Suchergebnisse

Power, conflict, and human rights in Sudan / Lutz Oette -- In search of constitution and constitutionalism in Sudan : the quest for legitimacy and the protection of rights / Ali Suleiman Fadlalla and Mohamed Abdelsalam Babiker -- Constitutionalism under siege : constitutional standoffs in South Sudan and their implications for the war-stricken nation / David K. Deng -- Human rights protection in Sudan's constitutions : a critique of bills of rights / Mohamed Abdelsalam Babiker -- Citizenship, statelessness, and human rights protection in Sudan's constitutions and post South Sudan secession challenges / Munzoul A. M. Assal -- Constitutional dimensions of minority rights and the rights of peoples in the Sudans / Noha Ibrahim Abdelgabar, Mohamed Abdelsalam Babiker, and Lutz Oette -- Women's rights in Sudan : constitutional recognition and lived experiences / Ebtisam Sanhouri Elrayh

Defendants, members of the Old Order Amish religion and of the Conservative Amish Mennonite Church, refused to enroll their children, eighth-grade public school graduates, in public high school and were subsequently convicted of violating the Wisconsin Compulsory School Attendance Law. The trial court held the attendance law to be a reasonable exercise of a governmental function of the state even though the law interfered with the defendants' sincere religious beliefs. The convictions and assessments of fines were affirmed by the circuit court. On appeal, the Wisconsin Supreme Court reversed. Held: The Wisconsin Compulsory School Attendance Law, as applied to the Amish, infringes upon their religious liberty and, because it serves no compelling state interest, violates the free exercise clause of the first amendment to the Constitution of the United States. State v. Yoder, 49 Wis.2d 430, 182 N.W.2d 539, cert. granted, 402 U.S. 994 (1971).2

The publication is devoted to the analysis of international standards for women's rights and the constitutional law of modern Russia. The authors have concluded that today human and civil rights have no gender asymmetry, in particular political rights enshrined in the Constitution. The constitutional norm of equality between men and women in the political sphere is fully consistent with the universal international standards. The authors have found that the law does not differentiate between men and women; does not allow direct or indirect restrictions or advantages on the basis of gender in the civil service. Moreover, women are numerically a dominant group of civil servants, but predominate in performing positions, thereby saving "gender pyramid" in government and administration. The article shows that the Russian legislation does not contain provisions infringing the political rights of women. However, the traditional idea of the social roles of men and women are a significant barrier that limits women's ability to enjoy all rights and freedoms, despite the fact that such representations are especially characteristic of the domestic standard of everyday living of society. However, it is not clear what gender discrimination means in the political sphere of life. We must assume that this is due to the absence of statement in the legislation of the Russian Federation "discrimination against women".DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)3-05 ; Публикация посвящена анализу международных стандартов прав женщин и конституционного законодательства современной России. Авторы констатируют, что сегодня права человека и гражданина не имеют гендерной асимметрии, в частности политические права, закрепленные в Конституции РФ. Конституционная норма равноправия мужчин и женщин в политической сфере полностью соответствует универсальным международным стандартам. Авторами установлено, что в законодательстве не проводятся различия между мужчинами и женщинами, не допускается прямых или косвенных ограничений или преимуществ по признаку половой принадлежности на государственной гражданской службе. Более того, женщины остаются численно доминирующей группой в составе государственных служащих, но преобладают на исполнительских должностях, тем самым сохраняется «гендерная пирамида» в органах власти и управления. В рамках настоящей статьи показано, что законодательство РФ не содержит норм, ущемляющих политические права женщин. Однако традиционные представления о социальных ролях мужчин и женщин являются существенным препятствием, ограничивающим возможности женщин пользоваться всеми правами и свободами, несмотря на то, что такие представления прежде всего характерны для бытового уровня жизни общества. Вместе с тем не совсем понятно, что означает дискриминация по признаку пола в политической сфере жизнедеятельности. Надо полагать, что это связано с отсутствием формулировок в законодательстве РФ «дискриминации в отношении женщин».DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)3-05

Constitutional mythology and the future of Second Amendment jurisprudence after Heller / Saul Cornell -- The Second Amendment right to self-defence : the core freedom in the new century / Joyce Lee Malcolm -- Annie get your gun : women, performance, and the Western heroine / Karen Jones -- "A gun is a gun is anyone's hand" : shooting the gang girl in mi vida loca / Emma Horrex -- "The thought of a black male with a weapon scares America" : African Americans, the Second Amendment, and the racial politics of armed self-defense in the Civil Rights Era and beyond / Simon Wendt and Rebecca Rössling -- From virtuous armed citizen to "cramped little risk-fearing man" : the meaning of firearms in an insecure era / Kevin Yuill -- Gun rights and the rule of law / Firmin Debrabander -- To endure for all time or to change with the times? the Supreme Court and the Second Amendment / Emma Long -- Mr. Gingrich's bequest : globalising the Second Amendment? / Peter Squires -- The universal right of self-defense, and the auxiliary right to defensive arms / David B. Kopel

Studying the Irish Constitutional Law, requires the understanding of how the Irish Political System was evolved. Montesquieu's tripartite system, adopted by the Republic of Ireland is the judiciary[1] has a particular place in the Irish Constitution in articles 34 - 37[2]. The main purpose of this essay is to analyse the balance between the jurisdiction of the Irish Courts in the protection of the constitutional rights of a person accused of a crime and the functioning of the criminal justice system in protecting Society`s general interest. The first section presents a brief summary of the courts functions and the Irish judicial system. The author tries to exam some particular Court`s judgments which are related to the protection individual's rights during their criminal trial or accusation. The author takes into account, in particular, articles 38.1 and 40.4.2 of the Constitution[3]. The functioning of the criminal justice system in the protection of Society`s general interests is the second part of the thesis. Again, the author analyses decisions made by Judges, regarding the limitation of constitutional rights. The aim of this part is to show how individual rights can be limited or suspended in particular circumstances, especially those of public order. Most examples are based on prison law and criminal law. The third and final part of the essay includes possible remedies and the interpretation of results. Here, the author tries to find proper answers for the question: do Irish courts maintain a "delicate and important balance" between the rights of a person accused of a crime and the protection of Society`s general interests. This part includes possible remedies in Constitutional Law, which can by used by the courts. In this thesis, the author has been using research methods identified within the law sciences. Institutional and legal methods were used to interpret acts, constitutional law, and case law. The elements of the decision making methods are acknowledged in chapter two, especially in the analyses process of the Court`s decision. For the possible remedies and the interpretation of results, the author used the sociological method by conducting an analyses of the law in real action – as a social fact. [1] Ch. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, v. I, Warsaw 1957, p. 244. [2] Bunreacht na hÉireann (Enacted by the People 1st July, 1937), [online:] [http://www.taoiseach.gov.ie/eng/Historical_Information/The_Constitution/February_2015_-_Constitution_of_Ireland_.pdf], acc. 20.02.2016. [3] Ibidem.

A few addresses by other writers, illustrative of the subjects discussed, are included in the collection. ; "The writer has collected original prints of certain of his papers and addresses delivered mostly during the past ten years, for binding in a limited number of sets"--Introduction. ; v. 1 Judicial recall. Menace of socialism. Minimum wage. Price maintenance. Uniform state laws. 3 years course for A.B. The menace of Roosevelt -- v. 2. Water rights and water powers, particularly state and federal control of water powers. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This contribution argues that concepts of social justice in European and international private law must remain consistent with the principles of justice underlying European and international public law. The contribution begins with a brief explanation of the diversity of conceptions of constitutional justice and of their legal impact on ever more fields of European public and private law (1). After clarifying the constitutional terminology used in this contribution (2), Rawlsian principles of justice for national and international law (3) are distinguished from multilevel human rights as principles of justice (4), multilevel judicial protection of constitutional rights and rule of law by 'courts of justice' (5), and the diverse forms of democratic and private 'participatory justice' for transforming legal and social relationships (6). The constitutional dimensions of the 2007 Lisbon Treaty (as discussed in section 7) confirm that the 'many concepts of social justice in European private law' - the focus of this conference book - must be construed and developed with due regard to the diverse dimensions of 'constitutional justice' in European and international public law.

In an important recent work, Rosalind Dixon and Tom Ginsburg noted that constitution writers regularly choose to defer to the future important questions of constitutional design. They argue that an "optimal" level of constitutional deferral might contribute to constitutional stability and help constitutions live longer. This Article argues that although constitution makers might choose to defer on many important questions of constitutional design to promote agreement, certain types of deferral might turn out to be counterproductive, and thus constitution writers' choice to defer should be limited. The Article highlights that it is risky to defer to future legislatures the powers of institutions (such as apex courts) that are empowered under the constitution to answer other implicit deferrals. Deferring the powers of apex courts is extremely dangerous because such deferrals can potentially politicize the courts' relationship with the political branches of the government. In response, the political branches of government might choose to resolve deferrals on the powers of apex courts in a retaliatory fashion that could limit the powers of apex courts and undermine the legitimacy and independence. Deferrals on the powers of the judiciary may simply give downstream legislatures a tool to hold apex courts hostage by threatening to amend their laws and strip them of their powers. To highlight this problem, this Article explores the decision of the makers of the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan to defer on the powers of the Supreme Court and the Independent Commission for the Supervision of the Implementation of the Constitution to interpret the Constitution and exercise all types of judicial review. Afghanistan's experience operating under the 2004 Constitution gives an important example of the limits of constitutional deferral.