Suchergebnisse

The essence of the concept of political protest was solved. And the general characteristics of ideological protests in Western region of Ukraine was posted. The detailed analysis of the most popular of ideological protests at over the period "language" protests and Leninopad was made.

1. Sustaining social movements -- 2. Background of the Occupy Movement -- 3. Movement legitimacy and government response -- 4. Determined participants and movement sustainability -- 5. Leadership of the movement -- 6. Tactical escalation and its limitations -- 7. Sustained movement and the consequences.

Scholars of Latin American politics have made contrasting predictions about the prospects for contemporary group-based interest representation. Some argue that democratization creates an opportunity for societal groups to intensify their participation in politics. The expansion of political rights, alongside free and fair elections, creates space for all major groups to take part in politics, crucially those excluded under authoritarian rule. Other scholars, by contrast, maintain that neoliberal economic reforms fragment and demobilize major groups. Changes in the economic model, they suggest, have severe consequences for labor organizations, which now have a limited political repertoire. My research challenges both of these claims, showing how the consequences of democracy and neoliberalism, rather than being uniform, have been uneven. I focus on the diverse forms of political participation by an influential societal group: public school teachers. Over the past thirty years, teachers' unions have become the largest and most dynamic sector of labor in many countries throughout the region, taking leadership positions in national union centrals. Teachers have developed contrasting types of mobilization: (1) Movementism (movimientismo in Spanish), based on contentious actions and protests; (2) Leftism, based on organic ties to left parties and ongoing electoral mobilization; and (3) Instrumentalism, based on flexible alliances with various parties, which negotiate for the electoral support of teachers. These three types of mobilization map, respectively, onto the cases of Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico.These contrasting mobilizational strategies of teachers can be traced to two differences: each union's ties with its members—centralized versus fragmented; and relations among its leaders—cohesive versus divided. Centralization positions unions to participate in electoral politics, because with dense ties to rank and file workers the leadership can build a powerful voting bloc. By contrast, with fragmented relations to members, unions are unable to discipline grassroots activists or mobilize voters, and they fall back on strikes and protests. Second, leadership cohesion positions unions to take strategic actions, such as moving away from long-standing allegiance to a single party and developing instrumental alliances with multiple parties. Unions with divided leaderships, by contrast, are more deeply rooted in longstanding partisan alliances. For them, efforts to develop instrumental alliances exacerbate factional rivalries, and tend to fail.While the analysis focuses primarily on the evolving patterns of organization and leadership over the past 30 years, the study also steps back to consider the origins of these patterns, which were produced jointly by the initial legacy of union founding and the political opportunities that were created by democratic openings. Finally, the politics of teachers' unions is obviously of enormous importance for education policy and for national strategies to increase human capital and enhance social welfare. The study addresses these concerns by showing that alternative mobilizational strategies have important implications for education policy and policymaking. This study draws on extensive fieldwork and original data collection in Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico. It also utilizes secondary literature and archival documents to analyze how teachers' unions were founded and how they evolved in the years leading up to democratic openings.

Das Interview mit einem Aktivisten einer Berliner Antifa-Gruppe thematisiert die Gegebenheiten vor Ort (Berliner Nordosten) und ihre Bedeutung für autoritäre und rechte Bewegungen als auch für antifaschistischen Protest. Geschichte, Sozialstruktur und Veränderungen (des Straßenbilds, der Nachbarschaften etc.) im Großbezirk Pankow werden als Ausdruck, aber auch als Bedingung rechter Hegemoniebestrebungen erkennbar. Im Feld der rechten Bewegungen und Parteien hat sich die AfD als maßgeblicher Akteur etabliert. Der Interviewpartner gibt Auskunft über Strategien und Forderungen, mit denen sich die AfD in lokale Auseinandersetzungen um Sicherheit, Wohnungen oder Großprojekte einbringt und wie sie in der Bezirksverordnetenversammlung auftritt. Einen weiteren Schwerpunkt des Interviews dreht sich um das Verhältnis von antifaschistischer und wohnungspolitischer sozialer Bewegung und in diesem Zusammenhang die sozialpolitischen Ursachen des gegenwärtigen Rechtsrucks.

Extends the political process model of protest, particularly its opportunity structure component, to developing countries. At issue is how to render the model's central variables & relationships with enough flexibility to accommodate new cases outside the industrial North. Three questions are asked: how movement networks' internal social connections vary across settings, how variations in state strength & elaboration influence protest; & how the relationship between movement social structure & the external political environment shape opportunities. Also considered is how political opportunity can illuminate new cases if used in connection with specific collective forms that are both encouraged by external structures & responsive to needs & constraints produced by internal structure. 54 References. Adapted from the source document.

Dissens, Resistenz, politischer Protest : Zum Widerstandsbegriff in der deutschen Historiographie der Nachkriegszeit ; In the time immediately after the war the interest of West research in the field of Resistance was focused on the bourgeois-military Resistance, especially on the assassination attempt made on Hitler on July 20th, 1944. The "legacy of the Resistance" was not only meant to give evidence of another Germany to the world but also to politically legitimize the Federal Republic Research, however, also had to fight the bad image the men of July 20th had at home and abroad: Anglo- Saxon historiography regarded them as militarists, who were close to National Socialism and wanted to cheat the Allies of the full victory, and in Germany many regarded them as "traitors". This resulted in the neglect of other groups and forms of Resistance. A critical and controversial research about the Resistance set in only in the 1960s and it is still active today. This critical research resulted from a change in interest. The focus of the researchers now shifted from a "resistance without the people" to a "resistance through the people", from a "resistance from above" to a "resistance from below". The Resistance within the labour movement attracted great interest. Also the communist Resistance gradually was recognized and researched. In the last decades other fields have been researched as well: youth Resistance, the Resistance in the concentration camps, in exile, among prisoners of war, and the politically motivated desertion. This new research interest lead to a theoretical-conceptual discussion from which several typologies to the Resistance emerged. In the article some of them are explained here, only two examples can be mentioned briefly. First: The political scientist Richard Löwenthal makes a differentiation of the term Resistance, which has hecome widely accepted. He distinguishes three large areas of Resistance: A. political opposition, B. civil disobedience, and C. ideological dissidence. Second: The British historian Jan Kershaw criticizes Löwenthal's differentiation for using Resistance as generic term for all sorts of deviant behaviour, which is fundamentally directed against the regime. For all other forms he offers the term "dissent", which to him seems to be better suited to describe the necessary differentiations. Kershaw differentiates three areas of dissent: A. socio-economic dissent (e.g. the farmers criticism of NS agricultural policies). B. denominational dissent (e.g. the repelling of the nationalist socialist attack on the institutions, traditions, and customs of the Christian churches), and C. the dissent regarding race politics (e.g. the uneasiness in the population about the euthanasia actions).

"This book offers empirical insight into the way Muslims reacted online towards various controversial issues related to Islam. The book examines four cases studies: The Muhammed's cartoons, the burning of the Quran controversies, Fitna and the Innocence of Muslims' films. The issues of online religion, social movements and extremism are discussed, as many of the cases in question created both uproar and unity among many YouTubers. These case studies – in some instances – led to the expression of extremist views by some users, and the volume argues that they helped contribute to the growth of extremism due to the utilization of these events by some terrorist groups in order to recruit new members. In the concluding chapter, social network and sentiment analyses are presented in order to investigate all the collected comments and videos, while a critical discussion of freedom of expression and hate speech is offered, with special regards to the growing online influence of far right groups and their role in on-going YouTube debates. " (Verlagsbeschreibung)

The violent nature of protests by the farmers of India in the first week of June 2017 drew the nation's attention to the gruesome reality of the agricultural sector. With over half of India's population engaged in farming and allied activities, low agricultural productivity due to reasons of erratic monsoons and poor support infrastructure and low Minimum Support Price for the crops, agriculture has tended to become a non-profitable enterprise for most them. Indebtedness, bankruptcy and lack of governmental respite have forced many peasants to commit suicides.

Using statistics from Ministry of Agriculture and Famers' Welfare, Ministry of Commerce and Industry, Agricultural Census of India (2011) and the Situation Assessment Survey of the National Sample Survey Office (2013), this article depicts a macro economic picture of the agricultural sector as well as of those in this profession and discusses the underlying distresses. The aim of this article is to deconstruct the agricultural enigma in India that has its bearing upon the demography, society, economy, and politics of the country. It acknowledges the various efforts of the Union government towards a comprehensive development of agriculture. Further proactive measures are suggested to avoid a full-blown impending crisis of the primary sector.

This article attempts to provide a pragmatic way forward to revamp India's rich agricultural heritage and adds a caveat that if it is not addressed on an urgent basis, the farmers' decision to forego cultivation for even one cropping season or pursue a 'farm holiday' would terribly jeopardize the society, economy, and polity of the country.

Literature is a means whereby immediacy of the life is recreated. As a social phenomenon and highest form of development of human sensibility, it is inspired by the socio-political events of an arena. Litterateur's take us on a journey to the world of their own creation that is the portrayal and the living document of the contemporary socio-political happenings of the societies. This implies the fact that, through their great artistic creations, they strive to bring us closer to the life and at the same time help us differentiate the real from the hyper-real and thereby shed the veil of our false ideology and preconceived mindset. Thus, literature is a mirror of life for we know writing never comes out in a vacuum rather there is always a full-fledged design behind every literary piece and every work has a proper socio-cultural, political, and economic environment. Every writer, therefore, assumes an importance of a hero for every time his pen spills ink, it is out of proper design: the design to stir the masses for something good, to question the status quo, to raise their voice against any dehumanising practice or oppression and in nutshell to righten the wrongs. People usually describe literary texts as the blueprints of the economics, family relations, environment, and attitudes. If we turn to the West, we have some prominent figures like Milton, Pope, and Wordsworth who left an indelible mark in reconstructing societies that would bear no room for the flaws. India in this connection did not lag behind. Here too we have literary figures like Raja Rao and Mulk Raj Anand who through their philosophic vision voiced some key concerns of the societies. Mulk Raj Anand's literature is the representation of his own age. This paper is an attempt to probe into the literature of protest of Mulk Raj Anand vis a vis his prominent novel Untouchable (1935), aimed at the rejuvenating and refashioning the societies.