Suchergebnisse

"Die Europäische Union und Mexiko haben im Dezember 1997 ein Partnerschaftsabkommen unterzeichnet. Dieses angestrebte Vertragswerk enthält u.a. eine Demokratie- und Menschenrechtsklausel. Über letztere ist es in den vergangenen Monaten in Mexiko und in Europa zu einer lebhaften Diskussion gekommen. Kann es angesichts einer sich dramatisch verschlechternden Menschenrechtslage in Mexiko mit einer Standardklausel getan sein, oder bedarf es gezielter Kontrollmechanismen? Ist eine solche "Nachbesserung" an einem beschlossenen Vertrag überhaupt denkbar und während bereits laufender Ratifizierungsverfahren und parallel geführter Freihandelsverhandlungen politisch opportun und praktikabel?" (Brennpkt. Lat.am/DÜI)

Los textos se enviaron para su evaluación a la revista en 2018 y la mayoría de las investigaciones se encontraban en curso, pero ya han finalizado en el momento de la publicación del número (2020). ; En este monográfico nos proponemos repensar y cuestionar: ¿cómo se puede construir sentido colectivamente? ¿Para qué, para quién y junto a quién investigamos? Pero sobre todo nos interesa indagar cómo, desde las diferentes experiencias existentes, se están construyendo investigaciones colaborativas e implicadas, y cómo se toman las múltiples decisiones que vertebran los procesos de investigación. Con el objetivo de contextualizar las prácticas etnográficas discutidas en el presente volumen, en esta contribución enmarcamos de manera resumida la emergencia histórica de las etnografías colaborativas e implicadas y reseñamos las principales contribuciones hechas desde la antropología social. El monográfico lo configuran seis contribuciones procedentes de experiencias de investigaciones en curso3 , colaborativas, implicadas y/o activistas en algunos de los casos, llevadas a cabo junto a diferentes actores en escenarios diversos. Nuestros/as interlocutores/as han sido mujeres mexicanas emigradas a la ciudad de Nueva York, jóvenes indígenas egresados/as de la Universidad Veracruzana Intercultural, vecinos/as de barrios marginalizados de Lisboa, movimientos sociales y plataformas por el derecho a la vivienda del Estado español. Además de los múltiples contextos, emerge una gran variedad de perspectivas y saberes implicados: aunque la práctica etnográfica sea central en todas las aportaciones, esta se conjuga felizmente con una pluralidad de saberes/haceres —desde la producción de radionovelas a la etnomusicología—, dando lugar a distintas estrategias de producción de conocimiento —narraciones comunitarias y story telling, talleres de reflexión colectiva, conversatorios, etcétera—. En conjunto, emerge un núcleo de problemáticas que remite a las tensiones, encrucijadas y potencialidades de la etnografía colaborativa e implicada. ; This special issue is meant to discuss the following issues: how can we collectively produce meaning? Whom should we research for/with? What should be the aims of our research? We are particularly interested in tackling the ways in which collaborative ethnographies are being constructed, from different perspectives, and how the multiple decisions affecting them are taken. With the aim of contextualizing the ethnographic experiences discussed in this volume, in this presentation we frame the historical emergence of collaborative ethnography and sum up the main contributions done by Anthropology. Then, we point out the main contents of the articles included in this issue, which is made up of six papers proceeding from ongoing researches, all of them collaborative, engaged and even activist in some cases, undertaken together with different actors in diverse scenarios. Our interlocutors have been Mexican women emigrated to New York, young Indigenous graduated at the Intercultural University of Veracruz, neighbors from marginalized neighborhoods in Lisbon, social movements and platforms for the right to housing in Spain. A great variety of contexts, perspectives and knowledge(s) emerge from this review: even though ethnography is central for all of them, it is accompanied by a plurality of knowledge(s) and practices — ranging from radio series to ethnomusicology — paving the way to diverse strategies of knowledge production — story telling, collective workshops, conversations. A set of core-issues is emerging overall, and we hope it may contribute to the discussion on the tensions, dilemmas and potentialities of collaborative and engaged ethnography.

Tulisan ini mengkaji tentang Transportasi Kereta Api Rute Makassar – Takalar 1922 – 1930. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa transportasi kereta api sangat penting bagi kalangan masyarakat pribumi dan Hindia – Belanda. Kereta api di Hindia – Belanda resmi dibuka untuk umum pada tahun 1867 di Semarang, Pembangunan jalur kereta api pertama di Jawa sepanjang 25 kilometer yang dilakukan oleh perusahaan Nederlands Indische Spoorweg Maatschappij ini nantinya juga berhasil menghubungkan beberapa kota di Jawa. Keberhasilan NISM membangun jaringan kereta api dalam perjalanannya juga berhasil menarik minat perusahaan lain dan juga pemerintah Hindia Belanda sendiri untuk ikut membangun jaringan kereta api. Selain Jawa, jaringan kereta api juga dibangun di Sumatera dan Sulawesi. Adapun di Sulawesi Selatan jalur perkerata apian resmi dibuka pada tahun 1922 yang menghubungkan Makassar – Takalar sepanjang 47 Km. Tercatat 20 tempat pemberhentian resmi. Pemberhentian tersebut terdiri dari 8 halte (stasiun) dan 12 stopplats (halte). Pembuatan jalur kereta api ini selain untuk kepentingan perekonomian dengan mengangkut berbagai komoditi yang laku di pasaran, juga untuk kepentingan politik, dan militer. Hal itu dapat dilihat dari keberadaan jalur dan transportasi kereta api yang mengangkut serdadu Belanda guna meredam gerakan I Tolok Dg. Magassing. Penelitian ini digolongkan dalam sejarah transportasi karena ruang lingkup pembahasan berkaitan dengan perkembangan moda transportasi dan juga hubungan moda transportasi tersebut dengan aspek ekonomi, politik, dan militer. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah metode sejarah yang terbagi atas tahapan: heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara studi arsip dan studi pustaka.Kata Kunci : Transportasi, Kereta Api, Makassar - Takalar This paper examines Railway Transportation Route Makassar - Takalar 1922 - 1930. The results of this study indicate that railroad transportation is very important for the indigenous and Indies - Dutch circles. The train in the Indies - the Netherlands was officially opened to the public in 1867 in Semarang. The construction of the first 25 kilometer railway line in Java carried out by the Nederlands Indische Spoorweg Maatschappij company later succeeded in connecting several cities in Java. The success of NISM in building the railroad network on its journey also succeeded in attracting the interest of other companies and also the Dutch East Indies government itself to join in building the railroad network. In addition to Java, railway networks are also being built in Sumatra and Sulawesi. Whereas in South Sulawesi the railway lane officially opened in 1922 which connected Makassar - Takalar along 47 km. Recorded 20 official stops. The stop consists of 8 stops (stations) and 12 stopplats (stops). The making of this railroad is not only for the sake of the economy by transporting various commodities that sell well in the market, but also for political and military interests. This can be seen from the existence of railroad lines and transportation that transported Dutch soldiers to reduce the movement. I Tolok Dg. Magassing. This research is classified in the history of transportation because the scope of the discussion relates to the development of modes of transportation and also the relationship of modes of transportation with economic, political and military aspects. The method used in this study is a historical method which is divided into stages: heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The method of data collection is done by means of archival studies and literature studies.Keywords: Transportation, Railways, Makassar - Takalar

En América Latina vivimos un quiebre en las tendencias de los procesos políticos y sociales de cambio que venían desenvolviéndose en la primera década y media del presente siglo. En este contexto de incertidumbre, las sociedades se encuentran en la encrucijada ante las vías posibles que se abren a la educación: ¿igualdad, inclusión o competitividad para el mercado? Este artículo pasa revista por algunas importantes resignifi caciones planteadas a la educación en las últimas décadas por diversos movimientos sociales y educativos en América Latina, en el escenario de transformaciones sociales y políticas en que algunos Estados contribuyeron a la revitalización de la educación pública como un derecho humano. Nuevas generaciones exigen la educación como derecho y no quieren más educación como lucro. Pueblos indígenas proponen otros sentidos de la educación dentro del paradigma del Buen Vivir (Sumak Kawsay) o Vivir Bien (Suma Qamaña), buscan posicionar un nuevo signifi cado de la vida, en el horizonte de una nueva espiritualidad y convivencia. Estas alternativas ofrecen señales de posibles caminos frente al oscurecimiento humano que presenciamos actualmente.Palabras clave: Sentidos de la educación. Alternativas al desarrollo. Pertinencia cultural. Sementes e estradas para a educação latino-americana em tempos de incertezaRESUMONa América Latina vivemos uma ruptura nas tendências dos processos políticos e sociais de mudança que se desdobraram na primeira década e meia deste século. Nesse contexto de incerteza, as sociedades estão na encruzilhada diante de possíveis caminhos abertos à educação: igualdade, inclusão ou competitividade para o mercado? Este artigo analisa algumas ressignificações importantes da educação nas últimas décadas por diversos movimentos sociais e educacionais da América Latina, no cenário de transformações sociais e políticas em que alguns Estados contribuíram para a revitalização da educação pública como direito humano. As novas gerações exigem educação como um direito e não querem mais educação como lucro. Os povos indígenas propõem outras formas de educação dentro do paradigma do bem viver (Sumak Kawsay) ou segundo Living Well (Suma Qamaña) buscar um novo sentido da vida, no horizonte de uma nova espiritualidade e convívio. Essas alternativas oferecem sinais de possíveis caminhos contrários ao obscurecimento humano que estamos testemunhando atualmente.Palavras-chave: Sentidos da educação. Alternativas ao desenvolvimento. Relevância cultural. Seeds and roads for Latin American education in times of uncertaintyABSTRACTIn Latin America we have lived a break in the trends of the political and social processes of change that had been unfolding in the fi rst decade and a half of this century. In this context of uncertainty, societies are at the crossroads before the possible paths open to education: equality, inclusion or competitiveness for the market? This article reviews some important resignifi cations of education in recent decades by various social and educational movements in Latin America, in the scenario of social and political transformations where some States contributed to the revitalization of public education as a human right. New generations demand education as a right, they do not want more education as a profi t. Indigenous peoples propose other meanings of education within the paradigm of Good Living (Sumak Kawsay) or Living Well (Suma Qamaña), seeking to position a new meaning of life, on the horizon of a new spirituality and coexistence. These alternatives off er signs of possible paths against the human obscuration that we are witnessing today.Keywords: Senses of education. Alternatives to development. Cultural relevance.

National audience ; The vocabulary and practices of "Spiritual Warfare" began to spread in Evangelical circles at the end of 1980s and the early 1990s, under the influence of American missiologists. It first aimed to struggle against the secularisation of Western societies – especially in big cities – and finally gave birth to a global movement that brought decisive changes in Pentecostals/Charismatics' relation with territory, cultural identities and politics.Spiritual Warfare contributes to a reterritorialization of the Pentecostal/Charismatic imaginary, especially through Spiritual Mapping practices involving the exploration of space and history in order to identify "spiritual strongholds", "gates" and "keys" which determine the outcome of this "war of spiritual liberation" of cities and nations.This return of territory goes with a new Charismatic representation of indigeneity, which notably draws on anthropological readings, as the theologians of Spiritual Warfare aim to take "more seriously the worldviews of non-western traditional societies" that deal with territorial spirits (Ediger). This reshaping of the symbolical bound between the individual and the territory results in recognizing indigenous peoples as the "Gate Keepers" of their native territories.Political activism inspired by this Charismatic ideology fights for the establishment of "Christian nations", a political ideology in which the defense of "indigeneity" (also understood as national identity) and Christian identity tends to contradict the building of pluralist and democratic societies based on the recognition of religious and cultural diversity.Based on fieldwork in Europe, Pacific Islands and Asia, this chapter examines different kinds of Evangelical activism inspired by the theology of Spiritual Warfare, to clarify the issues at stakes relating to this Charismatic globalization. ; Le thème du « combat spirituel » (Spiritual Warfare) s'est diffusé dans les milieux charismatiques au tournant des années 1980-90, sous l'impulsion de missiologues nord-américains. Inspiré à l'origine par une volonté de lutter contre la sécularisation des sociétés occidentales – et plus particulièrement les grandes agglomérations urbaines – il a donné naissance à un mouvement globalisé, porteur de plusieurs ruptures décisives dans le rapport pentecôtiste/charismatique au territoire, aux identités culturelles et à la politique.En premier lieu, le « combat spirituel » contribue à une reterritorialisation de l'imaginaire pentecôtiste/charismatique, notamment à travers des pratiques de « cartographie spirituelle » (Spiritual Mapping) consistant à explorer l'espace et l'histoire afin d'identifier les « bastions », les « portes » et les « clés » dont dépend l'issue de cette « guerre de libération spirituelle » des villes et des nations. Ce retour du territoire s'accompagne d'un nouveau discours charismatique sur l'autochtonie : s'inspirant notamment de la littérature anthropologique, les théoriciens du « combat spirituel » entendent en effet « prendre au sérieux les conceptions des sociétés traditionnelles non-occidentales » (Ediger) relatives aux esprits territoriaux. Cette reconfiguration des liens symboliques entre individu et territoire les conduit à accorder aux peuples autochtones un statut de « gardiens spirituels » (Gate Keepers) des territoires.L'engagement politique qui découle de cette idéologie charismatique vise l'instauration de « nations chrétiennes », un idéal politique dans lequel la défense de l'autochtonie et de l'identité chrétienne tendent à s'opposer au développement de sociétés démocratiques plurielles fondées sur la reconnaissance des diversités culturelles et religieuses.En combinant plusieurs terrains de recherche (en Europe, en Océanie et en Asie) et en analysant différents types d'actions militantes inspirées par la théologie du « combat spirituel », cette communication éclairera les principaux enjeux de cette globalisation charismatique.

An increasing number of educational policies, academic studies, and university courses today propagate 'interculturality' as a method for approaching 'the Other' and reconciling universal values and cultural specificities. Based on a thorough discussion of Europe's colonial past and the hierarchies of knowledge that colonialism established, this dissertation interrogates the definitions of intercultural knowledge put forth by EU policy discourse, academic textbooks on interculturality, and students who have completed a university course on the subject. Taking a decolonial approach that makes its central concern the ways in which differences are formed and sustained through references to cultural identities, this study shows that interculturality, as defined in these texts, runs the risk of affirming a singular European outlook on the world, and of elevating this outlook into a universal law. Contrary to its selfproclaimed goal of learning from the Other, interculturality may in fact contribute to the repression of the Other by silencing those who are already muted. The dissertation suggests an alternative definition of interculturality, which is not framed in terms of cultural differences but in terms of colonial difference. This argument is substantiated by an analysis of the Latin American concept of interculturalidad, which derives from the struggles for public and political recognition among indigenous social movements in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. By bringing interculturalidad into the picture, with its roots in the particular and with strong reverberations of the historical experience of colonialism, this study explores the possibility of decentring the discourse of interculturality and its Eurocentric outlook. In this way, the dissertation argues that an emancipation from colonial legacies requires that we start seeing interculturality as inter-epistemic rather than simply inter-cultural. ; Fokus för denna avhandling är spridningen av begreppet interkulturalitet inom utbildning. Utbildningspolicy, akademisk litteratur och mängden kurser i högre utbildning ägnade åt begreppet vittnar alla om dess betydelse i försöken att förena det kulturellt partikulära med det universella. Med Europas koloniala förflutna i åtanke och dess skapande av hierarkier mellan vad som definieras som kunskap, ämnar denna avhandling undersöka vilka kunskaper som krävs för att bli interkulturell. Syftet är framför allt att besvara frågan vad som händer med interkulturalitet om kulturella skillnader istället förstås som koloniala skillnader. Utifrån ett dekolonialt perspektiv som fokuserar på hur skillnader skapas och upprätthålls utifrån föreställningar om kulturella identiteter, analyseras EU-policy, akademisk litteratur samt intervjuer med studenter som avklarat en kurs i interkulturalitet. Analysen visar på hur interkulturalitet, i dess nuvarande tappning, riskerar fastna i en singulär europeisk utblick på världen upphöjd till universell lag. Snarare än att mildra eller förändra maktrelationer och skapa möjligheter till mellanmänskliga möten, riskerar därför interkulturaliteten att bidra till fortsatt förtryck av den som anses kulturellt annorlunda. En alternativ utgångspunkt står att finna i en annan översättning av interkulturalitet – interculturalidad – hämtad från ursprungsbefolkningarnas kamp för att bli synliggjorda, att dela makten, på den offentliga arenan i Bolivia, Ecuador och Peru. Genom att lyfta fram begreppet interculturalidad, som just har sitt ursprung i singulariteten och bär med sig själva erfarenheten av kolonialism, tillförs en möjlig distansering från interkulturalitet med dess implicita eurocentrism. Avslutningsvis argumenteras för att befrielse från kolonialismens ok kräver att interkulturalitet omkodas som inter-epistemisk.

Laying a foundation for studying race, gender, class, and the media / Rebecca Ann Lind -- The social psychology of stereotypes and bias : implications for media audiences / Bradley W. Gorham -- Black criminality 2.0 : the persistence of stereotypes in the 21st century / Travis L. Dixon -- There is hope : race, gender and the uses and gratifications of social media / Kelly Quinn & Dmitry Epstein -- Body image and adolescent girls' selfie posting, editing, and investment / Jennifer Stevens Aubrey & Larissa Terán -- Exploring relationships between gender, social media use, and young adults' well-being / Marina Krcmar & Drew P. Cingel -- The income gap in online news : analyzing the prevalence and influence of partisan slant / Alina Renee Oxendine -- The relationship between court shows and public opinion about state courts / Taneisha N. Means & Katha Sikka -- Re-meme-bering, romanticizing and reframing the Obamas online / Francesca Sobande -- Fashioning the ummah : a thoroughly modern Muslim movement / Sabah Firoz Uddin -- Challenging the invisibility of women¿s postpartum scars / Scarlett Cunningham -- I comment, Usted comenta : reader comments on diversity in English- and Spanish-language newspapers / Danny Paskin -- "Somebody is bound to call you out" : young Latinos' digital media use and political participation / Vanessa de Macedo Higgins Joyce, Issa Galvan & Jené Shepherd -- Arguing over images : Native American mascots and race / C. Richard King -- How TV news makes Arabs and Muslims feel about themselves / Dina Ibrahim & Aymen Abdel Halim -- "Not country" : the CMAS and the Beyoncé backlash / Tejan Green Waszak & Jason Takayuki Ueda -- A case study of race and Twitter activism : #bamasits in response to Colin Kaepernick / George L. Daniels -- I am not your negro : James Baldwin's challenge to whiteness and media / Dwight E. Brooks -- Framing the immigration story / Patti Brown -- Framing feminism / Rebecca Ann Lind & Colleen Salo Aravena -- Boyfriends and Romeo pimps : narratives of romance in news coverage of sex trafficking / Anne Johnston & Barbara Friedman -- Hispanic cultural identity in US Spanish-language newspapers / María José Coperías-Aguilar & Josep Lluís Gómez-Mompart -- Disrupting the thin, sexy stretch of whiteness : representations of yoga practices / Judy L. Isaksen -- Political cartoons and the Black lives matter movement / Anish Vanaik, Dwaine Jengelley & Rolfe Peterson -- She's a 10, he's a 2 : Playboy cartoons and a culture of male entitlement / Pamela Hill Nettleton -- Mediating indigenous identity : exploring cultural persistence and revival in moonshot / Andrew Dietzel -- "The more you subtract, the more you add" : cutting girls down to size in advertising / Jean Kilbourne -- Sex sells, but gender brands / Greg Niedt & Julia C. Richmond -- Race, hierarchy, and hyenaphobia in the Lion king / Naomi Rockler-Gladen -- Lifetime's unreal unmakes the rural south / Christina R. Belcher -- Pretty, big violence in Big little lies / Robert Alan Brookey & Spencer Coile -- Transing Sin-Dee Rella : representations of trans women of color in Sean Baker's Tangerine / Gust A. Yep, Fatima Zahrae Chrifi Alaoui & Ryan M. Lescure -- "People tell me I'm white" : Stephen Colbert and comic deconstruction of colorblindness / Jonathan P. Rossing -- The chiaroscuros of white postfeminist empowerment in the fall / Rebeca Maseda García & María José Gámez Fuentes -- It's okay that we back-stab each other : cultural myths that fuel the battling female in the Bachelor / Jennifer S. Kramer -- Wicked stepmothers wear Dior : Hollywood's modern fairy tales / Lea M. Popielinski -- Honing hegemonic masculinity : a look at I love you, man and get hard / Sarah E. Fryett -- Bella's choice : deconstructing ideology and power in the Twilight saga / Leslie A. Grinner -- Mixed romance at the movies : toward a respectful representation / Marga Altena -- We need to talk... about relational conflict in scripted television / Cassandra Alexopoulos, Amelia Couture & Grace Hope Wolff -- "Trust me. I am not a racist" : whiteness, media and millennials / Christopher P. Campbell -- Knocked up knockouts : pregnancy, media, and the sexy bump / Natalie Jolly -- Special rights for queers? : content, patterns, and context of anti-LGBTQ internet hate speech / Cynthia A. Cooper -- Not just Jezebel : Black women, Nicki Minaj, and sexualized imagery in rap music / Kiana Cox -- Eminem's love the way you lie and the normalization of men's violence against women / Rachel Alicia Griffin & Joshua D. Phillips -- Music video images of ballet / Tessa Nunn -- "Never about my work, never about my motivations" : exploring online experiences of women journalists of color / Gina M. Chen & Paromita Pain -- And then there were two : telling the coming out stories of Jason Collins and Michael Sam in sports media / Andrew C. Billings, Leigh M. Moscowitz, & Qingru Xu -- Exploring gay/straight relationships on local television news / Mark Saxenmeyer -- Target vs. total marketing : the paradox of producing diverse mainstream content / Charisse L'Pree Corsbie-Massay -- Eddie huang : fresh off the boat / Dear Aunaetitrakul -- Is siri a little bit racist? : recognizing and confronting algorithmic bias in emerging media / Michael L. Austin -- The historical contexts of women's and minorities' access to broadcasting / Rebecca Ann Lind -- Encouraging diverse women's success in information communication technologies and media spaces / Paula Gardner & Suzanne Stein.

 I have often struggled with my Jewish identity since I don't believe in any of the religious stuff, but I am aware that identity is socially constructed--it is not just up to me but to society to shape who I am, what groups I belong to, what groups I don't belong to.  That if a Nazi party were to come into power where I live, I would be targeted for execution whether I am a believer or not.So, when I see tweets like this:Republican Jewish Coalition Blasts Gosar Over Staffer's Ties To White Supremacist: Fuentes Has 'No Place' In Congress https://t.co/3YrAoPleEw via @TPM— Josh Marshall (@joshtpm) May 17, 2023

I realize that I am a better Jew than some.  How so?  Rule #1 of post-World War II Judiasm is Never Again!  That is, we must work to make sure nothing like the Holocaust happens again.  Yet there are Jews who have other priorities.  I have often wondered how an LGBTQ+ person could be a Republican, a Log Cabin Republican, can stay in a party that targets them as a dangerous other--a groomer, a pedophile--to be ostracized and targeted for violence.  But I am not a part of that community, so I guess I can't really judge.  I am Jewish by descent, which is good enough to get me killed in Nazi Germany and targeted in 21st century Charlottesville.  So, I am beyond bewildered by "Republican Jews."  How can they support a party that is inciting violence against a variety of minorities?  Maybe they think that these white supremacists, these misogynists are not likely to target Jews?  Well, again, Never Again starts with that famous statement by Martin Niemöller who said First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist.Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a trade unionist.Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.A movement of hate does not really discriminate--the resentment politics will ultimately target women, racial minorities, Indigenous people, LGBTQ+, and, yes, Jews.  So, thinking one is safe because a movement is targeting, say, Muslims, is foolish in the extreme.  Indeed, some of these folks are so ignorant they may attack the wrong people because they cannot tell a Sikh from a Muslim.Maybe the Republican Jews think they can change their party to make it either tolerant or more selective?  That is the height of arrogance and also ignorant of history.  These Republican Jews are useful idiots who allow the white supremacists, the far right reactionaries that now dominate the party to claim that they are not these things because some of their "friends" are Jews.  That's right, these Jews are not only not helping, they are actually harming by giving cover, aid, and comfort to those that want them dead.Maybe they care more about tax cuts?  Or about support for Israel even as the party only supports Israel to please the evangelicals, who see Jews as a means to an end--that a Jewish state controlling Jerusalem is a necessary step towards the End of Days.  Oh, and what happens when all the good Christians are sent to heaven on that day?  Nothing good.Maybe they think that Trump can't be an anti-semite because his daughter married a Jew and he has Jewish grandkids?  Um, have they met Trump?  Yes, he claims to be a philo-semite, but most folks who claim such again see Jews as a means to an end, that their positive views about Jews are all the stereotypes, that Jews are only focused on Israel and not other stuff, like democracy, liberalism, etc.So, when I see Republican Jews, I think those who have joined the Leopard Face Eating Party--what do they expect but to ultimately be a victim of those that they support?  Again, to put it as simply as I can, they are giving aid and comfort to those who seem them as less than, to those who would go along with or enthusiastically support depriving Jews (and other folks) of their rights and send them off to camps.  So, I may be a lousy Jew, but I do remember one of the most consistent lessons of Hebrew school: Never Again.  These Republican Jews?  Either forgot or are selling out everyone else for their own narrow self-interests.

Martynas Jankus (1858–1946) is a famous worker of Lithuanian press in Prussia, aparticipant of national movement, a politician who supported bringing together two parts of theLithuanian nation separated by the borders between German and Russian empires. Over more than40 years he had published and printed 395 non-periodical and 27 periodical publications in Lithuanianand some in German and Byelorussian languages. Among the authors of these publications,there were many significant representatives of Lithuanian and other nations: writers, ethnologists,historians, Protestant theologians and politicians. Jankus' personality was formed by the life styleof a peasant family, social environment of his native Bitėnai village and the pressure of national discriminationaffecting the indigenous people. He attended only a primary school and later self-educatedhimself by reading voratiously literature about Lithuania and Lithuanians. Lithuanian newspapersand especially the works by Georg Sauerwein, a defender of the interests of small nations in the Germanempire, published in them have increased his motivation for social activity. The active politicalmovement of the end of the 19th century and the election campaigns to the Prussian Landtag andGerman Reichstag directly influenced his decision to participate in publishing. In 1879–1888 he publishedseveral leaflets in support of Lithuanian candidates, some books, pamphlets and calendars forthe cultural education of Lithuanians. Among these publications Jankus included his own collectionsof original and folk poetry as well as prose translated from German and Polish languages augmentedby polemic articles. When Jankus got acquainted with the members of the national movement inGreat Lithuania, he became an editor and administrator of the Lithuanian periodical "Auszra" establishedby them. Other editors stayed on his farm in Bitėnai. As there was a lack of popular literature,Jankus and his companion published the Lithuanian "Auszra" calendar ("Lietuviškas "Auszros"kalendorius") in 1883 and 1884. The texts of educational and applied character were published in thecalendar as well as literary texts, such as original and translated poetry and prose. They were written by Lithuanian authors Jonas Basanavičius, Andrius Jonas Vištelis, Petras Vileišis, and writers of other nations such as Sauerwein, Józef Ignac Kraszewski, Adam Mickiewicz, Ivan Krylov, Aleksandr Puškin, William Shakespeare and Guy de Maupasannt. For many Lithuanians these translations were the first acquaintance with the world literature.Martynas Jankus used to order printing of his books, calendars and "Auszra" in the printing houses of nearby towns, such as Ragnit (Lith.: Ragainė) and Tilsit (Lith.: Tilžė). Their production was disseminated in Lithuania Minor and smuggled to the Great Lithuania, which was under the strict ban on Latin printing introduced by the Russian tsarist regime. For this purpose, Jankus established a network of illegal disseminators of literature. It consisted of two sectors: secret book transporters over the border and disseminators in the Great Lithuania and legal storage owners near the border on the side of Prussia. This network was extended along the German-Russian border from Palanga till Dubeningken (Lith.: Dūbininkai; Dubeninki in present day Poland).The first stage of publishing activity was successful for Martynas Jankus. He acquired publishing expertise, knowledge of organizing illegal business, created long-term relations with the owners of printing houses, established the network for the dissemination of publications, developed skills to supply it with different printing materials and information. By March of 1889, the publisher from Bitėnai had established his own printing house in Ragnit and started printing business. This was the start of the second stage of Martynas Jankus' activity. ; Vilniaus universiteto Knygotyros ir dokumentotyros institutasUniversiteto g. 3, LT-01513 Vilnius, LietuvaEl. paštas: domas.kaunas@kf.vu.lt Martynas Jankus (1858–1946) ‒ žymus Mažosios Lietuvos lietuvių spaudosveikėjas, tautinio sąjūdžio dalyvis ir politikas, Vokietijos ir Rusijos imperijossienos perskirtų lietuvių tautos dalių suartinimo šalininkas. Jis per daugiaukaip 40 veiklos metų išleido ir išspausdino 395 neperiodinius ir 27 periodiniusleidinius lietuvių ir kitomis kalbomis. Tarp šių leidinių autorių buvonemaža reikšmingų XIX–XX a. rašytojų, etnologų, istorikų, protestantų teologų,politikų. M. Jankaus asmenybę suformavo valstietiška šeima, gimtojoBitėnų kaimo socialinė aplinka ir gyventojus autochtonus slegianti tautinėsdiskriminacijos atmosfera. Vokiškoje mokykloje gavęs tik pradinį išsilavinimą,lavinosi savišvietos būdu. Visuomeninei veiklai motyvavo lietuviškiejilaikraščiai, didelę įtaką padarė juose skelbta Vokietijos imperijos mažųjųtautų interesų gynėjo vokiečio Georgo Sauerweino kūryba. Imtis leidybospaskatino aktyvus XIX a. pabaigos politinis sąjūdis, ypač rinkimų į Prūsijoslandtagą ir Vokietijos reichstagą kampanijos. Lietuvių kandidatų palaikymotikslu jis 1879–1888 metais išleido keletą agitacinių proklamacijų, tautiečiųkultūriniam švietimui skirtų knygų, brošiūrų ir kalendorių. Tarp jų buvopaties Jankaus parengtų originaliosios ir tautosakinės poezijos, iš vokiečiųir lenkų kalbų verstos prozos rinkinių. Suartėjęs su Didžiosios Lietuvos tautiniosąjūdžio dalyviais, Jankus tapo jų įkurto periodinio leidinio "Auszra"atsakinguoju redaktoriumi. Šio straipsnio tikslas yra išanalizuoti pradinįJankaus leidybos etapą, pasibaigusį spaudos įmonės įsigijimu 1889 m. iraktyvaus dalyvavimo tautiniame bei kultūriniame sąjūdyje pradžia. Jislėmė Jankaus viso gyvenimo ir visuomeninės veiklos, peraugusios į politinę,kryptį.REIKŠMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: Bitėnai, Prūsija, Paprūsė, Mažoji Lietuva, lietuviškos spaudos draudimas,atsišaukimai, knygos, kalendoriai, periodika, "Auszra", leidyba,spausdinimas, spaustuvė, leidinių reklama, leidinių platinimas, knygnešiai.

Die dynamische Bevölkerungsentwicklung Ostdeutschlands seit 1990 zeigt am Beispiel der Entstehung einer Residualbevölkerung die unterschiedlichen Variationen der Selektivität von Wanderungen: Einer Bevölkerung, die aufgrund langfristig wirkender selektiven Wanderungsverluste im ländlich-peripheren Raum ein spezifisches demographisches Verhalten aufweist. Der Wanderungsverlust Ostdeutschlands mit über 2,5 Millionen Menschen hat tiefgreifende Auswirkungen auf die alters-, geschlechts- und bildungsspezifische Bevölkerungsstruktur der neuen Bundesländer hinterlassen. Auch wenn die jungen Generationen zumeist das politisch geeinte Deutschland leben, existieren mit Blick auf die vorliegenden demographischen Prozesse und Strukturen bis heute nahezu zwei deutsche Staaten. Die Entwicklungen sowie die Auswirkungen insbesondere der räumlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung wurden entsprechend dem Stand der Forschung vor dem Hintergrund der Situation Ostdeutschlands vorgestellt und die darauf aufbauenden Forschungsthesen benannt. Das bisher nur theoretische Konstrukt der Residualbevölkerung, die Interdependenz aus natürlicher und räumlicher Bevölkerungsbewegung, wurde anhand von unterschiedlichen demographischen Parametern (u. a. hohe Fertilität, hohe Mortalität, starke Wanderungsverluste, großes Frauendefizit, Überalterung) eingeordnet und damit als messbar definiert. Am Beispiel Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns konnte anschließend gezeigt werden, wie sich die Bevölkerungsstruktur des ehemals jüngsten Bundeslandes aufgrund der selektiven Migration innerhalb eines Vierteljahrhunderts in das älteste umkehrte. Um diesen Verlauf nachzuvollziehen, wurden auf Gemeindeebene die unterschiedlichen Bewegungsentwicklungen ab 1990 dargestellt: Der Rückgang der Sterblichkeit, der Wiederanstieg der Fertilität sowie der sich manifestierende Wanderungsverlust junger Frauen. Daran anschließend zeigten Strukturberechnungen, wie sowohl das Billeter-Maß als auch Geschlechterproportionen, die umfassenden Auswirkungen der Bewegungen auf den Bevölkerungsstand und dessen Struktur Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns: Einen stetigen Rückgang der Bevölkerungszahlen, ein über-proportionales Frauendefizit in jüngeren Altersjahren und eine fortlaufend beschleunigte Alterung der Bevölkerung. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Rahmenbedingungen wurde für die Zeiträume 1990-2001 und 2002-2013 jeweils eine Clusteranalyse durchgeführt, die als Ergebnis eine Typisierung von Gemeinden hinsichtlich einer messbaren Residualbevölkerung ermöglichten. Entsprechend der Vordefinition eines solchen migrationellen Konstruktes konnte für etwa jede fünfte Gemeinde in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern solcherart demographische Bedingungen identifiziert werden. Diese Gemeinden liegen tendenziell im Binnenland und fern der Zentren – eine zentrale Verortung konnte nicht festgestellt werden. Von Gemeinde zu Gemeinde unterschieden sich die demographischen Parameter teils stark, so dass von einflussreichen lokalen (nicht betrachteten) Rahmenbedingungen ausgegangen werden muss. Dagegen konnten auch Gemeinden ohne residuale Züge identifiziert werden. Etwa jede dritte Gemeinde Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns wies keine Parameter einer Residualbevölkerung auf. Diese Regionen waren vor allem in der Nähe der Zentren und der Küste zu finden. Die verbliebenen Gemeinden zeigten nur kurzfristig oder nur im geringfügigem Maße Indizien für eine solche Bevölkerung – das betraf etwa die Hälfte aller Gemeinden im Land. Nach der gesamtgemeindlichen Analyse wurde die Bevölkerungs- und Sozialstruktur der dabei betroffenen Gemeinden Strasburg (Um.) im Landkreis Vorpommern-Greifswald und Dargun im Landkreis Mecklenburgische Seenplatte detailliert analysiert. Die Bevölkerungsentwicklung beider Betrachtungsgemeinden entsprach der vieler ostdeutscher Kleinstädte im ländlichen Raum nach der politischen Wende: Während die Gemeinden in der DDR Bevölkerungswachstum erfuhren oder zumindest gleichbleibende Bevölkerungszahlen als regionales Zentrum aufwiesen, verursachte die Abwanderung vor allem junger Menschen und ein manifestierter Sterbeüberschuss nach 1990 stetig rückläufige Zahlen. In diesen beiden Gemeinden wurden dann nicht gesamtgemeindliche Bevölkerungszahlen analysiert, sondern vielmehr die Zusammensetzung einer Gemeindebevölkerung vor dem Hintergrund ihres Migrationsstatus differenziert. Für den Zeitraum 1979-2014 wurden deshalb anhand dieses Status die Bevölkerungen beider Gemeinden in Sesshafte und Zugezogene unterteilt. Aufgrund der sowohl vorhandenen Sterbe- als auch Geburtsstatistik war es möglich, die natürliche und räumliche Bevölkerungsbewegung der insgesamt fast 22.000 Men-schen direkt herauszuarbeiten. Die sesshafte Bevölkerung repräsentiert dabei die Menschen, die am ehesten dem Typus "Residualbevölkerung" entsprechen. Nach Berechnung der Mortalitäten für unterschiedliche Zeiträume ergab sich tendenziell eine höhere Sterblichkeit bzw. geringere Lebenserwartung der Sesshaften gegenüber den Zuzüglern bei Frauen wie Männern. Wurden darüber hinaus die Zugezogenen nach Lebensdauer in den Betrachtungsgemeinden differenziert, ergab bei beiden Geschlechtern eine längere Zugehörigkeit zu den Gemeinden auch eine höhere Sterblichkeit. Damit wurde einerseits die generell höhere Mortalität des ländlich-peripheren Raums gegenüber dem urbanen Raum bestätigt. Andererseits entspricht die höhere Sterblichkeit der sesshaften gegenüber der der nichtsesshaften Bevölkerung den Vorüberlegungen zur Residualbevölkerung. Darüber hinaus wurde zusätzlich der Parameter "Bedürftigkeit" berücksichtigt. Hier konnte erwartungsgemäß für beide Betrachtungsgemeinden die höchste Sterblichkeit der von Sozial-leistungen betroffenen Menschen festgestellt werden. Je länger dabei die Bezugsdauer, umso höher war die aufgezeigte Mortalität – dies sogar zumeist vor der sesshaften Bevölkerung. Bezieher von Sozialhilfe waren im Vergleich zu Beziehern von Wohngeld am stärksten betroffen; Unterschiede bei Männern besonders stark vertreten. Die Nichtbezieher wiesen bei beiden Geschlechtern die geringste Sterblichkeit auf. Neben der Mortalität wurde als zweite Variable der natürlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung die Fertilität der beiden Bevölkerungsgruppen untersucht. Hier ergaben sich jedoch keine signifikanten Unterschiede zwischen beiden Bevölkerungsgruppen Im Bereich der Periodenfertilität wiesen Zuzügler gegenüber den Sesshaften eine erhöhte Fertilität auf. Berechnungen der Kohortenfertilität ergaben wiederrum eine leicht höhere Fertilität der Sesshaften. Auch eine detaillierte Analyse der Zuzüglerinnen offenbarte kein einheitliches Bild. Mit Blick auf die Bedürftigkeit war festzustellen, dass die Bezieherinnen eine deutlich höhere Fertilität gegenüber Nichtbezieherinnen – unabhängig von der Bezugsdauer – aufwiesen. Im Ergebnis wurde damit zwar die generell höhere Fertilität des ländlich-peripheren Raums gegenüber dem urbanen Raum bestätigt. Die entsprechenden Vorüberlegungen zur Fertilität der sesshaften gegenüber der nichtsesshaften Bevölkerung konnten aber nicht eindeutig verifiziert werden. Die gesamtheitliche Betrachtung der Gemeindeberechnungen zeigte demzufolge ein zweitgeteiltes Bild: Die Ergebnisse der Mortalität bestätigen die Annahmen zur Residualbevölkerung, die Ergebnisse der Fertilität nur in Teilen. Auch wenn die festgestellten Fertilitäts- und Morta-litätsunterschiede ortsbehaftet sind – sei es durch Umwelteinflüsse vor Ort oder die Art der Menschen zu leben: Je länger die Menschen in Regionen mit einem bestimmten Fertilitäts- und Mortalitätsniveau leben, umso stärker passen sie sich diesem an – in beide Richtungen. Vor dem Hintergrund sowohl der Typisierung aller Gemeinden als auch der beiden Betrach-tungsgemeinden ist zu konstatieren, dass beide Variablen der natürlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung nichtgleichberechtigt nebeneinander zur Erklärung einer Residualbevölkerung fungieren müssen. Unter der Beibehaltung der theoretischen Annahmen ist dementsprechend zukünftig von einer Residualbevölkerung mit Schwerpunkt einer hohen Mortalität einerseits und mit Schwerpunkt einer hohen Fertilität andererseits auszugehen. Das bisher in der Literatur benannte Frauendefizit stellt darüber hinaus nur einen Parameter unter mehreren dar und sollte bei nachfolgenden Betrachtungen nicht als alleiniger Indikator dienen. Unter Berücksichtigung der Ergebnisse sowohl aus beiden Gemeinden als auch aus den Clus-teranalysen wurde ein Modell einerseits zur Entstehung der Residualbevölkerung, andererseits zum Wirken der selektiven Migration generell erstellt. In Abhängigkeit von Alter und Geschlecht und unter Voraussetzung einer langfristig konstanten Wanderungsbewegung konnte so der theoretische Einfluss der räumlichen Bevölkerungsbewegung auf die Bevölkerungsstruktur – und damit indirekt auch auf die natürliche Bevölkerungsbewegung – vereinfacht projiziert werden. Der ostdeutsche ländlich-periphere Raum ist abschließend als Sonderform des ländlich-peripheren Raums einzuordnen. Die hier gezeigte Residualbevölkerung kann als ein Indikator für – den gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Verwerfungen geschuldeten – langfristige Wanderungsverluste eingeordnet werden. Die überproportional ausgeprägte Bedürftigkeit im ländlich-peripheren Raum kann deshalb auch als ein Merkmal der Sesshaftigkeit eingeordnet werden. Insofern ist die Residualbevölkerung, vor dem Hintergrund der darüber hinaus als perspektivisch ungünstig erachteten Zukunftsaussicht, als Bevölkerungsgruppe eines Raumes abnehmender Entwicklungsstufe zu verstehen. Es ist daher ratsam, einerseits eine Verbesserung der Lebenssituation betroffener Menschen in ländlich-peripheren Räumen zu erwirken und andererseits diesen Herausforderungen raumplanerisch stärkeres Gewicht zu verleihen. Die zukünftige dahingehende Gestaltung ländlich-peripherer Räume in Ostdeutschland bedarf aus Sicht des Autors deshalb mehr an Autarkie sowie flexibler Kreativität. ; The dynamic population development in East Germany since 1990 shows the different variations in the selectivity of migration: A population that has a specific demographic behavior due to long-term selective migration losses in the rural-peripheral area. The migration loss of more than 2,5 million people in East Germany has profound effects on the age-specific, gender-specific and education-specific population structure of the new federal states. Even though the younger generations mostly live in a politically united Germany, with regard to the present demographic processes and structures, almost two German states still exist today. The developments as well as the effects of the spatial population movement in particular were presented according to the state of research against the background of the situation of East Germany and the research theses based on it were named. The so far only theoretical construct of the Residualbevölkerung, in the interdependency of natural and spatial population movement, was arranged on the basis of different demographic parameters (among the things high fertility, high mortality, strong migration losses, large woman deficit, overaging) and thus defined as measurable. The example of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern has shown afterwards explained how the population structure of the formerly youngest federal state reversed into the oldest within a quarter of a century due to selective migration. In order to follow this course, the different movements from 1990 onwards were presented at community level: The decline in mortality, the increase in fertility and the apparent continuation of migration loss in young women. Subsequently, structural calculations, such as the Billeter-Maß, as well as gender proportions, showed the overall impact of movements on the population level and its structure of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, viz a steady decline in population, a disproportionate deficit of young women and an accelerated aging of the population. Against the backdrop of these conditions, a cluster analysis was carried out for the periods 1990-2001 and 2002-2013 respectively which allowed typologies of communities for a measurable residual population. According to the predefinition of such a migration construct, demographic conditions could be identified for about one in five communities in Mecklenburg- Vorpommern. These communities tend to be inland and remote from the centre, centralized location could not be determined. From community to community, the demographic parameters are sometimes very different, so that influential local conditions (not considered) have to be assumed. On the other hand, communities without residual traits could be identified. About one in three municipalities in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern had no parameters of a Residualbevölkerung. These regions were mainly found near the centres and the coast. The remaining municipalities showed only short-term or insignificant evidence for such a population, that was about half of all communities in the country. According to the analysis of the total community, the population and social structure of the affected communities Strasburg (Um.) in the district of Vorpommern-Greifswald and Dargun in the district of Mecklenburger Seenplatte are analyzed in detail. The population development of both viewing communities corresponded to that of many eastern German rural towns after the political change, while the communities in the GDR experienced population growth or at least a constant population as a regional centre, the emigration of mainly young people and a manifested death surplus after 1990 caused steadily declining numbers. In these two communities population numbers were not analyzed, but rather the composition of a community population was differentiated against the background of their migration status. For the period 1979-2014, therefore, this status has divided the populations of both communities into settled and immigrant communities. Based on the existing mortality and birth statistics it was possible to work out directly the natural and spatial population movement of the nearly 22.000 people. The sedentary population represents the people most closely associated with the type of " Residualbevölkerung". Calculating mortality rates for different periods, there was a tendency towards higher mortality rates and lower life expecting for sedentary people compared with the immigrants (in women as well as in men). In addition, if the immigrants were differentiated by their duration of life in the viewing communities, a longer affiliation to the communities also resulted in a higher mortality in both sexes. On the one hand, this confirmed the generally higher mortality of the rural-peripheral area compared to the urban area. On the other hand, the higher mortality of the sedentary population compared to that of the non-sedentary population corresponds to the consideration of the Residualbevölkerung. In addition, the parameter "neediness" was additionally taken into account. Here, as expected, the highest mortality rate of people affected by social benefits could be determined for both viewing communities. The longer the duration of the treatment, the higher is the mortality rate and this is even higher than that of the sedentary population. Beneficiares of social assistance were the most affected compared with beneficiares of housing assistance. Differences in men are particulary strong. The non-recipients showed the lowest mortality in both sexes. In addition to mortality, the fertility of the two populations was studied as the second variable of the natural population movement. However, there were no significant differences between the two populations. In the area of period fertility, newcomers showed increased fertility compared to the sedentary population. Calculations of cohort fertility, in turn, showed a slightly higher fertility of the sedentary population. A detailed analysis of the newcomers also revealed no uniform picture. With regard to the neediness, it was noted that the recipients had a significantly higher fertility rate vis-a`-vis non-recipients, regardless of the duration of receipt of social benefits. As a result, the generally higher fertility of the peripheral area compared to the urban area was confirmed. However, the respective considerations of fertility of the sedentary versus non-indigenous population could not be clearly verified. The holistic consideration of the municipal calculations thus showed a split picture: The results of the mortality confirm the assumptions about the Residualbevölkerung, the results of the fertility only partially. Even if the observed differences in fertility and mortality are location-dependent, whether due to environmental factors on site or the way people live: The longer people live in regions with a defined fertility and mortality level, the more they adapt to it - in both directions. The background to both the typification of all communities and the two communities of concern is that both variables of the natural population movement do not have to function equally alongside one another to explain a Residualbevölkerung. Accordingly while maintaining the theoretical assumptions, a Residualbevölkerung with a high mortality focus on the one hand and a high fertility focus on the other hand should be assumed. The women`s deficit mentioned so far in the literature also represents only one parameter among several and should not be used as a sole indicator in subsequent considerations. Taking into account the results from both municipalities and cluster analysis, a model was created on the one hand for the emergence of the Residualbevölkerung and on the other hand for act of selective migration. Depending on age and gender and assuming a long-term constant migration, the theoretical influence of the spatial population movement on the population structure and thus also indirectly on the natural population movement could be projected in a simplified manner. The eastern German rural-peripheral area is finally classified as a special form of rural-peripheral space. The Residualbevölkerung shown here can be categorized as an indicator of long-term migration losses owed to societal, cultural and economic upheavals. This disproportionately high need in the rural-peripheral area can therefore also be classified as a feature of sedentary life. In this respect, the Residualbevölkerung as seen against the background of a poor future is to be understood as the population group of a decreasing development level. It is therefore advisable, on the one hand, to improve the living conditions of affected people in rural-peripheral areas and, on the other hand, to give these challenges greater emphasis in terms of spatial planning. From the author`s point of view, the future design of rural-peripheral areas in East Germany therefore needs more self-sufficiency and flexible creativity.

International audience ; This article studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). In addition to standard socio-economic characteristics, this analysis takes individual media consumption into account, as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appears as a major determinant of policy preferences. Moreover, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals who spend more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration compared with individuals who devote time to other types of content.

International audience ; This article studies the joint determination of beliefs about the economic impact of immigration and immigration policy preferences, using data from the five rounds of the European Social Survey (2002-2010). In addition to standard socio-economic characteristics, this analysis takes individual media consumption into account, as a determinant of opinion about immigration. Our results stress the important role of the endogenous determination of beliefs, which appears as a major determinant of policy preferences. Moreover, media exposure appears as a key determinant of beliefs: individuals who spend more time to get informed on social and political matters through newspapers and radio have a better opinion on the economic impact of immigration compared with individuals who devote time to other types of content.