen offenbarte kein einheitliches Bild. Mit Blick auf die Bedürftigkeit war festzustellen, dass die Bezieherinnen eine deutlich höhere Fertilität gegenüber Nichtbezieherinnen – unabhängig von der Bezugsdauer – aufwiesen. Im Ergebnis wurde damit zwar die generell höhere Fertilität des ländlich-peripheren Raums gegenüber dem urbanen Raum bestätigt. Die entsprechenden Vorüberlegungen zur Fertilität der sesshaften gegenüber der nichtsesshaften Bevölkerung konnten aber nicht eindeutig verifiziert werden. Die gesamtheitliche Betrachtung der Gemeindeberechnungen zeigte demzufolge ein zweitgeteiltes Bild: Die Ergebnisse der Mortalität bestätigen die Annahmen zur Residualbevölkerung, die Ergebnisse der Fertilität nur in Teilen. Auch wenn die festgestellten Fertilitäts- und Morta-litätsunterschiede ortsbehaftet sind – sei es durch Umwelteinflüsse vor Ort oder die Art der Menschen zu leben: Je länger die Menschen in Regionen mit einem bestimmten Fertilitäts- und Mortalitätsniveau leben, umso stärker passen sie sich diesem an – in beide Richtungen. Vor dem Hintergrund sowohl der Typisierung aller Gemeinden als auch der beiden Betrach-tungsgemeinden ist zu konstatieren, dass beide Variablen der natürlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung nichtgleichberechtigt nebeneinander zur Erklärung einer Residualbevölkerung fungieren müssen. Unter der Beibehaltung der theoretischen Annahmen ist dementsprechend zukünftig von einer Residualbevölkerung mit Schwerpunkt einer hohen Mortalität einerseits und mit Schwerpunkt einer hohen Fertilität andererseits auszugehen. Das bisher in der Literatur benannte Frauendefizit stellt darüber hinaus nur einen Parameter unter mehreren dar und sollte bei nachfolgenden Betrachtungen nicht als alleiniger Indikator dienen. Unter Berücksichtigung der Ergebnisse sowohl aus beiden Gemeinden als auch aus den Clus-teranalysen wurde ein Modell einerseits zur Entstehung der Residualbevölkerung, andererseits zum Wirken der selektiven Migration generell erstellt. In Abhängigkeit von Alter und Geschlecht und unter Voraussetzung einer langfristig konstanten Wanderungsbewegung konnte so der theoretische Einfluss der räumlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung auf die Bevölkerungsstruktur – und damit indirekt auch auf die natürliche Bevölkerungsbewegung – vereinfacht projiziert werden. Der ostdeutsche ländlich-periphere Raum ist abschließend als Sonderform des ländlich-peripheren Raums einzuordnen. Die hier gezeigte Residualbevölkerung kann als ein Indikator für – den gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Verwerfungen geschuldeten – langfristige Wanderungsverluste eingeordnet werden. Die überproportional ausgeprägte Bedürftigkeit im ländlich-peripheren Raum kann deshalb auch als ein Merkmal der Sesshaftigkeit eingeordnet werden. Insofern ist die Residualbevölkerung, vor dem Hintergrund der darüber hinaus als perspektivisch ungünstig erachteten Zukunftsaussicht, als Bevölkerungsgruppe eines Raumes abnehmender Entwicklungsstufe zu verstehen. Es ist daher ratsam, einerseits eine Verbesserung der Lebenssituation betroffener Menschen in ländlich-peripheren Räumen zu erwirken und andererseits diesen Herausforderungen raumplanerisch stärkeres Gewicht zu verleihen. Die zukünftige dahingehende Gestaltung ländlich-peripherer Räume in Ostdeutschland bedarf aus Sicht des Autors deshalb mehr an Autarkie sowie flexibler Kreativität. ; The dynamic population development in East Germany since 1990 shows the different variations in the selectivity of migration: A population that has a specific demographic behavior due to long-term selective migration losses in the rural-peripheral area. The migration loss of more than 2,5 million people in East Germany has profound effects on the age-specific, gender-specific and education-specific population structure of the new federal states. Even though the younger generations mostly live in a politically united Germany, with regard to the present demographic processes and structures, almost two German states still exist today. The developments as well as the effects of the spatial population movement in particular were presented according to the state of research against the background of the situation of East Germany and the research theses based on it were named. The so far only theoretical construct of the Residualbevölkerung, in the interdependency of natural and spatial population movement, was arranged on the basis of different demographic parameters (among the things high fertility, high mortality, strong migration losses, large woman deficit, overaging) and thus defined as measurable. The example of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern has shown afterwards explained how the population structure of the formerly youngest federal state reversed into the oldest within a quarter of a century due to selective migration. In order to follow this course, the different movements from 1990 onwards were presented at community level: The decline in mortality, the increase in fertility and the apparent continuation of migration loss in young women. Subsequently, structural calculations, such as the Billeter-Maß, as well as gender proportions, showed the overall impact of movements on the population level and its structure of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, viz a steady decline in population, a disproportionate deficit of young women and an accelerated aging of the population. Against the backdrop of these conditions, a cluster analysis was carried out for the periods 1990-2001 and 2002-2013 respectively which allowed typologies of communities for a measurable residual population. According to the predefinition of such a migration construct, demographic conditions could be identified for about one in five communities in Mecklenburg- Vorpommern. These communities tend to be inland and remote from the centre, centralized location could not be determined. From community to community, the demographic parameters are sometimes very different, so that influential local conditions (not considered) have to be assumed. On the other hand, communities without residual traits could be identified. About one in three municipalities in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern had no parameters of a Residualbevölkerung. These regions were mainly found near the centres and the coast. The remaining municipalities showed only short-term or insignificant evidence for such a population, that was about half of all communities in the country. According to the analysis of the total community, the population and social structure of the affected communities Strasburg (Um.) in the district of Vorpommern-Greifswald and Dargun in the district of Mecklenburger Seenplatte are analyzed in detail. The population development of both viewing communities corresponded to that of many eastern German rural towns after the political change, while the communities in the GDR experienced population growth or at least a constant population as a regional centre, the emigration of mainly young people and a manifested death surplus after 1990 caused steadily declining numbers. In these two communities population numbers were not analyzed, but rather the composition of a community population was differentiated against the background of their migration status. For the period 1979-2014, therefore, this status has divided the populations of both communities into settled and immigrant communities. Based on the existing mortality and birth statistics it was possible to work out directly the natural and spatial population movement of the nearly 22.000 people. The sedentary population represents the people most closely associated with the type of " Residualbevölkerung". Calculating mortality rates for different periods, there was a tendency towards higher mortality rates and lower life expecting for sedentary people compared with the immigrants (in women as well as in men). In addition, if the immigrants were differentiated by their duration of life in the viewing communities, a longer affiliation to the communities also resulted in a higher mortality in both sexes. On the one hand, this confirmed the generally higher mortality of the rural-peripheral area compared to the urban area. On the other hand, the higher mortality of the sedentary population compared to that of the non-sedentary population corresponds to the consideration of the Residualbevölkerung. In addition, the parameter "neediness" was additionally taken into account. Here, as expected, the highest mortality rate of people affected by social benefits could be determined for both viewing communities. The longer the duration of the treatment, the higher is the mortality rate and this is even higher than that of the sedentary population. Beneficiares of social assistance were the most affected compared with beneficiares of housing assistance. Differences in men are particulary strong. The non-recipients showed the lowest mortality in both sexes. In addition to mortality, the fertility of the two populations was studied as the second variable of the natural population movement. However, there were no significant differences between the two populations. In the area of period fertility, newcomers showed increased fertility compared to the sedentary population. Calculations of cohort fertility, in turn, showed a slightly higher fertility of the sedentary population. A detailed analysis of the newcomers also revealed no uniform picture. With regard to the neediness, it was noted that the recipients had a significantly higher fertility rate vis-a`-vis non-recipients, regardless of the duration of receipt of social benefits. As a result, the generally higher fertility of the peripheral area compared to the urban area was confirmed. However, the respective considerations of fertility of the sedentary versus non-indigenous population could not be clearly verified. The holistic consideration of the municipal calculations thus showed a split picture: The results of the mortality confirm the assumptions about the Residualbevölkerung, the results of the fertility only partially. Even if the observed differences in fertility and mortality are location-dependent, whether due to environmental factors on site or the way people live: The longer people live in regions with a defined fertility and mortality level, the more they adapt to it - in both directions. The background to both the typification of all communities and the two communities of concern is that both variables of the natural population movement do not have to function equally alongside one another to explain a Residualbevölkerung. Accordingly while maintaining the theoretical assumptions, a Residualbevölkerung with a high mortality focus on the one hand and a high fertility focus on the other hand should be assumed. The women`s deficit mentioned so far in the literature also represents only one parameter among several and should not be used as a sole indicator in subsequent considerations. Taking into account the results from both municipalities and cluster analysis, a model was created on the one hand for the emergence of the Residualbevölkerung and on the other hand for act of selective migration. Depending on age and gender and assuming a long-term constant migration, the theoretical influence of the spatial population movement on the population structure and thus also indirectly on the natural population movement could be projected in a simplified manner. The eastern German rural-peripheral area is finally classified as a special form of rural-peripheral space. The Residualbevölkerung shown here can be categorized as an indicator of long-term migration losses owed to societal, cultural and economic upheavals. This disproportionately high need in the rural-peripheral area can therefore also be classified as a feature of sedentary life. In this respect, the Residualbevölkerung as seen against the background of a poor future is to be understood as the population group of a decreasing development level. It is therefore advisable, on the one hand, to improve the living conditions of affected people in rural-peripheral areas and, on the other hand, to give these challenges greater emphasis in terms of spatial planning. From the author`s point of view, the future design of rural-peripheral areas in East Germany therefore needs more self-sufficiency and flexible creativity.

Travel reports have shaped the emergence of early U.S. culture and its "geographical imagination" (David Harvey). Framing the Nation, Claiming the Hemisphere examines the trans-national imagination in travel reports by American authors written between 1770 and 1830. Its range is from John and William Bartram's pre-revolutionary travelogues and Jonathan Carver's exploratory report on his journey in the Great Lakes region (1778), to Olaudah Equiano's The Interesting Narrative (1789), to early nineteenth-century reports, such as Anne Newport Royall's Sketches of History, Life, and Manners, in the United States (1826) and William Duane's A Visit to Colombia (1826). The chapters of the monograph concentrate on writing about journeys to the North American 'interior', the Caribbean, Latin America, and Africa. The primary sources were written between the beginning of the struggle against British rule, following the end of the French and Indian War, and the beginning of Andrew Jackson's presidency. The decades between 1770 and 1830 were times of shifting colonial boundaries, nation-building, and emergent discourses of collective identification in North America. The study reads travel writing in the context of the identity-generating discourses of nation-building, imperialism, anti-colonialism, and cosmopolitanism.
In contrast to scholarship that engages a notion of Americanness based primarily on 'domestic' outlooks and experiences such as westward expansion (the frontier), the study highlights the function of categories such as the outside world, neighboring nations, and colonial empires in the emergence of U.S. national literary imagination. How does a shift in focus from a discursive 'domestication' of North American space to an interest in the Othering of what lies beyond national borders affect the understanding of the emergent national self? These are the kind of questions that begin by seeing the transnational as a fundamental element of national emergence.
The monograph ultimately works to demonstrate how travel writing – with very few exceptions – supports and affirms processes of nation-building. Thus, the national narrative evolves from representations of contact scenarios in North America, in the transatlantic world, and around the globe. Without ignoring the roles of national mythology, the analysis concentrates on the continual co-existence of fluid notions of both 'home' and 'abroad' in times of shifting geographical borders. From such a perspective, travel writing not only contributes to shaping the national imagination and its conceptions of superiority but is also complicit in territorial expansionism and its subjugation of conquered peoples and their respective cultural histories.
The present study emphasizes the significance of accounts of non-voluntary movement that embrace captivity narratives, slave narratives, sailor narratives, and reports by individuals who had access to neither publishing nor public culture. Accounts by such authors have often been published posthumously, promoted by printers, professional authors, or scholars. The central focus of analysis, however, examines how American self-fashioning and self-positioning in the world appear in the travel writing of the period. The trans-national imagination engages in a symbolic construction both of the collective national 'Self' and of the outside world as the nation's 'Other.'
Travel writing functions as a tool in the nation-building process of the United States: a tool that reflects the mindset of the time, a tool that imagines a national community, and a tool that shapes the mindset of a people. The study maintains that travel writing, as a literary format, negotiates the triangular relationship between American post-revolutionary nation-building, continued European colonial expansion in the Americas, and the ongoing existence of indigenous nations. Underlying each of the readings is a common thesis that travel writing defines and negotiates borders, limits, and territorial expansion, and that it does so within the parameters of nation-building.

Tarian Kalero merupakan tarian klasik yang masih tetap dipelajari oleh Masyarakat Donggo sampai sekarang, tarian kalero ini termasuk tarian yang mempunyai nilai original yang kental dengan adat setempat karena sejak dulu hingga sekarang gerakan tarian kalero tetap sama dan tidak ada modifikasi. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif. Subyek penelitian yang didapatkan yang telah diidentifikasi untuk memberikan infromasi penelitian ini adalah tokoh adat sebanyak 4 orang, tokoh agama sebanyak 3 orang, tokoh masyarakat 4 orang dan aparat desa Mbawa seperti kepala desa, sekretaris desa, para kaur desa. Selain itu informan juga dilibatkan adalah pemberhati budaya di masyarakat bima. Pengumpulan data menggunakan 3 metode yaitu obervasi, interview dan dokumentasi. Analisis ini dilakukan dengan tahapan pengumpulan data, verifikasi data, pemiliha data dan penyimpulan data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa nilai-nilai yang terkandung dalam upacara pelaksanaan tarian kalero yaitu nilai soaial, gotong royong, religi, oraganisasi, mufakat, dan nilai kesenian. Aspek politik dalam tradisional tarian kalero masyarakat Mbawa Kecamatan Donggo Kabupaten Bima menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat donggo dalam menyambut tamu Negara, pemerintah daerah, bupati, gubernur maupun aparat Negara lainnya yang datang ke wilayah Donggo maka masyarakat menyambut dengan ritual tarian kalero. Adanya tarian kalero mengundang masyarakat banyak untuk dapat menyaksikan pagelaran tarian tersebut serta melihat dan menyambut para tamu yang datang. Aspek hukum dalam tradisional tarian kalero bahwa tradisi ritual tarian kalero masyarakat Donggo perlu diberikan perlindungan hukum terhadap legalitas sebagai kebudayaan masyarakat donggo asli, karena sumber kebudayaan daerah merupakan sumber kebudayaan nasional yang memiliki nilai kulturalistik kedaerahan.Kalero dance is a classical dance that is still being studied by the Donggo people until now, this kalero dance is a dance that has original values that are thick with local customs because from the past until now the kalero dance movements have remained the same and there are no modifications. The research method used in this study uses qualitative research with a descriptive approach. The research subjects that have been identified to provide information for this research are 4 traditional leaders, 3 religious leaders, 4 community leaders and Mbawa village officials such as village heads, village secretaries, village heads. In addition, the informants also involved are cultural observers in the Bima community. Data collection uses 3 methods, namely observation, interview and documentation. This analysis is carried out with the stages of data collection, data verification, data selection and data inference. The results of the study indicate that the values contained in the ceremony of carrying out the kalero dance are social values, mutual cooperation, religion, organization, consensus, and artistic values. The political aspect in the traditional kalero dance of the Mbawa community, Donggo District, Bima Regency, shows that the Donggo community in welcoming state guests, local governments, regents, governors and other state officials who come to the Donggo area, the community welcomes the kalero dance ritual. The existence of the kalero dance invites many people to be able to watch the dance performance and see and welcome the guests who come. The legal aspect in the traditional kalero dance is that the ritual tradition of the kalero dance of the Donggo community needs to be given legal protection against legality as the culture of the indigenous Donggo community, because the source of regional culture is a source of national culture that has regional culturalistic values.

La Red Ma(g)dalena Internacional es el resultado de un proceso de difusión en Teatro de las Oprimidas que tomó impulso a partir de 2010 en distintas comunidades de toda América Latina, así como Europa y algunos países de África y Asia, consolidándose como una red con gran diversidad de colectivos de mujeres, sea de la ciudad o del campo, comunidades indígenas, negras, mestizas, mujeres blancas, lesbianas, etc. En este trabajo busco delinear los acercamientos entre la praxis del Teatro de las Oprimidas, principalmente en América Latina, con los aportes de las pedagogías feministas descoloniales, problematizando las continuidades así como los puntos de quiebre y ruptura hacia las ideas de praxis revolucionaria que marcaron los movimientos sociales en el siglo XX. Traducir, difundir y multiplicar la Estética de las Oprimidas en las distintas realidades de las mujeres que luchan significa pensar cómo los lenguajes artísticos utilizados desde el compromiso político para/con/desde las oprimidas favorecen la irrupción de enunciadoras alternativas (Femenías, 2007), traducciones críticas (Costa, 2010) y de una ecología de saberes feministas (Hernández, 2014b). En la primera parte de mi trabajo, busco traducir las prácticas del Núcleo "Ocupa Madalena" (Goiânia, Brasil), investigando y proponiendo nuevas categorías metafóricas, literarias y teatrales para narrar las memorias, logros políticos y estéticos del grupo, las experiencias de construcción de conocimientos situados. En la segunda parte, discuto puntos políticos importantes del "árbol de las mujeres" como metáfora para una coalición feminista e interseccional, reflexionando desde un prolífico diálogo tejido con Cláudia Simone. Finalmente, presento las discusiones y prácticas antirracismo construidas en el V ELTO (Montevideo, Febrero de 2018) relacionándolas con algunos conceptos propuestos por María Lugones (2003) desde la necesidad de atravesar las barreras de la fragmentación social a partir de diálogos profundos entre mujeres de color y sus prácticas de resistencia. ; The Ma(g)dalena International Network is the result of a diffusion process in Theater of the Oppressed since 2010 in different communities throughout Latin America, as well as Europe and some countries in Africa and Asia, consolidating as a network that brings together a great diversity of women"s groups, whether from the city or the countryside, indigenous communities, afro, mestizas, white women, lesbians, etc. In this work I seek to delineate the consonances between the Theater of the Oppressed praxis – mainly in Latin America – with the contributions of decolonial feminist pedagogies. In this way, I aim to problematize the continuities as well as the ruptures towards the ideas of revolutionary praxis that represented some social movements in the twentieth century. Translating, disseminating and multiplying the Aesthetics of the Oppressed with women with different realities means to reflect about how the artistic languages are used – from political commitment to/for/from the oppressed – would favor the emergence of alternative enunciators (Femenías, 2007), critical translations (Costa, 2010) and an ecology of feminist knowledge (Hernández, 2014b). In the first part, I seek to translate the practices of the Nucleus "Ocupa Madalena" (Goiânia, Brazil), through investigating and proposing new metaphorical, literary and theatrical categories to narrate the memories, the political and aesthetic achievements of the group and the experiences of construction of situated knowledge. In the second part, I analyze the "women's tree" as a metaphor for a feminist and intersectional coalition by reflecting from a prolific dialogue built with Cláudia Simone. Finally, I present anti-racist practices built in the V ELTO (Montevideo, 2018) and I relate them to some concepts proposed by María Lugones (2003) and the importance to cross the barriers of social fragmentation based on deep dialogues between women of color and their practices of resistance. ; MÁSTER ERASMUS MUNDUS GEMMA. X EDICIÓN

Violent conflicts related to tribal-political differences have characterised the Kenyan society since the declaration of multi-party democracy in 1991. The 2007/8 post-election violence (PEV) in particular resulted in the displacement of many Kenyans. Scattering of families saw some children losing months or years of schooling with others permanently excluded from education, while the participation and achievement of those arriving in school was characterised by complex needs and experiences. This PhD study explored pupil and teacher perceptions of the learning and development needs of conflict-affected children in one primary school in Kenya. In particular, this study sought to understand how school leadership practice was developed and leadership roles negotiated, in order to meet pupils' needs and develop an inclusive ethos. The study addressed the connection between leadership, inclusion and post-conflict education. A single intrinsic case study with aspects of ethnography was undertaken adopting an interpretive approach. Sixteen pupils (9–12 year-olds) shared their views of their learning and development needs through two activities. The headteacher, deputy, senior teacher and six teachers were interviewed (n=9) and asked to reflect on the challenges they experienced in addressing pupils' needs. Their perceptions of the roles for school leadership were sought, and observations of their everyday practices were conducted in classrooms, assemblies and school ceremonies. Data from these interviews, observations, texts-on-walls, and pupils' activities were thematically analysed. The participants identified the following as pupils' learning and development needs: access to, acceptance in, and predictability of their new school; 'peer-connectedness', social development, and social inclusion. Children emerged as active agents in their own education, combating adversity through supportive peer relationships. Eurocentric and African perspectives on leadership, and Davies' (2004) work on education and post-conflict reconstruction were particularly useful in making-sense of how leadership unfolded in practice. Three areas of educational reconstruction in particular were identified as significantly underpinning leadership roles: i) reconstruction of leadership structures allowed shared leadership which facilitated the meeting of pupils' needs at different levels; ii) reconstruction of relationships targeted repairing children's emotional, social and moral distortion, and iii) reconstruction of learning cultures encouraged collaborative learning initiatives that improved academic standards. The study found that the connection between school leadership and inclusion in post-conflict schools can be understood along three themes. The first is 'post-conflict conflict'. I have used this term to reflect that the cessation of overt tribal violence, coupled with movement of pupils into this new settlement ushered in a new phase of conflict for pupils, teachers, schools and their communities. Schooling was characterised by poverty, fragmented/mobile families, distorted social values associated with post-election atrocities, alongside, structural barriers linked to government and sponsor-related needs. Second, 'connectedness': while societal fragmentation produced divisions, fear and suspicion of 'others', reversing the situation required school leadership to foster social connectedness. Finally, 'Africanised school leadership': fostering connectedness required enlisting communal responsibility and mutuality in undertaking emerging roles, thus, employing aspects of local indigenous heritage. The study contributes to knowledge in the emerging field of educational leadership in post-conflict settings (Clarke and O'Donoghue, 2013) whilst addressing the less investigated connection between teachers, leadership and inclusive education (Edmund and Macmillan, 2010), particularly in post-conflict circumstances. The research is timely in informing leadership programs that the government of Kenya is advancing e.g. in decentralising decision-making (MOE, 2012b/c) and, re-alignment to its obligations in the IDP Protocol of the Great Lakes Pact (Kigozi, 2014). Recommendations are made for policy, practice and further research. The conclusion to my study argues for a reconceptualisation of school leadership practice beyond single-leader paradigms, whilst revisiting prioritisation of roles for school leadership, especially, towards fostering inclusiveness in the conflict-prone Kenyan society.

The enforcement of Sharia in Aceh has a different side, a side to – Indonesiaan, i.e. the enforcement of Sharia in Aceh aimed to prevent Acehnese not to secede from the State Union of Republic of Indonesia. From this side we can see that processes the enforcement of Sharia in Aceh is not a process that is genuine and natural, but rather a move and political policy in order to prevent its secession efforts of Aceh from SO. Application of Islamic jurisprudence at this stage, i.e. to minimize dissatisfaction in Aceh against the policies of the Central Government, and is more of a political emergency measures to save the Acehnese in the bosom of the Republic, which aims to bring psychological comfort for the people of Aceh. Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam known as seramoe Mecca (Mecca's Porch). The breath of Islam so it blends in Aceh so that the culture of indigenous cultural activities often berazaskan Islam. Islamic jurisprudence in kaffah declared in the year 2001, the pros and cons keep popping up until now. Government involvement there is accused of political elements to block State aid non-Muslims against the power of the free Aceh Movement. The characteristic of the culture and attitude of cons diperagaka gives birth to questions since when Sharia is already in force in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam? Often the talk history then we will examine three dimensional time existence of Islamic law on the Earth the porch of Mecca, namely during the old order and new order. Now when the Government involves themselves what aspects influenced the application of Sharia in kaffah? What are the laws set in Islamic jurisprudence? As to what the pattern of its application to become the beginning of society to behave? How its development since 2001-applied now, both in terms of the changes that occur in the community after the Islamic Shari'a is applied or konstitensi institutions authorized to enforce the rules of Sharia are already noticeable. Pemberlakuan syariat Islam di Aceh memiliki sisi yang berbeda, berupa sisi ke–Indonesiaan, yaitu pemberlakuan syariat Islam di Aceh ditujukan untuk mencegah agar Aceh tidak memisahkan diri dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Dari sisi ini kita bisa melihat bahwa proses-proses pemberlakuan syariat Islam di Aceh bukanlah suatu proses yang genuine dan alamiah, tapi lebih merupakan suatu move dan kebijakan politik dalam rangka mencegah Aceh dari upaya pemisahannya dari NKRI. Penerapan syariat Islam pada tahap ini, yakni untuk meminimalisir ketidakpuasan Aceh terhadap kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah pusat, dan lebih merupakan langkah politik darurat untuk menyelamatkan Aceh dalam pangkuan republik, yang bertujuan untuk mendatangkan kenyamanan psikologis bagi masyarakat Aceh. Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam di kenal dengan sebutan seramoe mekkah (serambi mekkah). Nafas Islam begitu menyatu dalam adat budaya Aceh sehingga aktifitas budaya kerap berazaskan Islam. Syariat Islam secara kaffah dideklarasikan pada tahun 2001, pro dan kontra terus bermunculan sampai sekarang. Keterlibatan pemerintah dituding ada unsur politik untuk memblokir bantuan Negara non muslim terhadap kekuatan gerakan Aceh merdeka. Ciri khas budaya dan sikap kontra yang diperagaka melahirkan pertanyaan sejak kapan syariat islam sudah berlaku di Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam? Lazimnya bicara sejarah maka kita akan mengkaji tiga dimensi waktu keberadaan hukum Islam di bumi serambi mekkah yaitu pada masa orde lama dan orde baru. Sekarang ketika pemerintah melibatkan diri apa yang melatarbelakangi penerapan syariat Islam secara kaffah? Hukum apa saja yang di atur dalam syariat islam? Seperti apa pola penerapannya agar menjadi awal masyarakat bertingkah laku? Bagaimana perkembangannya sejak diterapkan tahun 2001-sekarang, baik dari segi perubahan yang terjadi dalam masyarakat setelah syariat islam diterapkan maupun konstitensi lembaga yang berwenang untuk menjalankan peraturan syariah yang sudah dicanangkan.