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A discussion of redistributive policy changes in democratic political systems. Two major competing paradigms of such determinants are the political environments matter hypothesis & the economic resources model. It is argued that there is an interdependent or exchange relationship between the choices of the policymakers & the policy takers (ie, those benefiting from policy changes), & that periodic elections & political parties are important institutional mechanisms that make the exchange relationship possible. Several propositions about the behavior of policymakers & policy takers, & the influence of SE & political factors, are tested using statistics on 21 contemporary democratic regimes between 1952 & 1980. The 2 dependent variables in the model are expenditures on direct transfers to households, & revenue from direct taxes. Multiple regression analyses confirm the contention that political exchange plays an important role as a determinant of policy outcomes. It also explains as much of the variation in the model as the SE or political environment variables. 2 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 40 References. Modified HA

This paper traces the basic reforms in China's labor system and discusses the unexpected changes resulting from those reforms. Labor system reform in China was initiated in the late 1970s. The reform focused on relaxing direct control by various governmental departments and making better use of the market mechanisms in the labor market. Since the reform, people have more opportunities and freedom with respect to job selection and enterprise managers have more autonomy regarding hiring, rewarding and firing employees. Income differences are also becoming more significant. However, due to the simultaneous functioning of the dual system government control and market forces coupled with the lack of a well-established system, some people are distinctly more advantaged than others since the reform. Corruption has increased drastically, the majority of people are deeply frustrated and angered, something which contributed to the mass participation in the latest democratic movement in mid-1989. Based on research on China's labor system reform and comparison between China and the Soviet Union, our conclusions are that economic system reform and political system reform should be conducted simultaneously.

The Council, the political decision-making body of the European Communities, approved in 1976 the text on the election of Parliament by direct universal suffrage. The powers of the European Parliament range from its intervention in the legislative process itself to the approval of the budget, including executive control and active political cooperation. The first elections took place in all member countries and the new parliament has now come into operation. But what does this decision, classified as "the most important political event of 1976", mean in the sphere of the European community? This paper analyzes the significance of such a significant event, while making a brief retrospective into the community's institutions and the transmutation suffered by the European Parliament. ; EI Consejo, órgano político decisorio de las Comunidades Europeas, aprobó en 1976 el texto relativo a la elección del Parlamento Europeo por sufragio universal directo. Las competencias del Parlamento van desde su intervención en el proceso legislativo mismo a la aprobación del presupuesto, comprendiendo el control del ejecutivo y una activa cooperación política. Los escrutinios de las primeras elecciones tuvieron lugar en todos los países miembros y el nuevo parlamento ya entró en funciones. ¿Pero qué significa esta decisión calificada como "el hecho político más importante de 1976" en el ámbito de la comunidad europea? En este artículo se analiza el significado de tan trascendental acontecimiento, a la vez que se hace una breve incursión retrospectiva sobre las instituciones comunitarias y la transmutación sufrida por el Parlamento Europeo.

The text explores the relationship between public space, methods of security control and democracy, establishing the direct link between these relations and the issue of space justice. In doing so, he relies very briefly on contemporary examples of the occupation of urban public spaces by contemporary movements. ; International audience ; The text explores the relationship between public space, methods of security control and democracy, establishing the direct link between these relations and the issue of space justice. In doing so, he relies very briefly on contemporary examples of the occupation of urban public spaces by contemporary movements. ; Le texte explore la relation entre espace public, méthodes de contrôle sécuritaire et démocratie, établissant le lien direct entre ces relations et la question de la justice spatiale. Pour ce faire il s'appuie très brièvement sur les exemples contemporains d'occupation des espaces publics urbains par des mouvements contestataires.

This paper aims to analyze the practice of political administration in Indonesia with various models and democratic systems that are applied.Using descriptive qualitative analysis with literature review.Through comparison of Model Selection, Representative and Voting.Democracy held through election celebrations general periodicity actually becomes the foundation and umbrella for its creation development of culture and improvement of community welfare and interests general.However, the process tends to indicate that it is just a place to find form and very difficult to adjust.Between Representatives, Elections and Voting exist ideal democracy seems to be an anomaly in the realization of the quality of democracy. The implications are diverse, political parties thrive not in direct proportion to the quality of state policies, strengthening the existence of elite power without caring for common sense government administrators as state control.Finally comes the distribution of power who have no public trust.

Mit dem Inkrafttreten der sog "Bilateralen Verträge I" 2002 konnte endlich eine Assoziierung geschaffen werden, welche die Schweizerische Eidgenossenschaft näher an die EU rücken ließ. Allerdings steht diese vertragliche Verflechtung auf vergleichsweise wackligen Füßen. Aufgrund des direktdemokratischen Instrumentariums der Schweiz kann bereits ein einzelner Volksentscheid genügen, um dieses jederzeit wieder zu Fall bringen. Bedingt durch die Annahme der Volksinitiative "Gegen Masseneinwanderung" vom 9. Februar 2014, befinden wir uns an einem solchen Scheidepunkt. Diese Arbeit verfolgt das Ziel, eine realistische Einschätzung der derzeitigen Situation sowie der weiteren Vorgehensweise in der aktuellen integrationspolitischen Diskussion zu liefern. Um dafür ein grundlegendes Verständnis zu schaffen, ist der rechtlichen Darstellung der europarechtlichen Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit und deren vertraglichen Ausprägung mit der Eidgenossenschaft in Form des Personenfreizügigkeitsabkommens ein Überblick über die historische Entwicklung vorangestellt. Vorwiegend soll dadurch aufgezeigt werden, dass dieses Verhältnis nicht zum ersten Mal direktdemokratisch auf den Prüfstand geschickt wurde, weshalb auch die Darstellung der rechtlichen Ausgestaltung dieser unmittelbaren Entscheidungskompetenzen für eine Gesamtbeurteilung essentieller Bestandteil sein muss. Als Brückenschlag zur Masseneinwanderungsinitiative folgt dann eine Illustration der allgemeinen Beweggründe und der vorherrschenden Argumente der schweizerischen Zuwanderungsdebatte, um schließlich vor diesem Hintergrund das Referendum einer rechtlichen Analyse zu unterziehen. Dieser Abschnitt befasst sich im Speziellen auch mit der Interpretation des Initiativtexts und soll die konkreten Spannungsfelder aufzeigen, die sich daraus zur gegenwärtigen Rechtslage ergeben. Der Schlussteil ist dem aktuellen Umsetzungskonzept des Schweizerischen Bundesrates und der persönlichen Einschätzung gewidmet. ; The so-called "Bilaterale Verträge I" (bilateral treaties) coming into effect created an association which led the Swiss Confederation closer to the European Union. However, this contracting interlocking seems to be highly instable as the system of direct democracy in Switzerland provides the possibility to destroy the "Bilaterale Verträge I" with a single public referendum. Because of the positive adoption of the popular vote "Gegen Masseneinwanderung" (against mass immigration) on 9 February 2014 we currently are at a critical point. This thesis aims to give a realistic evaluation of the present situation and the further course of action concerning the actual political discussion about immigration. To create a consolidated level knowledge about the current situation, a description of the European freedom of movement of workers and its legal and contractual influences on Switzerland as well as an overview about the historical development is prepended to this thesis. This is mainly to show that the relations between Switzerland and the European Union have been at a critical point due to direct democratic decisions before. Because of this, the illustration of the legal outcome of these direct democratic decisional competences has to be an essential part of this thesis, followed by an analysis of the main arguments and reasons for the Swiss debate about mass immigration. Final part of this thesis is a legal analysis of the referendum "Gegen Masseneinwanderung", including an interpretation of the original text of the referendum to show the concrete areas of conflict. The conclusion of this thesis addresses the implementation of the referendum through the Federal Council of Switzerland and the personal opinion. ; vorgelegt von Stefan Grün ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2014 ; (VLID)336831

Introduction -- Part I -- Is the American Form of Government a Democracy? Signs of Systemic Oligarchy in Direct and Representative Democracy -- Truth Matters: Factual Accuracy, Theoretic Rationality, and the Legitimacy of Political Decision-Making -- Learning How to Read: Legal Hermeneutics -- Deference without Virtue: A Concern for Common Good Constitutionalism -- Dworkinian Protestantism, Civil Disobedience, and Democratic Citizenship -- Constructive Interpretation, Democracy, and the Protestant Attitude -- Part II -- Structural Injustices in the Educational System, Inequality, and its Effects on Democracy -- The Black Scare -- Representative Democracy, the Right to Vote and the Weighting of Votes -- The Importance of Condorcet Consistency in Preserving Democracy -- Comprehensive Pluralism, Liberalism, and Religious Liberty.

This article asses the implication of direct local executive election ('Pilkada Langsung') toward deepining democracy in Indonesia. Based on rapid appraisal study on the first wave of 'Pilkada Langsung' in Indonesia during 2005, this paper argues that the free, fair and non violence process in the series of 'Pilkada Langsung' to some extent indicates a maturity in Indonesian democraacy. The weakness on regulations and lack of managerial skills of local electoral commissions are still major obstacle that prevent further development of democracy. Furthermore,this paper suggests that 'Pikada Langsung' should be placed not only in procedura; processes but to promote democracy in a more substantive way and as a strategy to develop effective local governance

The content of risks of introduction of electronic voting instruments in Ukraine in the context of post-pandemic transformation of democracy is singled out and revealed. It is determined that e-voting as a tool for promoting democracy is a stage of direct expression of will of citizens, which involves the use of electronic means during voting and counting of votes. It has been proven that the main risks of introducing e-technologies in the voting process include the difficulty of ensuring secure voter identification online while maintaining the secrecy of the ballot; ensuring equal rights for those who use e-voting tools and those who vote in the traditional way; the possibility of unauthorized interference in the voting process and the counting of votes by insiders with expanded access to the system (government officials) or hackers, etc. In particular, a major problem in the introduction of e-voting in Ukraine in the post-pandemic period is the reliable protection of voting, as there is no guarantee that the authorities will not develop and illegally implement programs to monitor the will of citizens, which violates the fundamental principle of democratic elections – secret ballot. In the online voting system, it is important to make sure that a particular person has voted, while maintaining the secrecy of the vote. The legitimacy of e-voting largely depends on the degree of trust in the election organizers. Therefore, the state should eliminate the risk of manipulation and unauthorized interference in the electronic voting system. It is substantiated that these risks under the introduction of e-voting technologies in the post-pandemic period may lead to a weakening of public confidence in the election as a whole, lead to a decrease in the level of state principles – equality of citizens, freedom of agitation, pluralism of opinion, etc. Thus, one of the key aspects of the post-pandemic transformation of democracy is the introduction of technological innovations in the field of democratic procedures and governance. ; Виокремлено та розкрито зміст ризиків впровадження інструментів електронного голосування в Україні в контексті постпандемічної трансформація демократії. Зокрема, до ризиків впровадження е-технологій у процес голосування відносяться труднощі забезпечення безпечної ідентифікація виборця в онлайн-режимі при одночасному збереженні таємниці голосування; забезпечення рівність прав тих, хто використовує інструменти е-голосування, і тих, хто голосує в традиційний спосіб; можливість несанкціонованого втручання в процес голосування і підрахунку голосів виборців інсайдерів з розширеним доступом до системи (представників влади) або хакерами тощо. Обґрунтовано, що ці ризики за умов впровадження технологій е-голосування в постпандемічний період можуть привести до послаблення довіри з боку громадськості до виборів у цілому, спричинити зменшення рівня контролю виборчими органами держави за ходом голосування і підрахунком голосів виборців, а також зберігаються загрози порушення базових демократичних принципів – рівноправність громадян, свободи агітації, плюралізму думок та ін. ; Виокремлено та розкрито зміст ризиків впровадження інструментів електронного голосування в Україні в контексті постпандемічної трансформація демократії. Зокрема, до ризиків впровадження е-технологій у процес голосування відносяться труднощі забезпечення безпечної ідентифікація виборця в онлайн-режимі при одночасному збереженні таємниці голосування; забезпечення рівність прав тих, хто використовує інструменти е-голосування, і тих, хто голосує в традиційний спосіб; можливість несанкціонованого втручання в процес голосування і підрахунку голосів виборців інсайдерів з розширеним доступом до системи (представників влади) або хакерами тощо. Обґрунтовано, що ці ризики за умов впровадження технологій е-голосування в постпандемічний період можуть привести до послаблення довіри з боку громадськості до виборів у цілому, спричинити зменшення рівня контролю виборчими органами держави за ходом голосування і підрахунком голосів виборців, а також зберігаються загрози порушення базових демократичних принципів – рівноправність громадян, свободи агітації, плюралізму думок та ін.

Direct local leader elections (Pilkada) had replaced indirect local elections. It based on the spirit of people empowerment to participate choosing local leaders more democratic. Responsiveness is an important element besides participation which represent local democracy. These two variables will decide the local elections that can enhance the quality of local democracy. This paper uses qualitative methodology to analyze the data of participation and responsiveness of Pilkada as an important variables in local democracy. People participation in Pilkada is not as high as the participation in New Order elections. Their participation are more substantive because accompanied assessment of the level of responsiveness of a local leader. Incumbent successful running of local responsiveness will get continued success as the next local elections victory. In contrast, incumbent who failed in the implementation of responsiveness will obtain defeat. Victory and defeat incumbent in the election can be stated that the relevance of participation and responsiveness become very important in the local democratic process as a whole.

Mittels Process-Tracing werden in diesem Buch die komplexen Kausalmechanismen aufgedeckt, die die gelegentliche Demokratisierung der innerparteilichen Willensbildung der Parteien auf Landesebene erklären. Die Analyse baut dabei auf Daten aus Interviews, Partei- sowie Zeitungsdokumenten. Die Autorin zeigt, dass für gewöhnlich eine Kombination aus Wahlniederlage, dem Wunsch nach friedlicher Lösung eines internen Konflikts und taktischen Motiven ursächlich ist, damit Parteien ihrer Basis ein Mitspracherecht einräumen. In Bezug auf die Konsequenzen dieser neuen Selektionsmethode wird mittels statistischer Methoden gezeigt, dass erfahrene Bewerber in Urwahlen schlechtere Erfolgsaussichten haben; Frauen aber nicht benachteiligt werden.

In front of the multiplication of the participative bends in the management of public policies, it is crucial to wonder about the capacity of participative democracy to constitute an element of the mutation of local politics. This reflection collided for a long time with critical positions interpreting its developement as an imposture intended to throw a democratic veil on procedures still so opaque and calcified as well as in normative postures trying to promote a shape of civic commitment pure and authentic. Our study proposes to enrich a pragmatic approach to determine the real conditions of its implementation and its concrete effects. This work is led, to report better the heterogeneousness of the participative logics and practices, on a comparative analysis of several devices, on the scale of the city of Nancy and the departement of Meurthe-et-Moselle. In this framework, we were able to observe a phenomenon of institutionalization of the citizen participation within local authorities. The conditions of the emergence of a participation standard guiding public action however appear to indicate a certain restraint, characterized by the limitation of the field of application of the participative procedures or of the kind of citizens knowledges mobilized. The effects provoked by the application of the participative standard on the local public space also raise numerous ambiguities. The studied devices seem very remote from deliberative and participative theoretical frames. Also, the lake of inclusion as well as the obstinacy of logics of politicization appropriate for the representative system questions about the capacity of the participative democracy to meet the challenges which she suggests nevertheless surmounting. ; Face à la multiplication des détours participatifs dans la conduite des politiques publiques, il est important de s'interroger sur la capacité de la démocratie participative à constituer un facteur de la mutation de l'action publique locale. Cette réflexion s'est longtemps incarnée dans des ...

In front of the multiplication of the participative bends in the management of public policies, it is crucial to wonder about the capacity of participative democracy to constitute an element of the mutation of local politics. This reflection collided for a long time with critical positions interpreting its developement as an imposture intended to throw a democratic veil on procedures still so opaque and calcified as well as in normative postures trying to promote a shape of civic commitment pure and authentic. Our study proposes to enrich a pragmatic approach to determine the real conditions of its implementation and its concrete effects. This work is led, to report better the heterogeneousness of the participative logics and practices, on a comparative analysis of several devices, on the scale of the city of Nancy and the departement of Meurthe-et-Moselle. In this framework, we were able to observe a phenomenon of institutionalization of the citizen participation within local authorities. The conditions of the emergence of a participation standard guiding public action however appear to indicate a certain restraint, characterized by the limitation of the field of application of the participative procedures or of the kind of citizens knowledges mobilized. The effects provoked by the application of the participative standard on the local public space also raise numerous ambiguities. The studied devices seem very remote from deliberative and participative theoretical frames. Also, the lake of inclusion as well as the obstinacy of logics of politicization appropriate for the representative system questions about the capacity of the participative democracy to meet the challenges which she suggests nevertheless surmounting. ; Face à la multiplication des détours participatifs dans la conduite des politiques publiques, il est important de s'interroger sur la capacité de la démocratie participative à constituer un facteur de la mutation de l'action publique locale. Cette réflexion s'est longtemps incarnée dans des ...