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The aim is to theoretically investigate the role that patriotism may play in the persistence of discrimination. Patriotism refers to attachment to one's own country, & might lead to discrimination against individuals who are not part of the country. However democratic countries strongly promote the non-discrimination norm. Then, patriotism could present individuals with a normative conflict (i.e., conflict between one's own norm & the ingroup norm), which has been shown to have a potential for attitude change. It is argued that the norms promoted by a country interact with the patriotic orientation of their citizens, producing differential patterns of attitude change. The case of changing negative attitudes toward immigrants is discussed. References. Adapted from the source document.

For generations uncontrolled drinking was looked upon as a matter of individual perversity & moral defect. One or 2 MD's pointed out the disease character of this behavior, but they received little recognition from their colleagues. Society in general tended either to ignore the condition or to deal with it through legislation & punitive action. Attempts at elimination of uncontrolled drinking during the last 150 yrs have demonstrated that this is a mixed med & soc problem. Joint responsibility & cooperation of both medicine & the community are imperative if a solution to the condition is to be achieved. There is evidence that this cooperation is slowly developing. AAAPSC.

Rural landscapes in many parts of the world no longer exist solely for agricultural production and therefore face change to accommodate various socio-economic demands. Hence, there is a need to improve our understanding of public attitudes—in particular, their openness—toward such change. This article discusses predictors of openness to landscape change in rural areas based on the results of an online survey conducted to develop attitudinal measurement scales for landscape change and rural landscape in England. Landscape change in rural areas was not welcomed by the respondents mainly due to their high level of affirmative attitudes to rural landscapes. However, the study suggests that there is a possibility, especially among younger cohorts, that increasing levels of education will lead to greater openness to landscape change.

PUBLIC OPINION ANALYSTS HAVE FOUND IT DIFFICULT TO DOCUMENT THE KIND OF ATTITUDE CHANGES THAT THEY HAVE EXPECTED TO FIND SINCE THE VIETNAM WAR. IS IT POSSIBLE THAT REORIENTATIONS IN BELIEF HAVE OCCURRED, AND WE SIMPLY DO NOT HAVE A YARDSTICK CAPABLE OF MEASURING CONCEPTUAL OR CULTURAL CHANGE? USING CONCEPTS FROM THE LITERATURE ON PLANNED-CHANGE, THE AUTHORS DEFINE GAMMA CHANGE AS A CHANGE IN STATE AND DEMONSTRATE THAT GAMMA CHANGE IN PUBLIC ATTITUDES ON FOREIGN POLICY DID OCCUR BETWEEN 1974 AND 1978 AND AGAIN BETWEEN 1982 AND 1986. NO GAMMA CHANGE IS FOUND IN ELITE ATTITUDES AT THE SAME POINTS IN TIME.

Because states are abstract entities, they often require embodiment for mass publics and elites to understand them. This embodiment often occurs as personification, where the state is associated with the most salient figure in the political system, but embodiment can also occur through political institutions and social groups. Surprisingly, there is virtually no systematic empirical work on the political and psychological consequences of state personification, or other forms of embodiment. In this experiment, we investigate how various ways of embodying the state influence attitude formation processes. Drawing on the on‐line/memory‐based processing and entitativity literatures, we hypothesize that personification of the state should facilitate on‐line processing and stronger attitudes, whereas embodying the state as a parliamentary institution should produce weaker attitudes that are formed in a memory‐based fashion. The results support these hypotheses. Embodiment as a social group produced inconsistent results. This study provides the first systematic evidence that the widespread practice of personification of the state has robust and potentially far‐reaching attitudinal consequences that have meaningful implications for strategic interaction, perception and learning, and attitude change in the international realm.

Our study examines how attitudes towards family and gender roles have changed since the ultimate collapse of communism in Hungary. With respect to evaluating the effects of the regime change, it is important to note that Hungary is unique in having pre-transition measures on attitudes from the International Social Survey Program. In analyzing the nature of value shifts, an arithmetic method that decomposes the changes into population turnover and individual (period) components is used. According to the results, period effects fluctuated over the quarter of century, while the population turnover effects point continuously and clearly towards liberalization of family and gender-role attitudes. Since the period effects were usually stronger, they shaped the fluctuating nature of overall change. Namely, there is a clear trend towards re-traditionalization immediately following the regime change and liberalization thereafter, although there are also signs of continued support for traditional values. The series of repeated modules of the ISSP allowed us to examine a key premise of the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) theory in the case of Hungary. We concluded that the detected direction of the attitude change does not support the examined premise of the SDT.

Analysis reveals an increasing tendency for each paper to be judged upon its merits, regardless of whether ownership is competitive or non-competitive, local or absentee. Possible effects of television upon attitudes also are discussed in this second of a three-article series by the Quarterly editor.

Objective. I examine polarization in public opinion using the method of DiMaggio, Evans, & Bryson (DEB) (1996), but go further than DEB by using newly available years of survey data. Method. Like DEB, I derive aggregate distributional parameters for social groups in each year of the surveys, & then regress the year of the surveys on each parameter. Results. As in DEB's original paper, there is little evidence of general polarization in attitudes between the early 1970s & today. However, while DEB found some evidence that polarization in the public may be the result of polarization in our political system, with the additional years of data this conclusion is inescapable. Conclusions. Although political scientists have recently found polarization among our elected officials on economic issues, it seems clear that members of the public who identify with the partisan labels of our political system are becoming polarized on moral issues. 2 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.