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In: Le lettere/ università 24
In: Routledge Research in Cultural and Media Studies
In: Working papers of political science 16
In: BestMasters
Einleitung -- Theoretischer Hintergrund -- Methodisches Vorgehen -- Paul Mason - Postkapitalismus -- Shoshana Zuboff - Überwachungskapitalismus -- Philipp Staab – Digitaler Kapitalismus -- Felix Stalder – Kultur der Digitalität -- Michael Seemann – Die Macht der Plattformen -- Der Machtbegriff im Vergleich -- Schlussbetrachtung -- Literaturverzeichnis.
In: JeDEM: eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 46-71
ISSN: 2075-9517
To gain and retain political power, politicians use the media to persuade the masses to vote and support them, especially during elections. Barisan Nasional (BN) has successfully used the media to maintain its power for the past 57 years, making it the longest-serving elected government in the world still currently in office. However, the emergence of the Internet has challenged the status quo. The purpose of the research was to investigate how new media has influenced the political process and communication strategies in Malaysia and its impact on the political landscape. The researcher interviewed 19 respondents: politicians, bloggers and media consultants from both sides of the political divide. The findings showed that new media, especially Web 2.0, has expanded the public sphere and enabled more Malaysians to participate in the democratic process, through information dissemination, mobilisation or crowd-sourcing. However, the cyber-war between BN and the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) has caused confusion and disinformation, affecting the quality of democratic decision-making. Nevertheless, new media has enabled more voices to emerge and challenge the political hegemony.
To gain and retain political power, politicians use the media to persuade the masses to vote and support them, especially during elections. Barisan Nasional (BN) has successfully used the media to maintain its power for the past 57 years, making it the longest-serving elected government in the world still currently in office. However, the emergence of the Internet has challenged the status quo. The purpose of the research was to investigate how new media has influenced the political process and communication strategies in Malaysia and its impact on the political landscape. The researcher interviewed 19 respondents: politicians, bloggers and media consultants from both sides of the political divide. The findings showed that new media, especially Web 2.0, has expanded the public sphere and enabled more Malaysians to participate in the democratic process, through information dissemination, mobilisation or crowd-sourcing. However, the cyber-war between BN and the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) has caused confusion and disinformation, affecting the quality of democratic decision-making. Nevertheless, new media has enabled more voices to emerge and challenge the political hegemony.
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In: Social philosophy today: an annual journal from the North American Society for Social Philosophy, Band 17, S. 253-263
ISSN: 2153-9448
In: Critical studies on security, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 146-149
ISSN: 2162-4909
We explore the relevance of structural characteristics of policy networks for policy outcomes, thereby highlighting the continuing relevance of the policy network approach for policy analysis. Focusing on networks for transparency in the food chain in the Netherlands and the EU, we examine the proposition that network interactions in the form of communication and trust make a substantial difference in the estimation and explanation of transparency policy. Thereby, we identify existing obstacles to a successful transformation of the norm of transparency into appropriate political frameworks and governance mechanisms as well as potential steps for improvement. Data were gathered in structured interviews with the network actors in the Netherlands and at the EU level and are employed in a mathematical model allowing us to highlight the impact of communication and trust relationships on policy output.
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The Ciskei was gradually 'consolidated' by a process of geo-political gerrymandering that included the incorporation of black dormitory townships dependent on 'white' cities outside the homeland for survival. By 1973, the Ciskei homeland's de facto population was estimated at 602 000.4 Since then, the overcrowded rural population has been forced to absorb thousands of refugees removed from South Africa's 'white' areas — including several 'black spots' now outside the boundaries of the homeland — and migrants from two districts (Herschel and Glen Grey) formerly in the Ciskei which were ceded by the South African government to Transkei. Any attempt at measuring the extent to which communication affects the political credibility of the present Ciskei homeland in the eyes of its inhabitants must be weighed against these historical realities. This monograph is divided into three parts: 1. An outline of the political system in the Ciskei. 2. The role of the mass media in determining attitudes towards homeland news. 3. Some observations on the status accorded oral channels of communication in the transmission and validation of political news in selected rural and urban areas of the Ciskei. In obtaining data for this study, five surveys were conducted in two rural villages, the biggest urban area in the Ciskei and the Ciskei Legislative Assembly. The villages of Gobozana (or Xengxe) and Nyaniso formed the basis of the rural surveys conducted in April — June 1976. Fifty heads of homesteads in each village, in a universe of about 500 homesteads, were selected at random. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
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