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In recent years, it has become increasingly clear that emotion plays a central role in global politics. For example, people readily care about acts of terrorism and humanitarian crises because they appeal to our compassion for human suffering. These struggles also command attention where social interactions have the power to produce or intensify the emotional responses of those who participate in them. From passionate protests to poignant speeches, the author analyzes high-emotion events with an eye to how they shape public perception and finds that there is no single answer.

AbstractChile has achieved a dramatic reduction in material poverty since 1990, in part through a massive programme of state‐subsidized housing that has almost eliminated slums, especially in Santiago. Sceptics assert that the improvement in material conditions has been accompanied by a decline in the cohesion and quality of 'community' in poor neighbourhoods. This article challenges this assertion, using data from a 1985 survey conducted in poblaciones (i.e. public housing dating from the 1960s) and a 2001 survey conducted in newly built public housing or villas. In contrast to popular wisdom, these surveys suggest that villas score higher than poblaciones in most indicators of social capital analyzed. Finally, this article contends that in order to comprehend the relation between poverty, space and community, more networked and decentred analytical approaches are needed.Résumé Le Chili est parvenu à une diminution drastique de la pauvreté matérielle depuis 1990, en partie grâce à un énorme programme de logements financés par l'État qui a quasiment éliminé les taudis, notamment à Santiago. Les sceptiques affirment que l'amélioration des conditions matérielles s'est accompagnée d'un recul de la cohésion et de la qualité de la «communauté» dans les quartiers pauvres. L'article conteste cette opinion en s'appuyant sur une enquête menée en 1985 dans les poblaciones (logements sociaux datant des années 1960) et sur une étude de 2001 réalisée dans les logements sociaux ou villas bâtis récemment. Allant à l'encontre de l'avis général, ces enquêtes suggèrent que les villas dépassent les poblaciones sur la plupart des indicateurs de capital social analysés. Pour finir, l'article avance que, pour comprendre la relation entre pauvreté, espace et communauté, il faut des approches analytiques plus interconnectées et décentrées.

A widely-held perception is that the image of North Korea among most Chinese people has changed from that of a socialist comrade and 'little brother' to an idiosyncratic, trouble-making neighbor. This research questions the homogeneity of Chinese people's viewpoints towards North Korea. Concepts of state and popular nationalism are used to examine differences and similarities between the Chinese state and its people in their perceptions and sentiments towards North Korea, mainly focusing on the period of succession from Kim Jong-il to Kim Jong-un. Examining online discussions representing Chinese popular nationalism demonstrated that Chinese netizens' political viewpoints are diversified along the ideological spectrum of left and right and that only the 'moderate left' netizens hold an image of North Korea which is close to that of their political authorities. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

This work consists of measuring the quality of the datasets available on the web portal of the official public and national site of the country of Argentina. This research proposes to carry out a quality study applying the Open Data Quality Validation Tool (HEVDA), this tool implements quality metrics that measure the selected dataset, which results in an analysis of the flaws detected in it; for example, it allows detecting if there are errors, incomplete records, types of redundancy, etc. To explain the framing of this work, a survey of the aspects that are involved in this context is shown: open government, open public data, as well as government transparency. On the other hand, it shows the importance of maintaining the quality of the shared data, since it will be reused in different data sources and software, so this research focuses on the necessary aspects that favor the reading and understanding of the data sets published on government portals, which allows generating public opinion and showing traceability of the management of government resources. ; Open Data, Public Data, Quality in datasets, Open Government.

Warping Time shows how narratives of the past influence what people believe about the present and future state of the world. In Benjamin Ginsberg and Jennifer Bachner's simple experiments, in which the authors measured the impact of different stories their subjects heard about the past, these "history lessons" moved contemporary policy preferences by an average of 16 percentage points; forecasts of the future moved contemporary policy preferences by an average of 12 percentage points; the two together moved preferences an average of 21 percentage points. And, in an Orwellian twist, the authors estimate that the "history lessons" had an average "erasure effect" of 8.5 percentage points—the difference between those with long-held preferences and those who did not recall that they previously held other opinions before participating in the experiment. The fact that the past, present, and future are subject to human manipulation suggests that history is not simply the product of impersonal forces, material conditions, or past choices. Humans are the architects of history, not its captives. Political reality is tenuous. Changes in our understanding of the past or future can substantially alter perceptions of and action in the present. Finally, the manipulation of time, especially the relationship between past and future, is a powerful political tool.

Scholars have used cultural theory (CT) to explain risk perceptions and opinion formation across an impressive array of public issues, ranging from environmental, regulatory, and energy policy to public health and economics. Although disparate, all these issues concern domestic policies. This article breaks with this trend by exploring the extent to which CT can help scholars better understand public beliefs about national security. Of critical importance in debates about national security are perceptions of individual versus collective threat and the appropriate role of authoritative institutions in protecting society from these threats. Because CT provides a framework that explicitly addresses these dimensions, national security issues provide an illuminating canvas for evaluating the theory's explanatory utility.

This article discusses increasingly heterogeneous nature of social policy in contemporary societies, focusing on the analysis of public attitudes towards the role of state, individual and family in the social provision. Existing literature does not present one answer what institutions should have a central role in creating social welfare as liberal and Marxist theories have different answers about the role of the state in social provision. Lithuania was selected as a case for analysis because it is interesting as a post-soviet country. In this context, the question is whether people still have big expectations for the state's role in social provision (as in soviet times) or are prepared to take responsibility themselves. The paper is based on the results of two interrelated projects: the research project 'International Social Survey Programme: Monitoring of Lithuanian social problems (ISSP-LT)'[1] and the research project 'Monitoring of social problems: implementation of International Social Survey Program (ISSP)'[2]. The paper presents empirical results of two representative public opinion surveys. The results of empirical studies reveal that people still have big expectations for the role of the state in social provision and welfare. The state should be mainly responsible for the provision in situations of old age, unemployment, illness, and durable physical or mental handicap. [1] The paper is partly based upon results of research project 'International Social Survey Programme: Monitoring of Lithuanian social problems (ISSP-LT)', funded by a grant from the Research Council of Lithuania (No. SIN-7/2012). The project is being implemented in the period of 2012-2013. The goal of this project is to continue the long-term monitoring of social problems by implementing the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) in Lithuania. The project analyses the attitudes and experiences of Lithuanian population in the following thematic areas: 'Social Policy', 'Family, Work and Gender Roles', 'National Identity' and ...

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Having emerged from the end of the Cold War as a unified country, Germany has quickly become the second largest exporter in the world. Its economic might has made it the center of the Eurozone and the pivotal power of Europe. Like other geo-economic powers, Germany's foreign policy is characterized by a definition of the national interest in economic terms and the elevation of economic interests over non-economic values such as human rights or democracy promotion. This strategic paradigm is evident in German's relationship with China, the Gulf States and Europe, but it is most important in regard to its evolving policies towards Russia. In this book, Stephen F. Szabo provides a description and analysis of German policy towards Russia, revealing how unified Germany is finding its global role in which its interests do not always coincide with the United States or its European partners. He explores the role of German business and finance in the shaping of foreign policy and investigates how Germany's Russia policy effects its broader foreign policy in the region and at how it is perceived by key outside players such as the United States, Poland and the EU. With reference to public, opinion, the media and think tanks Szabo reveals how Germans perceive Russians, and he uncovers the ways in which its dealings with Russia affect Germany in terms of the importing of corruption and crime. Drawing on interviews with key opinion-shapers, business and financial players and policy makers and on a wide variety of public opinion surveys, media reports and archival sources, his will be a key resource for all those wishing to understand the new geo-economic balance of Europe.

This paper is aimed to characterize and analyze, from linguistic, sociodiscursive and sociopragmatic perspectives, the Twitter messages sent by former Colombian President Ál- varo Uribe Vélez to President Juan Manuel Santos and his Government team (2010-2015), in order to demonstrate the ways in which the enunciator reproduces and legitimates mechanisms of power to influence public opinion. The research was based on the meth- odology of critical discourse analysis (CDA), an interpretive paradigm with a qualitative ap- proach. The results revealed that Uribe's Twitter messages contain a language loaded with personal, spatial and temporal deictic marks, with particularized conversational implica- tions and discursive strategies, which carry intentions aimed at denouncing and censuring President Santos' administrative and political decisions and actions. The enunciator, Uribe, authenticates his politico-ideological principles and his past and present actions at the expense of the de-legitimization of his successor and the group of collaborators, since the purpose is to show that his Government was better and still exercises the power to interfere with criticism and publicly in the political, social and economic affairs of national life and, in turn, influence and gain acceptance of readers and public opinion in general. ; El objetivo de este artículo fue caracterizar y analizar, desde perspectivas lingüísticas, sociodiscursivas y sociopragmáticas, los mensajes de Twitter enviados por el expresidente de Colombia Álvaro Uribe Vélez al presidente Juan Manuel Santos y su equipo de Gobierno (2010-2015), a fin de evidenciar los modos como el enunciador reproduce y legitima mecanismos de poder para influir en la opinión pública. La investigación se apoyó en la metodología del análisis crítico del discurso (ACD), paradigma interpretativo con enfoque cualitativo. Los resultados revelaron que los mensajes de Twitter de Uribe contienen un lenguaje cargado de marcas deícticas personales, espaciales y temporales, de ...

Abstract This research aims to assess and analyze the form of free speech on Facebook Social Media Networking from a friendship social networking into a resistance social networking. This study investigated the form of free speech in the Facebook groups discourse as an expression of emerging resistance to shed public opinion in addressing the various social and political conditions in Indonesia. Thee method in this research is using Norman Fairclough Critical Discourse Analysis which divides the discourse analysis model into three dimensions, namely: text, discourse practices, and sosiocultural practice. In addition to data collection methods used were interviews to view social cognition resistence movement on Facebook. The result showed that the form of the free speech on the Facebook as a social network of friend have experienced social reconstruction by the user into an alternative media in voicing their opinion that has not found the "canalization aspirations." Inhibition of the freedom of public opinion through instruments such us as the council representative of the aspirations of the people, government and mass media have been encouraging people to vote facebook as a means of delivering the aspirations of an easy and widely accessible.Abstrak penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk mengakses dan menganalisis bentuk kebebasan berbicara (berpendapat) dalam Facebook, mulai dari fungsinya sebagai jejaring sosial pertemana sampai pada jejaring perlawanan. Studi ini menyelidiki kebebasan berpendapat pada kelompok-kelompok facebook, utamanya dalam wacana penolakan sebagai bentuk pendapat umum mengenai kondisi sosial politik di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini memakai analisis wacana kritis dari Norman Fairclough yang terdiri atas tiga dimensi, yaitu: teks, wacan , sosial budaya. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan metode wawancara dari aspek kognisi sosial melalui media alternative yang selama ini tidak bisa mereka salurkan melalui lembaga-lembaga seperti Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Pemerintah, atau media massa. Keterbatasan itu mendorong mereka menggunakan media alternative facebook untuk menyalurkan aspirasi mereka lebih mudah dan bisa diterima secara luas.

La opinión pública internacional considera que la delincuencia juvenil ha aumentado considerablemente en las últimas décadas y que se trata de una delincuencia más violenta, en la que las jóvenes tienen una mayor participación y que no culmina hasta los últimos años de la adolescencia. Estos cambios se han convertido en una fuente de preocupación social y política importante en los países occidentales. En España existe esta percepción social y mediática sobre la delincuencia juvenil. Pero el conocimiento de la evolución y tendencia de estas conductas en nuestros jóvenes es pobre y muy parcial. Este trabajo pretende describir la evolución de la conducta antisocial y delictiva juvenil en el periodo 1992-2006, a través del análisis de dos tipos de datos distintos y complementarios: datos de autoinforme y de diversas instancias oficiales. Los resultados muestran una tendencia estable en este periodo, con pequeñas subidas y bajadas en conductas concretas ; According to public opinion, juvenile delinquency has undergone an increase at the international level during the last decades. Besides, it has changed during this period also: youngsters are more violent; there is higher probability of crimes committed by young females; and desistence does not come until the end of adolescence. Public opinion has echoed these criminological documented changes making them a source of social and political concern in western countries, Spain included. This perception about juvenile delinquency has cough on among Spanish society and media. But, the real knowledge about the evolution and trends of this type of youth behaviour is poor and partial in Spain. This study aims to describe the juvenile antisocial and criminal behaviour's evolution from 1992 to 2006, through two different and complementary kinds of data: self report data and official data. Results show a stable trend, with small highs and lows, along this period

The article presents the results of the April 1985 survey conducted by the Department of Sociology of Labor and Organization of the Institute of Sociology of the Warsaw University and by the Center of Public Opinion Surveys by the Polish Radio and Television on the relation of the Polish society to the economic reform. The research considered questions of a social reaction to the methods of reforming system of management: a mature of that reaction and its group and environmental differentiation. It can be generally stated that the public opinion which views the state of our economy as poor has doubts whether the implemented economic reform can be the means to draw the country out of the crisis. It is stated that the reform fails mostly in the domain of prices, quality of goods and material situation of the workers. Majority of the surveyed can visualise threats to the reform not in the objective economic difficulties but in decission errors on various levels. A part of society seems to be confused. They consider factons which can be the reason of a slow pace of the reform to be its result, mousing lacks of the reform they fail to quote their reasons. lt is important that the workers can see the profits derived from the reform for their enterprises and they express the opinion that it is needed there. That conviction can be observed strongly among those Who declare their contacts with the reform in their everyday work. It can be concluded that the Polish society visualises the reform not as the isolated socio-economic process, but as the integral part of overall far reaching changes both in the State and in the economy which should be implemented in the near future. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The area of public opinion and survey research is one of my chief interests in my chosen major of political science. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate my accumulated knowledge and experience in the field of survey research. After studying and working under Dr. Dan E. Jones, an Associate Professor of Political Science and Director of the Bureau of Government and Opinion Research, for approximately four years, I have been involved in the many phases of survey research on numerous projects including public opinion surveys, political polls, elite interviewing, and election projections. With the approval of Dr. Sanders, Director of the Honors Program, and under the direction of Dr. Dan E. Jones, I was involved in all steps of the December 1973 KCPX News Survey, including writing the analysis which comprises the remainder of this report. Following is a simplified outline of the steps in this survey project which I helped direct and implement: 1. HYPOTHESIZING--deciding what it is you want to study. 2. DESIGNING--establishing the procedures and methods to use. 3. PLANNING--figuring materials and personnel needed. 4. SAMPLING--choosing which people are to be interviewed. 5. DRAFTING--framing the questions for use in the field. 6. CONSTRUCTING--planning the format of the questionnaire. 7. PRE-TESTING--determining whether the questions elicit the data desired. 8. BRIEFING--showing interviewers how to use the questionnaire. 9. INTERVIEWING--securing data from respondents. 10. CONTROLLING--seeing that the interviewing gets done. 11. VERIFYING--assuring that the collected data are accurate. 12. CODING--preparing the data for analysis. 13. PROCESSING--organizing data mechanically or electronically. 14. ANALYZING--interpreting the data. The Introduction to the analysis which begins on page 1 gives detailed information on many of the above steps.

The social construction of target populations has emerged as an influential framework for understanding the public policy process. In particular, target populations have been shown to shape the allocation of benefits and burdens by political elites. However, existing studies focus on the elite level, which overlooks whether public preferences are aligned with the allocation of policy benefits and burdens by political elites. Moreover, many studies treat social constructions as homogenous, which this paper calls into question. Using a nation‐wide survey experiment, I investigate variation in public support for affirmative action policies with randomly assigned target populations. The findings indicate that the public formulates policy preferences on the basis of perceived deservingness of target groups similar to political elites. In addition, the findings uncover heterogeneity in the effect of targeting on public opinion based on ideology and racial/ethnic group identity.

Government communication is one of the important element in public organization, which is become a part of organizational communication. In the context of organizational communication, government communication can be separated by internal communication and external communication. Internal communication have a lot of purposes like sending and receiving task information between administrator and staff External communication intend to sending public information from administrator and staff to public and privat sector, instrument of administrative accountability to the public and also accomodating public opinion. In the Orde Baru era, there were dominated kind of the way which is communication exist, that are downward and upward communication. Government communication in good governance dominating by responsiveness, transparency, participation, and accountability. Blockages in communication could be eliminated by using the 'right' language, eliminating barriers and having knowledge about the audience, the message and the medium.Kata kunci : government communication, internal, external communication