Suchergebnisse

Internet shutdowns authorized by the state are becoming a recurring case in countries under military or authoritarian rule, such as Sudan. This article examines how the military in Sudan shut down the Internet to cover up the June 3 massacre. The shutdown made it difficult for the protestors and civilians to share and document the human rights violations committed by the state from June 3 to July 9, 2019. We also demonstrate how the Internet shutdowns were instrumental in circulating state-sponsored disinformation campaigns delegitimizing the protests. The article expands on existing literature to explain how information vacuums are conducive to the spread of disinformation and the weakening of on-ground protest movements. Despite the crippling effects of the Internet shutdown in Khartoum, our analysis illustrates how protestors challenged designed technical and physical workarounds to circumvent the shutdown.

In dem Zeitraum von 1815-1848 untersucht der Autor in Baden 101 Fälle von gewaltsamen Protesten mit mehr als 20 Beteiligten. Abgesehen vom Revolutionsjahr 1848 lassen sich weitere Höhepunkte in den Jahren 1817/18, 1830 und 1846/47 feststellen. Die Ursachen waren im wesentlichen landwirtschaftliche und handwerkliche Krisensituationen. Ungereimtheiten in den gewerblichen Ordnungen, Konkurrenz gegen Importe und das Fortschreiten der fabrikindustriellen Produktion. So waren auch die meisten beteiligten Bürger Handwerker. Weiterhin läßt sich ein ausgeprägtes Stadt-Land Gefälle feststellen. Auf dem Land hängen zudem sehr viele Fälle mit dem drohenden Statusverlust zusammen. Ein Viertel der Fälle läßt sich unter die Kategorie antisemitische Ausschreitungen zusammenfassen. (HOE)

This paper addresses a rather understudied aspect of the ways through which protests get translated into policies by focussing on the actors, spaces and processes. It further identifies key actors in the policy making formulation process, which we call 'policy intermediaries'. It discusses the emergence of 'policy intermediaries' in relation to the history of social movements in post-colonial India. It situates the policy making processes in the country and the role of 'policy intermediaries' therein, in the overall context of changing configurations of relationships amongst the state, non-governmental organisations, think tanks and the emergent transnational networks and discourses. By implication, it maps out some of the attributes of middle class activism with illustrations from select social movements in India. The paper explores the multiple spaces in which 'policy intermediaries' function, the diverse roles they play and the networks in which they are wilfully or otherwise enmeshed.

Caste is often presented as a stable or fixed form of social stratification that conditions the behaviour of its members.This occludes the micro-structural process by which caste is embodied.This article uses empirical work on caste protest to discuss the fluid nature of embodied activity, and the analytical utility of two social constructionist accounts: the tacitly pre-given structures of Bourdieu's model are compared to the continuous creation model of Foucault.Whereas the internalized structures of Bourdieu's habitus initially appear to make most sense of the embodiment and permanence of caste, we contend that a Foucauldian approach offers better insight into the interactional basis of social structures and identity formation.The article reconsiders both theories in light of these empirical data and concludes that analysing interaction at a local level enables us to better comprehend the emergence of social structural features in a caste context.

Common sense about globalization protests is embodied in media representations, aided by public intellectuals, and imported into the classroom. Survey research demonstrates that the template of representations is partially accurate and partly misleading. The protesters' perspectives show considerable complexity, and indicate a selective rejection of neoliberal policies and core institutions but not an overall 'antiglobalization' stance. Even if not totally coherent, these bundles are not just random collections of beliefs, attitudes, goals, and strategies. They raise doubts about authoritative imagery and pose questions about transformative possibilities. It is well to recall that for Gramsci, critical thinking should not merely oppose but become part of people's understanding of their own conditions, bringing about a new common sense.

"Die folgenden Abschnitte sollen einen Überblick über die Entwicklung von lokalen Sozialforen in Deutschland geben und dabei ihr Verhältnis zu lokalen staatlichen Institutionen rekonstruieren. Wie laufen die Interaktionen von Teilnehmerinnen der lokalen Sozialforen mit staatlichen Akteuren ab? Welche Themen geben Anlass für Protest und welche Konfliktformen findet man in den Auseinandersetzungen zwischen beiden Seiten? Im ersten Abschnitt sollen die Bedingungen nachgezeichnet werden, unter denen soziale Bewegungen heute in die lokale Politik eingreifen. Anschließend wird im zweiten Abschnitt auf der Grundlage einer Befragung von 22 lokalen Sozialforen, den im Internet abrufbaren Informationen über 52 Foren, und einer Umfrage auf dem ersten Sozialforum in Deutschland ein Überblick über das Profil lokaler Foren und ihr Verhältnis zu staatlicher Politik gegeben. Mit dem Beispiel der Initiative für ein Berliner Sozialforum wird diese Beschreibung im dritten Abschnitt um die Details eines konkreten Falles angereichert. Von diesen Eindrücken ausgehend sollen lokale Sozialforen abschließend im Kontext lokaler Politik verortet und ihr Verhältnis zu Ansätzen von Local Governance geklärt werden." (Textauszug)

Large-scale protests have recently transformed urban common spaces into sites of resistance. Squares and urban places, monumentally designed as political and economic centres, have been reclaimed as places for discussion and decision-making, for increasing participation and intervention in the governance of the community. Through banners and signs, open assemblies, and other communicative practices in the encampments and interconnecting physical and virtual spaces, participants permanently reconfigure the spatial context discursively. The attempt to account for on-going social phenomena from the moment they first happen, and with an international perspective, undoubtedly represents a theoretical and methodological challenge. This special issue focuses on this complex interplay between social, spatial, and communicative practices, drawing on complementary and alternative methods. Adapted from the source document.

American Patriotism, American Protest explores how, during the 1970s and beyond, the gay rights movement, second-wave feminism, the protests against busing to desegregate schools, the tax revolt, and the antiabortion struggle all drew inspiration from the protest movements of the 1960s.

Societies of Senior Citizens (SSCs) are often thought to be non-political organizations focused on community traditions and services for the elderly. In Huashui Town, Zhejiang, however, SSCs took the lead in mobilizing protest and caused 11 factories to be closed. From 2004 to 2005, SSCs helped to fund a lawsuit, engineered a petition drive and organized tent-sitting at a chemical park notorious for its pollution. Huashui's SSCs were effective mobilizing structures owing to their strong finances, organizational autonomy, effective leadership and the presence of biographically available, unafraid older villagers. Skillful mobilization led to efforts to rein in village SSCs and a reorganization which, however, had only a limited effect. SSC experiences in Huashui suggest that organized protest in China is more feasible than often thought and that understandings of protest outcomes should go beyond the success or failure of an episode to explore long-term consequences for the organizations involved. (China J/GIGA)