Suchergebnisse

Over at least the past quarter century, observers, historians, and journalists have painted a damning picture of the treatment that African Americans have received from their government and fellow citizens, not only during slavery and the era of segregation but far into the twentieth century. Yet many of these observations and reports have simply been ignored and, although others received some attention for a time, none has become part of the country's standard public history. My premise is that the continued failure in the United States to incorporate these observations and reports into its standard history has a profound effect on its political culture. I therefore begin by briefly recalling some aspects of post-Civil War African American history and consider the American antipathy to confronting this history by looking at Charles Mills's account of "white ignorance." While some theorists have tried to supplement Mills's realist framework with a more sophisticated one indebted to Critical Theory, I move in a different direction, drawing out some of the implications of the distinctive approach known as philosophical hermeneutics. By doing so, I hope to demonstrate how a hermeneutic perspective can contribute to serious discussion among U.S. political scientists and political educators about the links between racial inequality and historical understanding and its absence.

La comprensión moderna de la relación religión-política está en crisis desde hace tiempo y es urgente reformularla desde bases nuevas que permitan comprender mejor el presente. La primera parte adopta un enfoque sociológico sobre la presencia pública de la religión en una perspectiva global. En segundo lugar, desde la óptica de la teo- logía cristiana, se abordan los principales hitos de la renovación conciliar en esta materia y algunas tareas que la teología tiene pendientes. ; Modern understanding of the relationship between religion and politics is currently in crisis. Thus, it seems urgent to reformulate it according to new foundations so as to better understand the present situation. The first part of this article analyses the presence of religion in the public sphere from a sociological point of view. The second part identifies, following the perspective of Christian theology, the key milestones of the conciliar renewal in this area, as well as some of the tasks that theology needs to undertake in the future.

Introduction: explaining the roots and politics of Korean nationalism -- Origins and development -- Pan-Asianism and nationalism -- Colonial racism and nationalism -- International socialism and nationalism -- North korea and "socialism of our style" -- Ilmin Chu¿Ưi and "modernization of the fatherland" -- Contentious politics -- Universalism and particularism in nation building -- Tradition, modernity, and nation -- Division and politics of national representation -- Nation, history, and politics -- Current manifestations -- Ethnic identity and national unification -- Between nationalism and globalization -- Conclusion: genealogy, legacy, and future

'At a historic moment, when religion shows all its social and political strength in various post-modern societies around our globe, this fascinating collection of studies from the Middle Ages to twentieth-century Europe demonstrates all the richness and innovative force of investigating individual and shared experiences when questioning the cultural, political and social place of religion in society. It also makes known in English the work of a series of Finnish historians elaborating together a pioneering vision of the notion of experience in the discipline of history.' - Piroska Nagy, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada This open access book offers a theoretical introduction to the history of experience on three conceptual levels: everyday experience, experience as process, and experience as structure. Chapters apply 'experience' to empirical case studies, exploring how people have made and shared their religion through experience in history. This book understands experience as a simultaneously socially constructed and intimately personal process that connects individuals to communities and past to future, thereby forming structures that create and direct societies. It represents the crossroads of a new field of the history of experience, and an established tradition of the history of lived religion. Chapters offer a longue durée view from the fourteenth-century heretics, via experiences of miracle, madness, sickness, suffering, prayer, conversion and death, to the religious artisanship of soldiers in the Second World War frontlines. It concentrates on Northern Europe, but includes materials from Italy, France and United Kingdom.

A study of the interaction between ideology, electoral politics and the constitution in post-war Scotland Examines post-war Scottish politics from a distinctive perspective Reassesses the decline of Scottish Unionism and the rise of the SNP Exploits previously untapped sources, including election materials, local and national newspapers, diaries and memoirs, and interviews with contemporary political figures Proposes new directions for the study of twentieth-century Scottish politics, emphasising the role of ideology and rhetoric in shaping political allegiances Links historical scholarship with debates in political science and constitutional theory Petrie reappraises Scottish politics in the decades after 1945, augmenting existing accounts of this period by foregrounding the importance of ideology and language. Founded upon original archival research, the book recovers the central role played within modern Scottish politics by an individualist, anti-bureaucratic critique of central government. Deployed initially by those on the political right to attack the programme of nationalisation implemented by the post-war Labour government, by the 1960s this rhetoric was being exploited by advocates of constitutional change. As liberty came to be framed in constitutional rather than economic terms, understandings of political representation also changed: crucially, the arrival of the referendum in British politics granted credibility to the belief that there existed a distinctive Scottish tradition of popular sovereignty. Focused upon Scotland, this study nevertheless engages with broader debates and will appeal to historians of modern Britain as well as political and legal scholars

Defence date: 20 October 2017 ; Examining Board: Prof. François Foret, Université Libre Bruxelles; Prof. Jan-Werner Mueller, Princeton University; Prof. Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Prof. Joseph Weiler, European University Institute/New York University ; The objective of this dissertation is to shed further light on the nature of European integration by examining the relationship between religion and politics throughout the whole process. The thesis aims at answering the following research question: which forms of secularism have underpinned the process of European integration. Secularism is understood in the thesis as a public settlement between politics and religion (i.e. we can speak of secularism, if religious and political sphere are conceptually distinct). A historical perspective allows the author to identify and examine the following junctures with respect to the relationship between religion and politics in the process: the Christian-democratic foundation of European Communities, the question of Turkish accession, the search for the "Soul of Europe" during Jacques Delors' presidency at the European Commission, the debate on the Treaty establishing Constitution for Europe, and last but not least: the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty with its art. 17 obliging European institutions to maintain dialogue with religious organisations. Dissertation's findings indicate that three forms of secularism, rooted in the European intellectual and political history, might be identified in the discourse and practice of European integration: 1) Christian-democratic secularism – Christianity transformed by personalist thought is regarded as a cultural and symbolic basis of European integration; 2) Laicist secularism - religion seen as a challenge to the democratic political order; 3) Agnostic secularism – understood as an attempt to depoliticize religion, to delegate it to other bodies, e.g. Member States or international organizations. The author argues that the last concept, liberal in its nature, has been most successful throughout the whole process.

The "problem of order" is resolved idyllically in Arrow-Debreu general-equilibrium models through the assumption of perfect information, where each actor is god-like, omniscient, and where this omniscience results in the veracity of the first theorem of welfare economics, where an equilibrium is Pareto efficient, where no actor, given her original endowments of alienable and inalienable capital, can improve her position. Analogously, in many religions, God is understood to be omniscient; order emerges through God's ability to sanction malfeasance costlessly. Ideally, a comparable order would likewise be the consequence of the assumption in both economics and religion of an omnipotent principal. In both economics and religion, equilibria serve as idealized, transcendent, critical standards. In the real, immanent, world, where information is imperfect and no power is absolute, the institutionalization of law is necessary to maintain order. Religion has bequeathed to the legal order moral principles that may legitimate the law and make it binding, while economics, as a theory of incentives in the immanent world, models the imposition of legal sanctions, which penalize actors who approach and violate the law strategically. The law is an institutional order, where both constitutive norms and legal rules are legitimated through "religious" values and supported by "economic," situational sanctions.

The author points out that the politics of identity covers a vast area of political and social theory, but in simple terms it is concerned with the politics of constructing individual and collective identities through the exclusion, control or normalization of differences. He explores Japan's position on human rights issues in the Asia-Pacific region by moving beyond the conventional framework of universal versus particular values. The author also discusses some Japanese examples of the politics of rights and identity. (DÜI-Sen)