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"Political Science Today by Wendy Whitman Cobb gives students a holistic view of the subfields that make up political science by dedicating one chapter to each of the topics at the core of the discipline. Unlike denser texts on the market, Political Science Today uses a field-based approach that allows students to engage with the material directly and dig into each of the discipline's tracks while also developing critical thinking skills, discerning the differences between politics and political science, conducting and consuming research, and broadening their future career aspirations. The book's innovative table of contents begins with foundational tools like theories and research methods, then builds up to subfield chapters on Comparative Politics, International Relations, American Government, Political Economy, and Public Policy and Administration. The Second Edition has been updated to include a new chapter on Social Movements and events like Black Lives Matter, the COVID-19 pandemic, conflict in the American political system and the January 6th insurrection, while highlighting these changes, also draws student attention to the many ways in which politics and political science impact their everyday lives"--

The article shows the weakness of mainstream Polish political science. Its main weakness, according to the author, is omitting the industrial and corporate power conflict among the factors determining the contemporary politics. As a result, the relations between political science and political economy have become weak. Its place as a source of inspiration for political scientists has been taken by social philosophy. It seeks the various non-economic sources of politics. The postulated critical political science puts in the spotlight the main processes of the global capitalist economy located in a phase of stagnation and closing in on the natural limits of its duration. In particular, closer attention should be focused on tracking a new, already the fifth configuration of the market society. It will be the several partial processes weave; the recovery process of autonomy by the state to corporations and the financial sector (deglobalisation); the process of recovering control of the state by the old and new social movements (democracy participatory), and the process of transformation of the energy economy, coupled with the process of changing lifestyles: from consumerism to paideia as a human community responsive to its activity on the development, openness and creativity in shaping new rules for civilization. ; Artykuł ukazuje słabości mainstreamowej polskiej politologii. Główną jej słabością według autora jest pomijanie wśród czynników determinujących współczesną politykę konfliktu przemysłowego i władzy korporacji. W efekcie osłabły związki nauki o polityce z ekonomią polityczną. Jej miejsce jako źródło inspiracji dla politologów zajęła filozofia społeczna. Poszukuje ona różnych pozaekonomicznych źródeł polityczności. Postulowana politologia krytyczna umieszcza w centrum uwagi główne procesy globalnej gospodarki kapitalistycznej, znajdującej się w fazie stagnacji i zbliżającj się do przyrodniczych granic swego trwania. W szczególności bliższej uwagi wymaga śledzenie nowej, już piątej konfiguracji społeczeństwa rynkowego. Będzie to spolot kilku procesów cząstkowych; procesu odzyskiwania autonomii przez państwa wobec korporacji i sektora finansowego (deglobalizacja); proces odzyskiwania kontroli nad państwem przez stare i nowe ruchy społeczne (demokracja partycypacyjna), a także proces transformacji energetycznej gospodarki, sprzężony z procesem zmiany stylu życia: od konsumpcjonizmu do paidei jako wspólnoty ludzkiej ukierunkowującej swoją aktywność na potrzeby rozwojowe, na otwartość i kreatywność w kształtowaniu nowych zasad funkcjonowania cywilizacji ogólnoludzkiej.

Seeking a way out of today's bewildering rush of rights claims, Tara Smith's Moral Rights and Political Freedom offers a systematic account of the nature and foundations of rights. The book carefully elucidates what political freedom is and demonstrates why it should be protected by rights. Smith's thesis is that rights are teleological: respect for freedom is necessary for individuals' flourishing or eudaimonia. Smith illustrates how many alleged rights would actually undermine that objective. Her decisive refutation of the assumption that conflicts between rights are inevitable-demonstrating how such conflicts are theoretically incoherent and practically self-defeating-should go a long way toward resolving many contemporary disputes about rights.

Critics argue that the social scientific movements in political science has led to bad government. But there is no sound scientific foundation for the schism between traditional Western normative philosophy and social science. (SJK)

Political scientists during the last 20 years have been bombarded by a bewildering array of approaches and methods to the study of their discipline, including structural-functionalism, systems and partial systems, decision-making, costs and benefits, patron-client relationships, micro-politics, politimetrics, mobilisation systems, survey research, aggregate data and content analysis, Q methodology, and experimentalism. With so many different approaches and techniques available to students of politics, it is not surprising that the discipline is in a twilight period characterised by confusion and disillusionment.

AT FIRST SIGHT ONE MIGHT BELIEVE THAT THE REPORT ON THE teaching of social sciences in the world prepared in 1951 by William Robson, at the invitation of UNESCO for the International Political Science Association, is still valid today in what it says about the situation in France. In fact, because of the strong traditions in the French universities, the teaching of and research in political science in France have not made the progress which had been hoped for, in spite of the continuing efforts of successive governments. Nevertheless, since the mid-1960s a major effort has been made. Some 40 chairs and nearly three times as many lectureships and assistant lectureships have been created and several large research centres have been set up, particularly in Paris where, alongside the venerable Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, many teams have been established, notably at Paris I, Paris II and Paris X, comprising lawyears, sociologists and historians.

I want to dissent initially from the rather constricting frame of reference that Schubert has established in his paper. He has every right in the world to set rhetorical snares, but I have no intention of walking into them. If I may summarize, Schubert asserts that he is a spokesman for a radical new direction in the study of public law, claiming that the old ways are moribund. He further urges that we should look with envy at the creative function of the social psychologists who supplied the Supreme Court with the banners it carried in Brown v. Board of Education while we were bumbling around with historical and philosophical trivia. He concludes that instead of wasting our time with talmudic disputations on whether the Supreme Court reached the "right" or the "wrong" decisions in specific cases, we should settle down to build a firm "scientific" foundation for our discipline.Not the least amusing aspect of this indictment is that I find myself billed as the defender of the ancien régime, as the de Maistre of public law. Therefore, for the benetfit of the young and impressionistic, let me break loose from Schubert's rhetorical trap: I too think that much of the research done in public law—and, for that matter, in political science generally—has been trivial.

The development of political science in Switzerland in terms of an academic recognition has its origins in the French part of Switzerland in the 1960s to 1980s, followed by the German part. Today, ten institutions in Switzerland offer political science at Bachelors and at Masters level. While in 2'000, only about 2'300 students studied political science in Switzerland this number almost doubled within ten years. One of the main changes in political science education in Switzerland consists in the replacement of the existing degrees of Lizentiat and Diplom by Bachelor- and Master-programmes according to the 'Bologna reform' in the early 2000s, by which Switzerland has pioneered the transformation processes. The first chair in political science was installed in 1959. Currently, there are about 50 full professorships at Swiss Universities. The main research fields of political science consist of international studies, democracy and Swiss politics, although Swiss politics still is considered particularly important in Switzerland due to of its unique political system within Europe such as direct democracy.