Settlement is human place to live and do various activities (Finch, 1980). Concept of settlement layout is closely associated with human and a set of thoughts and behaviors. In this case, idea of pattern of activities in a society that is core of a culture becomes main factor in process of formation of houses and environment in a settlement. Factors which affecting form (physical) of architecture in a settlement environment are socio-cultural, economic, and religious determinant factor that manifested architectural realization (Rapoport, 1969). Yogyakarta as the continuation of kingdom city in the Java Island finally exists as an Islamic kingdom that still remain to survive up to now. Impacts of this issue is appearance of various Moslem settlements to support typical character of an Islamic Kingdom. Mlangi is an area of oldest Moslem settlements in Yogyakarta has not been explored in details for progress especially in physical glasses recently. Everything basic group and individual who arrange houses and residences, starts from how it has spatial concept alone. Although concept is a very abstract thing to explain in details, but its existence can be detected by how they created their physical environment. This research conducted by these research questions: (1) What are spatial concepts owned by people in Mlangi and (2) How do spatial concepts owned by the people affect the settlements pattern? Process to search spatial concept owned by the people in Moslem residence, making Mlangi as study area, was approached by using phenomenological research method. The researcher have to self-involved directly in unstructured interviews, but remained in guideline framework of in interviews to make research process effective. Fistly, the researcher interviewed the key person, they are the head of Mlangi administration (pak Dukuh) in Mlangi and Sawahan. They were then give advices to who was capable person that could draw the spatial concept and had many story and knew the history of the settlements. Step by step of interview guided from one informant to next informant when the information had been told repeatedly. The next informant based on the last informant advice or who had close relationship with the last theme appeared. To complete the narration and draw the result of interview, researcher have to add additional information with photograph and descriptive picture that can be draw the settlement empirically. In process, 17 information units which found in field were consistent with sequence of interview events and flowing of theme to theme associated with Moslem residence of residence. Finally the interviews succeeded in abstracting 16 themes that may be classified into historic, socio-cultural, and spatial-concept dimensions in Mlangi. Process of analysis to find spatial concept owned by the people in Moslem settlements was carried out by dialogue of themes to find available substantive relationship. Four concepts successfully analyzed consist of concepts of personage, concept of religious implementation, concept of Jero-Jaba and concept of Interest. The four concepts are really associated with one and others in understanding how spatial concept owned by the people affects residence they occupy. Yet, concept of Jero-Jaba bases all concepts of people in Mlangi . This concept can be used to draw red yarn on how they utilize communal spaces in residence and layout rooms of their individual houses. This concept also eternalize residence patterns existing in Mlangi now where residence does not experience many changes from starting of this residence existence (from detection of generation currently still living), namely residence patterns concentrate on orientation to Masjid Pathok Negoro of Mlangi. This research was opening the potential research area, at least for the sociology, anthropology and demography research interest. So many unique character in Mlangi if looked at from how they maintain their spatial concept and manifested in their daily activities. How the people will concern only for the religious activities and the economic concern only for survival aspect in live. Keywords: spatial concept, moslem settlements, phenomenology method, Indonesia,
Settlement is human place to live and do various activities (Finch, 1980). Concept of settlement layout is closely associated with human and a set of thoughts and behaviors. In this case, idea of pattern of activities in a society that is core of a culture becomes main factor in process of formation of houses and environment in a settlement. Factors which affecting form (physical) of architecture in a settlement environment are socio-cultural, economic, and religious determinant factor that manifested architectural realization (Rapoport, 1969). Yogyakarta as the continuation of kingdom city in the Java Island finally exists as an Islamic kingdom that still remain to survive up to now. Impacts of this issue is appearance of various Moslem settlements to support typical character of an Islamic Kingdom. Mlangi is an area of oldest Moslem settlements in Yogyakarta has not been explored in details for progress especially in physical glasses recently. Everything basic group and individual who arrange houses and residences, starts from how it has spatial concept alone. Although concept is a very abstract thing to explain in details, but its existence can be detected by how they created their physical environment. This research conducted by these research questions: (1) What are spatial concepts owned by people in Mlangi and (2) How do spatial concepts owned by the people affect the settlements pattern? Process to search spatial concept owned by the people in Moslem residence, making Mlangi as study area, was approached by using phenomenological research method. The researcher have to self-involved directly in unstructured interviews, but remained in guideline framework of in interviews to make research process effective. Fistly, the researcher interviewed the key person, they are the head of Mlangi administration (pak Dukuh) in Mlangi and Sawahan. They were then give advices to who was capable person that could draw the spatial concept and had many story and knew the history of the settlements. Step by step of interview guided from one informant to next informant when the information had been told repeatedly. The next informant based on the last informant advice or who had close relationship with the last theme appeared. To complete the narration and draw the result of interview, researcher have to add additional information with photograph and descriptive picture that can be draw the settlement empirically. In process, 17 information units which found in field were consistent with sequence of interview events and flowing of theme to theme associated with Moslem residence of residence. Finally the interviews succeeded in abstracting 16 themes that may be classified into historic, socio-cultural, and spatial-concept dimensions in Mlangi. Process of analysis to find spatial concept owned by the people in Moslem settlements was carried out by dialogue of themes to find available substantive relationship. Four concepts successfully analyzed consist of concepts of personage, concept of religious implementation, concept of Jero-Jaba and concept of Interest. The four concepts are really associated with one and others in understanding how spatial concept owned by the people affects residence they occupy. Yet, concept of Jero-Jaba bases all concepts of people in Mlangi . This concept can be used to draw red yarn on how they utilize communal spaces in residence and layout rooms of their individual houses. This concept also eternalize residence patterns existing in Mlangi now where residence does not experience many changes from starting of this residence existence (from detection of generation currently still living), namely residence patterns concentrate on orientation to Masjid Pathok Negoro of Mlangi. This research was opening the potential research area, at least for the sociology, anthropology and demography research interest. So many unique character in Mlangi if looked at from how they maintain their spatial concept and manifested in their daily activities. How the people will concern only for the religious activities and the economic concern only for survival aspect in live. Keywords: spatial concept, moslem settlements, phenomenology method, Indonesia,
1: Thermodynamics -- Thermodynamics and Engineering Needs -- Statistics of Surface Contact Distributions -- Polymer Melt and Glass: Thermodynamic and Dynamic Aspects -- A Fresh Look at Solutions of Polymer Mixtures -- Polymer-Polymer Interactions and Phase Diagrams of Compatible Polyblends by Gas-Chromatography -- Application of the Mean-Field Lattice-Gas Model to Partially-Miscible Polymer Systems -- Liquid-Liquid Phase Separation in Mixtures of Statistical Copolymers -- Characterization of Industrial Polymers and Polymer Mixtures by Turbidimetric Measurements at the Lower Critical Solution Temperature -- II: Characterization/Solution Behaviour -- Characterization of Copolymers: Chromatographic Cross-Fractionation Analysis of Styrene-Acrylonitrile Copolymers -- CPF: A New Method for Large Scale Fractionation -- Flow Birefringence of Associations of Polymers in Solution -- Theoretical Calculation of Diffusion Coefficient and Viscosity of Star Polymers in Solution -- A Photon Correlation Spectroscopy Investigation of Precipitation Polymerization in Liquid Vinyl Chloride -- III: Blends -- The Role of Specific Interactions in Polymer Miscibility -- Relation of Interdiffusion and Self-Diffusion in Polymer Mixtures -- Crystallization and Melting Studies on Poly(ethylene oxide)/Poly(methyl methacrylate) Mixtures -- Specific Intermolecular Interactions in Polymer Blends -- Thermal and Morphological Analysis of Poly(?-caprolactam)—Poly(etherester) Mixtures -- Isochrone Viscoelastic Functions via Activation Energy of Flow: Charge Transfer Compatibilized Polyblends -- Modification of Thermosetting Resins by Thermoplastics -- The Toughness Behavior of Emulsion ABS: Effect of Rubber Concentration and Acrylonitrile Content on the Deformation Modes -- IV: Networks -- Thermodynamics of Casein Gels and the Universality of Network Theories -- Crosslinking Theory Applied to Industrially Important Polymers -- Reversible and Irreversible Deformation of Van der Waals Networks -- Photopolymerization of Diacrylates -- Simulation Model for Densely Cross-Linked Networks Formed by Chain-Reactions -- Nonlinear Viscoelasticity of EPDM Networks -- Some Comments on the Thermodynamics of Swelling -- Thermoreversible Gelation of Vinyl Polymers -- Static and Dynamic Lightscattering of Thermoreversible Gelling iota-Carrageenan -- Effects of Poly(acrylamide) on the Solution and Gel Properties of Water-Gelatin System -- Compatibility and Viscoelasticity of Mixed Biopolymer Gels -- Halato-Telechelic Polymers as Models of Ion-Containing Polymers and Thermoreversible Polymer Networks -- Ion-Containing Networks: Structural Modifications Induced by Lithium Ions -- Ion-Containing Networks: Recent Results Concerning Transport Properties -- V: Diffusion/Barrier Properties -- Diffusion of Gases and Liquids in Glassy and Semi-Crystalline Polymers -- Transport Regulated Electrochemical Reactions in Polyimide Films -- Processing of Barrier Film by Coextrusion -- VI: Chain Dynamics -- Single-Chain Dynamics in Polymer Characterization -- Non-Ideal Statistics and Polymer Dynamics -- Computation and Display of Polymer Chain Behaviour -- Deuteron-NMR Studies of Molecular Motions in Solid Polymers -- A Two-Dimensional NMR Study of Very Slow Molecular Motions in Polymers -- Transitions and Mobile Phases by NMR Normal Alkanes and Polyethylene -- Morphology and Chain Dynamics of Polymers as Reflected from Polymer-Dye Interactions -- Emission Spectroscopy and the Molecular Mobility of Polyepoxide Networks -- Mobility of Sidegroups in Polydimethylsiloxane -- Glass Transitions in Unsymmetrically Substituted Siloxanes -- VII: Processing/Rheology -- From Molecular Models to the Solution of Flow Problems -- Transient-Network Theories: New Developments and Applications -- Rheological Properties of a LDPE Melt in Transient Uniaxial Elongational Flow, Described with a Special Type of Constitutive Equation -- Physical Background of Mould Filling With and Without Crystallization -- On the Mathematical Modelling of the Injection Moulding Process -- Mixing Processes in Polymer Processing -- Blending of Incompatible Polymers -- Polymer Reactions During Melt-Processing -- Assessing Rubber Processing Aids Effectiveness -- Plastics Processing -- VIII: Structure and Morphology -- Some Facets of Order in Crystalline Polymers as Revealed by Polyethylene -- Investigation of the Crystallization Process of Polymers by Means of Neutron Scattering -- Lamellar Organization in Polymer Spherulites -- Considerations on the Crystallization with Chain Folding in Polymers -- Chain Mobility in Phase Transformations of Inorganic Polymers -- Ultra-Drawing of High-Molecular-Weight Polyethylene Cast from Solution. IV. Effect of Annealing/Re-crystallization -- Microhardness of Semicrystalline Polymers -- Model Calculations for WAXS Profiles from the Polymer Crystalline Particle Size Distribution -- Infrared Spectroscopy on PET Yarns -- Interaction Between Crystallization and Orientation -- Neutron Scattering of Poly(ethylene terephthalate) -- The Similarity Between Cellulose and Aramid Fibres -- Crystalline Order in Nylon 4,6 -- Pulsed EPR Study of the Trapping Process of Radicals in Polyethylene -- Analysis of Filled Rubbers Using SAXS -- SAXS Studies of Semi-Crystalline Polymer Blends Using Synchrotron Radiation -- Ultra-Drawing of Polypropylene -- Spinning of Fibers from Cellulose Solutions in Amine Oxides -- IX: New Developments -- Future Trends in Polymer Chemistry -- Recent Investigations of Interpenetrating Polymer Networks -- Polymers with Metal-like Conductivity: Structure, Properties and Applications -- The Mechanical Properties of Polypyrrole Plates -- High Modulus Flexible Polymers -- Radiation Treatment of Polymers -- High Precision Replication of Laservision Video Discs Using UV-Curable Coatings -- Fast Curing Low-Modulus Coatings for High-Strength Optical Fibres -- Replication of High Precision Aspherical Lenses Using UV-Curable Coatings.
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I'm not an expert on many things, but when it comes to judging the quality of Texas literature, or Texana as it is called, I am as confident as a bronc rider still upright at seven seconds. That last second of the eight is reserved for humility. Chance needs scant time to have one spittin' up dirt. So I decided I would take my chances and prepare a list of good Texas books you might want to tackle in the coming year. Each book is tied to the month that will perhaps enhance your reading of it. January – "The Tacos of Texas"This has been a best-seller in Texas (and beyond) this past year. By January 3 your New Year's resolutions will be somewhat less resolute. When that time comes, you will want tacos. And the tacos will give you strength for a fine year of reading ahead. February – "The Son"To my mind, this is the best Texas novel since Lonesome Dove. It was first runner-up for the Pulitzer Prize in 2014 and the miniseries will air on AMC in 2017 – starring Pierce Brosnan. So binge read it first so you can binge watch it later. And you will have the advantage of saying, somewhat snobbishly, "I read the book and the book is way better." March – "Miles and Miles of Texas"Just in time for your Spring Break trip is this magnificent book on the history of Texas roads and how they got built. The original mission of the Texas Highway Department was to "get the farmer out of the mud." Obviously, they went far beyond that goal to succeed in building a state of superhighways. Let's not talk about I-35. April – "Lonesome Dove"Cattle drives in Texas typically began in the spring. So this is a good time to read or re-read Lonesome Dove. This is the Iliad of Texas. If you haven't read this Pulitzer Prize winning literary treasure, it's time. Gus and Call are waiting for you. Let's "head 'em up and move 'em out." May – "Texas Ranger: The Epic Life of Frank Hamer, the Man Who Killed Bonnie and Clyde"He killed them in May actually. Hollywood made Hamer out to be the bad guy, but as is often the case, they were seduced by myth and got it wrong. I like what the Dallas Morning News says about this book: "Frank Hamer's is perhaps the last great story of the American West to be told… Well, Hollywood? Now you have the book, so go make the movie." June -"Issac's Storm"For the start of Hurricane season, read Isaac's Storm, the best-selling history of the killer hurricane that devastated Galveston in 1906. The Washington Post says that Erik Larson's book is, "Gripping … the Jaws of hurricane yarns." July – "Empire of the Summer Moon"This book tells the story of the last years of the Comanche Nation and how Quanah Parker and his warriors were never militarily defeated. The New York Times says it "will leave blood and dust on your jeans." August – "The Time it Never Rained"The story of the West Texas rancher, Charlie Flagg, who survived the greatest drought in modern Texas history. September – "Friday Night Lights"For the beginning of football season, read the book that launched the popular series. And if you have read it already, go for "The Last Picture Show" instead, which is also anchored in Texas football culture. October – "All the Pretty Horses"Once you're in, go ahead and read the whole border trilogy. November – "Lone Star: A History of Texas and the Texans"As the days shorten and the nights lengthen, sit by the fire and read T.R. Fehrenbach's take on Texas history. December – "The Big Rich"As you begin worrying about presents and money, it is an ideal time to read the rags to riches stories of Texas oil men like H.L. Hunt and Roy Cullen. These were men who were, for their time, among the absolute richest in the world. They knew how to spend money and to play on a scale few have ever known. It will inspire your Christmas shopping, make you want to play poker for oil leases, buy sprawling ranches, and purchase your own Texas island. There's not a lot of romance in these books. There is a lot of tough love, though. And that's good. If you don't get tough love early in life it's hard to find lasting love later. So there you go. Print this out and put it on the fridge. Happy reading.
Анализируется государственная политика в области социального обеспечения и трудоустройства инвалидов войны в предвоенный период и годы Великой Отечественной войны. Участие Советского Союза в конфликте на озере Хасан (1938 г.), боях на Халхин-Голе (1939 г.), советско-финской войне (1939-1940 гг.) привело к увеличению числа инвалидов войны и, соответственно, актуализировало задачу по изменению государственной политики. Перед Великой Отечественной войной был принят ряд мер, направленных на поддержку инвалидов вооруженных конфликтов конца 1930-х гг., появились постановления СНК СССР, регулирующие назначение пенсий различным категориям военнослужащих и их семьям, в том числе инвалидам. Многократное увеличение числа инвалидов с началом Великой Отечественной войны привело к изменению в системе социального обеспечения и реабилитации инвалидов. За эти годы произошло расширение государственной помощи, которая включала в себя, помимо назначения пенсии и пособий, обеспечение продовольственными и промышленными товарами, льготное предоставление жилья, земельных участков, топлива. С 1942 г. начинают приниматься дополнительные меры, направленные на помощь в обучении и трудоустройстве инвалидов. В то же время затраты, связанные с пенсионным обеспечением, возрастали, что привело в 1943-1944 гг. к введению карательных мер в виде лишения пенсии по отношению к инвалидам II - III групп, не желающим трудиться, и снижению пенсионного обеспечения всех инвалидов. В годы войны предпринимались меры по оказанию продовольственной помощи инвалидам войны, существовала практика выделения в качестве помощи хлопчатобумажных и шерстяных тканей, швейных и трикотажных изделий, ниток, чулок и носков, кожаной и валяной обуви. В 1945 г инвалиды войны и члены их семей: освобождаются от оплаты за обучение, им предлагаются льготы по сельскохозяйственному налогу и выполнению обязательных поставок сельскохозяйственных продуктов государству, предоставляется возможность получения ссуды на строительство и восстановление жилых домов. В целом социальное обеспечение и трудоустройство инвалидов в предвоенные годы и годы войны приобрело системный характер, однако размеры выплат оставались низкими и не компенсировали утраченного заработка, что приводило к необходимости введения натуральных форм поддержки и дополнительных льгот, а в вопросах трудоустройства помимо помощи государство использовало механизмы принуждения. ; The article analyzes the state policy in the field of social welfare and employment of disabled veterans in the prewar period and during the Great Patriotic War. The participation of the Soviet Union into the conflict on the Lake Hasan (1938), the battle of Khalkhin Gol (1939), the Soviet-Finnish War (1939-1940). Led to an increase in the number of war invalids and accordingly updated the challenge of change state policy aimed at their support. Before the Great Patriotic War were adopted a number of measures aimed at supporting disabled people armed conflicts end of the 1930s. Appeared the decision of SNK of the USSR governing the appointment of pensions to different categories of servicemen and their families, including military personnel who have become disabled. The repeated increase in the number of persons with disabilities with the beginning of World War II led to a change in the system of social welfare and rehabilitation of disabled persons. Over the years there has been an extension of state aid, which included, in addition to a pension and benefits, providing food and industrial goods, the benefits of housing, land, fuel. From 1942 begins to take additional measures to support the training and employment of disabled persons. At the same time, the costs associated with the pension provision increased, which resulted in the 1943-1944 years to the introduction of punitive measures of deprivation of pension for people with disabilities II III are not willing to work and reducing pensions for all disability groups. During the war years of the measures taken to provide food aid to disabled veterans, there was a practice in the allocation of aid cotton fabrics, woolen fabrics, garments and knitwear, cotton yarn, stockings and socks, leather and felt footwear. In 1945 additional measures are taken indication the war-disabled and their families: an exemption from tuition fees; benefits to pay agricultural tax and the implementation of obligatory deliveries of agricultural products to the state. Disabled World War II provided the possibility of obtaining loans for the construction and rehabilitation of houses. In general social security and employment of persons with disabilities in the prewar years and years of war has become systemic in nature, but the payouts were low and did not compensate for lost earnings, which led to the necessity of introducing natural forms of security and fringe benefits, and in addition to employment assistance, the state used enforcement mechanisms.
Telegrams exchanged between Gen, Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: Military commanders, his personal secretary Soledad González, Governors, private citizens, the Secretary of Economy Primo Villa Michel, the Secretary of Agriculture and Development, Francisco S. Elías, the President of the Board of Directors of the Public Welfare, José María Tapia, Congress representatives, the Revolutionary Party of Railroads Workers, State Committees of the National Revolutionary Party, the National Chamber of Commerce from Progreso, Yucatán, Mayors, the president of the Confederation of Farmers, and Senators. The aforementioned telegrams concern appreciation for donations to the Medicine School; information about the residence address of Dr. Enrique de Nancy, information about Rodolfo Elías Calles' trip to Sonora, appreciation for mailed messages; a request for supporting the tax increase on labor groups in Chihuahua, information about Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' health status; a request for budget transference to the National Commission of Irrigation, confirming the delay of the application of article 186, endorsement of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles, requests for appointments; expressions of support of the State Committee of the National Revolutionary Party in Monterrey; a notice about the opening of a road from Tampico to San Luis Potosí, complaints about the governor of Nayarit and elections conflict; confirming the shipping of documents of the Agricultural Associations of Culiacán, a request for postal fee exemption, reports about assistance provided to victims in Tampico, information about the social peace in Chiapas; processing issues of the Chapultepec Cotton Mill, a report on the issues of the agreement of the National Bank of Agricultural Credit concerning the rice export, a request for a tractor and confirming the preparation of Campo Amaro; birthday greetings; a request for changing the Head of Finance and the head of National Assets in Tampico because of being regarded as enemies of the government; a complaint about the attack against agents of the Office of the General Prosecutor; a report on fraud committed by business people in Durango, a request to influence the decision of granting concession to the Bella Unión Yarn and Fabric Industrial Company from Saltillo due to damaging the municipality; reports on the suspension of train passes for victims, reports on the conditions of the victims in Tampico, confirming the temporary possession of ejidatarios in Chiapas; report about the establishment of the minimum income in Guanajuato, a request for reforming the Agrarian law in Guanajuato, appreciation for condolences. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, Comandantes Militares, Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Gobernadores, particulares, Secretario de Economía Nacional Primo Villa Michel, Secretario de Agricultura y Fomento Francisco S. Elías, Presidente de la H. Junta Directiva de la Beneficencia Pública José María Tapia, Diputados, Partido Revolucionario Ferrocarrilero, Comités Estatales del Partido Nacional Revolucionario, Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Progreso, Yuc.; Presidentes Municipales, Presidente Confederación de Agricultores, y Senadores, acerca de: agradecimientos por donativos a Escuela de Medicina, informe sobre domicilio del Dr. Enrique de Nancy, informe sobre viaje de Rodolfo Elías Calles a Sonora, agradecimientos por mensajes enviados, solicitud de ayuda para solucionar elevación de impuestos a agrupaciones obreras de Chihuahua, reportes del estado de salud del Gral. PEC, solicitud de transferencias de recursos a la Comisión Nacional de Irrigación, notificación sobre aplazamiento en la aplicación del Artículo 186, adhesiones al Gral. PEC, solicitudes de audiencia, manifestaciones de adhesión al Comité Estatal del Partido Nacional Revolucionario en Monterrey, notificación de apertura de vía de Tampico a San Luis Potosí, quejas contra Goberndor de Nayarit y conflicto electoral, notificación de envío de documentación de asociaciones agrícolas de Culiacán, solicitud de franquicia postal, informes de ayuda a damnificados de Tampico, informe de paz social en Chiapas, gestiones para Fábrica de Algodón Chapultepec, informe de irregularidades en convenio con Banco Nacional de Crédito Agrícola en la exportación de arroz, solicitud de tractor y confirmación para acondicionamiento Campo Amaro, felicitaciones por onomástico, solicitud de cambios de jefe de Hacienda y encargado de Bienes Nacionales en Tampico por ser enemigos del Gobierno, queja por atentado de agentes de la Procuraduría General, informe de fraude de comerciantes en Durango, solicitud de influencia para evitar concesión a Compañía Industrial Saltillera Fábrica Hilados Bella Unión por lesionar al municipio, informe sobre suspensión de pasajes de ferrocarril a damnificados, informes sobre condiciones de damnificados en Tampico, notificación de posesión provisional a ejidatarios de Chiapas, informe de implantación de salario mínimo en Guanajuato, solicitud de reforma a la ley agraria en Guanajuato, agradecimiento por condolencia.
Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: private citizens, his personal secretary, Soledad González, the Mexican Consul in New York, Enrique P. Ruiz, Governors, the Federarion of Teachers' Unions, Military Commanders, the National Chamber of Commerce in Michoacán, Senators, the National Chamber of Commerce from Veracruz, Mayors, the National Chamber of Commerce and Industry from Tabasco, Puebla, Durango, and Guanajuato, the Socialist League of Torreón, the Don Martín Coordinating Agricultural Association from Nuevo León and the Calderonista Campaign Headquarters. The aforementioned telegrams concern condolences for Dr. Gastón Melo's passing; replies of acknowledgement; Soledad González informs Rodolfo Elías Calles that a sugar mill will purchase trucks; Soledad González requests consul Enrique D. Ruiz a sample of fabrics; report about statements made by professor Irving Fisher in favor of Mexico and Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles, paperwork process of the Chapultepec Cotton Mill, information about Agustín Olachea's arrival at the Federal District; news on Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' health status; a request of guaranties on the actions of the Commander of Operations in Jalisco, requests for appointments; chambers of commerce request postal tax fees exemptions; confirming the establishment of the Department of Ejidal Patrimony; endorsement of the governor of Tamaulipas, Rafael Villarreal; a report on the president's arrival in Tampico; endorsement of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles on his revolutionary activism, a request for birth certificates of Gen. Calles' children, a request to correct reports on the Rodolfo Elías Calles' trip through Tepic; a request to include the project "Economic Salvation" in the Six-Year administration plan; an invitation to attend the inauguration of a road to Tierra Caliente, Michoacán, a request for fair price on land expropriation; confirming the sale of the book entitled " The True Calles" [El Verdadero Calles]; a request to appoint Eduardo Moneda manager of the Graphic Shops; reports on the social peace in Chiapas; Workers of the La Fe Yarn and Fabrics Mill ask to solve their conflict; congratulatory greetings on the birth of Joseph Jordan's daughter, Alicia Calles requests an order of fabrics; a notice about armed groups who were keeping captive some members of the Primo Tapia Tariácuri Union from Michoacán; recommendations for appointing Senators and Congressmen in Tamaulipas, requests for employment; elections conflict in Nayarit, a request for not expropriating land from farmers in Toluca; confirming the meeting with farmers in Anáhuac, Nuevo León; endorsement of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, particulares, Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Cónsul General de México en Nueva York Enrique P. Ruiz, Gobernadores, Federación Agrupaciones Magisteriales, Comandantes Militares, Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Michoacán, Senadores, Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Veracruz, Presidentes Municipales, Cámara Nacional de Comercio e Industria de Tabasco, Puebla, Durango y Guanajuato, Liga Socialista de Torreón, Asociación Coordinadora Agrícola Don Martín de Nuevo León y Centro Director Calderonista, acerca de: condolencias por fallecimiento del Dr. Gastón Melo, respuestas de enterado, Soledad González informa a Rodolfo Elías Calles que Azucarera comprará camiones; Soledad González solicita al Cónsul Enrique D. Ruiz un muestrario de telas, informe sobre declaraciones del profesor Irving Fisher a favor de México y el Gral. PEC, gestiones para Fábrica de Algodón Chapultepec, informe sobre llegada de Agustín Olachea al Distrito Federal, reportes del estado de salud del Gral. PEC, solicitud de garantías acciones de Jefe de Operaciones en Jalisco, solicitudes de audiencia, solicitudes de Cámaras de Comercio para franquicia postal, notificación de formación de Departamento Patrimonio Ejidal, adhesiones al Gobernador de Tamaulipas Rafael Villarreal, informe de llegada del Presidente a Tampico, adhesiones al Gral. PEC por su labor revolucionaria, solicitud de actas de nacimiento de los hijos del Gral. PEC, solicitud de rectificador informes del recorrido de Rodolfo Elías Calles por Tepic, solicitud para que se incluya en el Plan Sexenal el proyecto intitulado "Salvación Económica", invitación a inauguración de carretera a Tierra Caliente, Mich., solicitud de pagos justos por expropiación de tierras, notificación de comercialización del libro "El Verdadero Calles", solicitud de que Eduardo Moneda sea gerente de los Talleres Gráficos, notificación de paz social en Chiapas, solicitud de obreros de la Fábrica de Hilados La Fé para solución de su conflicto, felicitación por nacimiento de hija de Joseph Jordan, solicitud de Alicia Calles para que se le envíen telas, notificación de grupos armados de campesinos que tienen sitiados a integrantes del Sindicato Primo Tapia Tariácuri de Michoacán, recomendaciones para nombramientos de Senadores y Diputdos en Tamaulipas, solicitudes de empleo, conflicto electoral en Nayarit, solicitud de que no sean despojados de su tierra los ejidatarios de Toluca, notificación de junta con agricultores en Anáhuac, N.L., Adhesiones al Gral. PEC.
Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: Governors, Mayors, private citizens, Congressmen, Military Commanders, his personal secretary Soledad González, Municipal committees of the National Revolutionary Party, the National Chamber of Commerce from Nogales, Sonora, Agrarian Communities from Guerrero, the National Chamber of Commerce from Fresnillo, Zacatecas, the Union of Rice Growers Associations, and the Popular Reconstruction Party from Puebla. The aforementioned telegrams concern information about Alicia Elías Calles' birth registration, paperwork process of the Chapultepec Cotton Mill; clarification of allegations against Congress representative Juan G. Alvarado; report on deposits made in the Farmers' Bank of Sonora; a request for being released from jail; assuming office of the National Revolutionary Bloc in the House of Congress, a request to establish a school in Tamaulipas, a report on the social peace in Chiapas; assistance provided to the victims in Tampico, elections conflict in Coahuila; appreciation for assistance to the Pro-Agua Committee; information about Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' health status; information about the regional expo in Veracruz; an invitation to the inauguration of a new road in Morelia, endorsement of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles, reports about political assassinations occurred in Tlaxcala; a notice stating that he was aware of the conspiracy against the president; processing of family matters; allegations of arbitrary actions by Alfredo Gavito former mayor of Acatlán, Puebla against presidential candidates, the need to build new classrooms at the Cruz Galvez School, a request for awarding prizes to Farmers and cattle breeders in Veracruz; a request for postal fees exemption; requests for appointments; set up of telephone service at Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' house in Cuernavaca; a request for pictures of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and his family; allegations of power abuse against the Municipality of Tepic, Nayarit; confirming the murder of a congress representative in Tlaxcala; a loan request for the coffee growers in Coatepec; allegations of attacks against the revolutionary ideology in Guerrero and reconsidering the removal from a job; a report about the call for the gathering of rice growers, a request to establish a branch of the Farmers' Bank in Navojoa, a notice confirming the massacre of peasants in Atoyac, Guerrero; endorsement of Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas, replies of acknowledgement for received messages; requests to export rice; information about the plebiscite process in Morelia, Michoacán and Puebla, a request to officially liquidate the Santa Fe Yarn and Fabrics Factory, a request for employment; shipping of medicines to Rodolfo Elías Calles. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, Gobernadores, Presidentes Municipales, particulares, Diputados, Comandantes Militares, Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Comités Municipales del Partido Nacional Revolucionario, Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Nogales, Son.; Comunidades Agrarias de Guerrero, Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Fresnillo, Zac.; Unión de Asociaciones Arroceras y Partido Popular Reconstructor de Puebla, acerca de: informe sobre registro de nacimiento de Alicia Elías Calles, gestiones de la Fábrica de Algodón Chapultepec, aclaraciones sobre información en contra del Diputado Juan G. Alvarado, informe de depósitos en Banco Agrícola Sonorense, solicitud de ayuda para recobrar libertad, toma de posesión del Bloque Nacional Revolucionario de la Cámara de Diputados, solicitud de escuela en Tamaulipas, informe de paz social en Chiapas, ayuda a damnificados de Tampico, conflicto electoral en Coahuila, agradecimientos por ayuda a Comité Pro Agua, reportes del estado de salud del Gral. PEC, informe de exposición regional en Veracruz, invitación a inauguración de carretera en Morelia, adhesiones al Gral. PEC, informe de asesinatos políticos perpetrados en Tlaxcala, notificación de estar enterado del complot contra el Presidente de la República, tramitación de asuntos familiares, denuncia de actos de Alfredo Gavito, ex Presidente Municipal de Acatlán, Pue. en contra de candidatos a Presidencia, necesidad de apertura de nuevos salones en la Escuela Cruz Galvez, solicitud de otorgamiento de premios a agricultores y ganaderos de Veracruz, solicitud de franquicia postal, solicitudes de audiencia, instalación telefónica en la casa del Gral. PEC en Cuernavaca, solicitud de fotos del Gral. PEC y familia, denuncia de atropellos contra municipio en Tepic, Nay., notificación de asesinato de diputado en Tlaxcala, solicitud de préstamo a cafetaleras de Coatepec, denuncia de actos contra ideología revolucionaria en Guerrero y reconsideración sobre remoción en cargo, informe de la convocatoria hecha a arroceros, solicitud de formación de sucursal del Banco Agrícola de Navojoa, notificación de asesinato de campesinos en Atoyac, Gro.; adhesiones al Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas, respuestas de haber tomado nota de mensajes anteriores, solicitudes de exportación de arroz, informe de celebración de plebiscitos en Morelia, Mich. y Puebla, solicitud de liquidación judicial contra Fábrica de Hilados La Fe, solicitud de empleo, envío de medicina a Rodolfo Elías Calles.
Quatrième de couverture: Capitale économique de la Syrie du Nord et seconde ville du pays, Alep a bâti sa prospérité sur un important commerce local, régional et international et sur le dynamisme de ses activités de production. Jusqu'à la fin de l'époque ottomane, elle était le centre d'un arrière-pays commercial qui se déployait bien au-delà des frontières actuelles de la Syrie, se prolongeant vers la Méditerranée et l'Europe, l'Asie centrale, la Péninsule arabique et jusqu'aux côtes occidentales du subcontinent indien. Si au XXe siècle la ville a connu un rétrécissement de cette aire d'influence et une marginalisation politique et économique, elle a retrouvé depuis une vingtaine d'années une certaine prospérité pour deux raisons majeures : d'abord, une collaboration plus ouverte que par le passé avec le pouvoir central et ensuite, son dynamisme et sa capacité à développer des activités commerciales, industrielles et culturelles aussi bien à l'échelle locale que régionale et cela, dans le contexte d'une libéralisation très contrôlée de l'économie syrienne. Jusqu'en 2011, Alep a ainsi donné l'image d'une ville, sinon florissante, du moins dynamique : c'est un peu ce dynamisme et cette volonté de vivre que décrit cet ouvrage, à travers plus d'un siècle de bouleversements subis ou portés par cette métropole du Nord de la Syrie, condamnée à se recréer et se réinventer sans cesse pour être autre chose qu'un simple satellite de Damas. L'ouvrage réunit les contributions d'une vingtaine de chercheurs appartenant à diverses disciplines – géographie, histoire, anthropologie, sociologie, mais aussi architecture ou encore urbanisme. Il a pour ambition de saisir comment se fabrique et fonctionne la ville d'Alep, comment se forment et se transforment ses espaces et ses territoires ainsi que les réseaux que cette ville projette et alimente à l'extérieur. La période concernée par cette approche pluridisciplinaire s'étend de 1868, année de fondation du premier quartier «moderne » à Alep, fortement inspiré des formes urbaines occidentales, à 2011, année du début de la contestation en Syrie, qui ouvre un nouveau chapitre dans l'histoire déjà longue et mouvementée de la ville. Thierry Boissière est anthropologue, maître de conférences à l'Université Lumière Lyon 2 et chercheur au GREMMO (Maison de l'Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon). Il a également été responsable de l'antenne de l'Ifpo à Alep de 2008 à 2010. Travaillant sur la Syrie depuis 1990, ses recherches ont porté sur l'agriculture urbaine dans la vallée de l'Oronte, sur les stratégies sociales liées à la précarité et enfin sur les espaces et les pratiques du commerce à Alep et à Damas. Jean-Claude David, géographe, chargé de recherches au CNRS à la retraite, a séjourné dix ans à Alep de 1968 à 1972 et de 1977 à 1983. Il y a effectué ensuite, quasi annuellement, des missions outre celles à Damas, à Beyrouth et au Caire. Il s'intéresse en particulier aux espaces publics, à l'architecture domestique et au patrimoine institutionnel ou « populaire » qui ont donné lieu à de nombreuses publications sur ces questions. Sommaire: Liste des contributeurs 9, Thierry Boissière et Jean-Claude David, Prologue 11, Introduction générale 27; Première partie. Comment la troisième ville de l'Empire ottoman est devenue un chef-lieu de mouhafaza en Syrie: 1. Fabrice Balanche Alep et ses territoires : une métropole syrienne dans la mondialisation 39, 2. Azad Ahmad Ali Le rôle politique des tribus kurdes Milli et de la famille d'Ibrahim Pacha à l'ouest du Kurdistan et au nord du Bilad al-Cham (1878-1908) 67, 3. Nadine Méouchy Les temps et les territoires de la révolte du Nord (1919-1921) 81, 4. Mohammed Jamal Barout La renaissance de la Jéziré : Deir ez-Zor ottomane, de la désertion à la reconstruction 105, 5. Myriam Ababsa Raqqa, relais commercial d'Alep en Jéziré, en mal de développement 121, 6. Salim Badlissi et Roman-Oliver Foy Les fermes d'État dans le gouvernorat d'Alep : une expérience dans le contexte du développement hydro-agricole de la Réforme agraire 141, 7. Anne-Fleur Delaistre, Camille Lafrance et Cyril Roussel La frontière turco-syrienne dans la province d'Alep : un nouvel espace de circulation 159; Deuxième partie. Ville planifiée et ville spontanée, identité et pouvoirs locaux, centralisme étatique: 8. Jean-Claude David Production et qualification de l'espace urbain. Entre informel et corruption 179, 9. Salwa Sakkal Croissance et contrôle de l'espace. L'informel et l'urbanisme, la municipalité et l'État 197, 10. Sophie-Anne Sauvegrain Pratiques quotidiennes et modes de consommation des jeunes à Alep 229, 11. Yasmine Bouagga Aux marges d'Alep : les camps de réfugiés palestiniens 245, 12. Thomas Pierret Le clergé sunnite alépin : provincialisation et affirmation de l'élément tribalo-rural 265; Troisième partie. Le commerce et les affaires, de l'économie de souk à la mondialisation: 13. Françoise Metral Alep, le commerce et les affaires 283, 14. Thierry Boissière De l'économie de souk à la mondialisation 297, 15. Patrik Meier Le conte de deux villes : Alep du point de vue des marchands du souk 319, 16. Paul Anderson The Social Life of Yarn in Aleppo : Trust and Speculation in a Time of Economic Transformation 333, 17. Thierry Boissière et Paul Anderson L'argent et les affaires à Alep : Succès et faillite d'un « ramasseur d'argent » dans les années 1980-2009 351, 18. Thierry Boissière Entre développements des espaces de commerce et mutations urbaines, le quartier de 'Aziziyyé à Alep 369; Quatrième partie. Patrimoine institutionnel et patrimoine vivant: 19. Jean-Claude David Valorisation du patrimoine mondial alépin. Valeur d'usage et référence identitaire, attraction touristique, vitrine du nouveau centre 393, 20. Pauline Bosredon La patrimonialisation de la vieille ville d'Alep entre stratégies de développement local et pratiques ordinaires 419, 21. Touria Moutia Patrimoine institutionnel et patrimoine vivant : le patrimoine habité 445, 22. Thierry Grandin Les problèmes de réhabilitation privée des monuments du patrimoine alépin : le cas des demeures traditionnelles 481, En guise de conclusion Samir Aïta Penser Alep autrement 521, Alep en images 533, Bibliographie générale 547, Glossaire 563, Table des illustrations 579.
Das Dissertationsprojekt untersucht das Zusammenspiel von Klängen, materieller Kultur, Rassismus und Polizeigewalt in Brasilien aus dekolonialer Perspektive. Dazu nutzt diese Arbeit Theorien aus den Kulturwissenschaften beziehungsweise den Sound Studies, um kontingente Auseinandersetzungen zu analysieren, bei denen Designobjekte und -verfahren als materiell-diskursive Knotenpunkte für die Normalisierung und Fortschreibung rassifizierter Gewalt dienen. Um sich mit den Bedingungen dafür zu befassen, wird Design – sowohl als wissenschaftliches Feld als auch Praxis – in dieser Arbeit als ein materiell-diskursiver Apparat betrachtet, der nicht nur die Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojektes, sondern auch seine Voraussetzungen einbezieht. Der Schwerpunkt dieser Dissertation ist die Auseinandersetzung mit "listening anxieties" (Hörängsten). Ein solcher Begriff taucht mit den Aspekten von politischem Konsens, Überwachung und Regelverhalten auf. Die Zusammenfügung dieser drei Begriffe in institutionellen, designerisch gestalteten wie auch alltäglichen Verfahren wird hier mit "Apparatus of Auditory Governance" (Apparat der akustischen Machtführung) bezeichnet. Im engeren Sinne werden akustische Machtführungen an drei Beispielen aus dem 21. Jahrhundert Brasiliens in den Blick genommen: als Erstes wird die von der staatlichen Parallelmacht der Militärpolizei geführte Kriminalisierung von Jukeboxes in einer der sogenannten pazifizierten Favelas in Rio de Janeiro untersucht; anschließend, wie der Aufbau einer sieben Kilometer langen akustischen Mauer in Rio als ein Stadt- und Rassentrennungsmittel betrachtet werden muss. In der letzten Fallstudie wird analysiert, wie der polizeiliche Einsatz von Knallgranaten zur Erzeugung von Nachtruhe in den benachteiligten Nachbarschaften in São Paulo Rassengewalt erzeugt. Dabei leistet diese Arbeit auch einen Beitrag zum designhistorischen Diskurs,,indem die kolonialen Grundvoraussetzungen des Designfeldes untersucht werden, wobei gleichzeitig eine dekolonisierende und klangorientierte Methodik für Designforschung und Sound Studies genutzt/entwickelt wird. So kann nachgewiesen, wie materielle Bedingungen der Klanggewalt, beispielsweise durch Architekturgestaltung, temporäre Klangobjekte bis hin zur Entwicklung von speziellen Soundwaffen, einer Art von ontologischem Design (Anne-Marie Willis) zuarbeiten, auch wenn das koloniale und rassifizierte Ethos der designten Klanggewalt sowohl diskursiv als auch materiell weitgehend unsichtbar gemacht wird. Um eine solche ontologische Verfasstheit letztlich überhaupt zu erkennen, wird gefordert, dass sich Designer_innen als Produzent_innen rassifizierter, kolonialer Phänomene in ihrer Praxis betrachten. ; This dissertation attends to the intersection of sound, material culture, racism, and police violence in Brazil from a decolonizing perspective. With a focus on theories informed by cultural and sound studies, it unravels the contingent arrangements through which certain designed objects and practices function as material-discursive nodes for the normalization and perpetuation of racialized violences. To explore these ideas, it reads design—a field of knowledge and a set of practices—as a material-discursive apparatus, accountable for not only the results but also the conditions of possibility for any research endeavor. The main driving force of this work is the identification and evincing of 'listening anxieties.' These emerge through enactments of political consensus, policing, and compliance; the articulation of these three in institutional, designerly, as well as everyday practices is what this research identifies as the Apparatus of Auditory Governance (or AAG). More specifically, I look at three manifestations of these auditory governances in contemporary Brazil—from the early 2000s to the judiciary Coup d'Etat of late 2016. These range from the criminalization of jukeboxes by a Military Police acting outside the scope of written law in so-called 'pacified' neighborhoods in Rio de Janeiro, to the construction of a seven kilometer-long acoustic barrier in the city as a device for urban segregation, to the deployment of sound bombs as devices for the enforcement of silence by the same police force in São Paulo. The articulation of auditory governances, however, is not fixed; rather, it shifts and mutates to account for distinct and diverse experiences of listening. These shifts are what this work calls earviews: a conceptual orientation which determines the "listening point" where narratives and perceptions of auditory reality unfold from. The AAG, articulated and deconstructed at the intersection of distinct and conflicting earviews, forms the main method of this dissertation, and is of particular interest for sound and design studies. By understanding the earview as an asset of and for designing, it is possible to interrogate the role of design in the enforcement, reproduction, and normalization of sonic violences, and the erasure of other(ed) narratives of listening. Rather than simply evincing the hegemony of normative—qua racialized—earviews, I intervene by reading them through first-person accounts and storytelling stemming from fieldwork with artists and activists in Brazil, as well as from two movies by Brazilian directors—O Som ao Redor (2012) and Branco Sai, Preto Fica (2014). These intersections are further complemented by a semi-fictional narrative created throughout five collective pedagogical sessions fusing designing and fabulation. This format, named "Yarn Sessions," is my methodological proposition for design research in this work. This research started out by posing three broad questions relating to the connection between auditory practices—i.e. sounds and their social, cultural, and political engagements—and the design of listening devices. It asked: what is the contribution of design to the politics of mediated listening and its devices? What might be the possible, probable and/or preferable enactments of the political agency of designed listening devices? These initial questions are all addressed by this work, and have shifted from their initial form as a general investigation on the entanglement of design and listening, to offer an inquiry and an intervention on violences enacted with and through sound. This work thus participates in a re-historicization of the colonial underpinnings of design, while at the same time offering a decolonizing methodological proposition for design research and design studies with a sound and listening-oriented locus. It demonstrates that the material conditions of sonic violence—from architectural planning to transitional/illegalized sound objects to the development of weaponry—are a form of ontological design (cf. Anne-Marie Willis) which succeeds by making its own colonial and racialized ethos discursively and materially invisible. This ontological enunciation demands the accountability of the designer as both producer and reproducer of racialized/colonial phenomena in the making of their own practices. Yet this research does not align itself completely with discourses from the "ontological turn" or "new materialisms" in philosophy (cf. Karen Barad), insofar as these often undermine and erase the role played by coloniality and "racialized assemblages" (cf. Alexander Weheliye) to the constitution of its own ontologies and epistemologies. My proposition for design understands the field to constitute in itself an ontoepistemology (cf. Willis, Gloria Anzaldúa), albeit reading such ontological alignments through decolonial and critical race studies. In so doing, it opens up a new field of inquiry in which sound studies and decolonial thought inform designerly inquiries into material culture not only for the evincing of specific material-discursive phenomena (e.g. sonic violences), but also for intervening on them with intersectional and decolonizing frameworks.
Does a man who knits demonstrate courage? The question refers to the meanings attributed to knitting, which has traditionally been perceived as a female occupation performed in private space. In this article, referring to the past and the analysis of contemporary craft practice, I describe the process of deconstruction in this area. I am particularly interested in men knitting in public. The aim of my considerations is to analyze the difference between the meaning of what is male and female in knitting, and between hegemonic practice and subversive acts of deconstruction. ; Czy mężczyzna, który robi na drutach, wykazuje się dziś odwagą? Tak sformułowane pytanie odsyła do znaczeń przypisywanych dzierganiu, tradycyjnie postrzeganemu jako zajęcie kobiece, wykonywane w przestrzeni prywatnej. W ramach prezentowanego artykułu, odwołując się do przeszłości oraz w oparciu o analizę współczesnych praktyk rękodzielniczych, opisuję proces dekonstrukcji dokonujący się w tym obszarze. 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W. BARKXEY, '04. "YARNS" 99 FRESHMAN. "THE MILL WILL NEVER GRIND WITH THE WATER THAT IS PAST" 101 LYMAN A. GUSS, '04. EDITORIALS 105 Spring Term—Senior Memorial—Catalogue. EXCHANGES 107 BOOK REVIEW . 107 74 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. TO SESTIUS. (Translatedfrom Horace.) CHAS. W. HEATHCOTB, '05. TNCLEMENT Winter melts away, lo Spring with sunny skies ~ And gentle zephyrs; sailors launch their ships again from shore Now cattle leave their stalls, and peasant quits his fire, And fields bloom with flowers where laid the snow before. By Venus led, while moon shines over head, The comely graces joined hand in hand with alternating feet Strike on the ground, while glowing Vulcan scatters fire fierce and red From the forges of the Cyclops, with repeated beat. 'Tis fit with myrtle green to crown our head Or with flowers, the earth from the fetters of Winter freed. And to sacrifice to Pan in some grassy bed, A lamb or kid if he prefers such offering feed. Death comes alike to all—to the tyrant's lofty mansion Or the cottage of the poor—his advances none can stay. Oh, happy Sestius, achieve each day some certain action, Enjoy thy life to-day with far reaching hopes away. Soon shall the grave enshroud thee and the Manes' feeble crowd And shadowy home of Pluto shut thee in, There shalt not thou cast lot for ruddy wine, Nor woo the gentle Lycidas whom all are mad to win. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 75 . NATURE IN EMERSON'S POETRY. CHARLES C. STORRICK, '02. (Graeff Prize Essay.) /V LL who are familiar with the literature of the period of ^ •*■ Queen Anne, know that it was devoid of poems based on Nature. About the time that Wordsworth came into promi-nence as a poet, an insurrection arose against the school of literature represented by Dryden and Pope. This insurrection was called "a going back to nature." Burns exemplified it in fresh and original poems, Cowper also manifested it in minute descriptions of natural objects. Compare one of Burns' or Cowper's poems with the conventional verse of the times, and the latter is completely overshadowed by the beauty and mean-ing of the new style of literature. William Wordsworth was the great head of this revolution. He endeavored not only to describe but to interpret Nature, to examine into her various forms and to discover the meaning she conveys. By communing with her he discovered that she was spiritually alive, that his own soul was not only touched and inspired by viewing her, but that the spirit animating her was similar to his own. Wordsworth's experience was the re-sult of genuine insight, and not crazy, mystical metaphysics. If we do not understand Wordsworth, we cannot hope to un • derstand and appreciate Emerson, as he was even more mys-tical and complex than Wordsworth. Emerson belongs to the same school of literature as Wordsworth. Nearly all of Emerson's poems show a love and keen under-standing of Nature; the power of interpreting her "various language, also the all absorbing joy in communing with her." The lover of Nature, he says, is he "whose inward and outward senses arc still truly adjusted to each other; who has retained the spirit of infancy even into the era of manhood. His intercourse with her becomes part of his daily food. In her presence a wild delight thrills his soul. In the woods a man casts off his years as a snake its slough, and is forever 76 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. young. Here is perpetual youth ; within these plantations of God a decorum and sanctity reign, a perennial festival is dressed, and the guest sees not how he could tire of them in a thousand years." Thus it was that Emerson beheld Nature. Let us now consider what he denned Nature to be. We can best do this by using his own definition—"Nature in the common sense refers to essences unchanged by man—space, the air, the river and the leaf. Philosophically speaking, the universe is composed of Nature and the Soul." His chief idea was that the whole universe of thought and things was a complex manifestation of a Central Unity; that "the all" was a manifestation of "the one;" man in his loftiest perceptions of Nature, communed not only with the soul ani-mating the visible universe, but also saw and felt that his own soul was identical with it. Thus the value and weight of natural objects on the mind. In the development of his thought he seems, at times, to be a pantheist, at others, a deist. He was, in truth, however, a transcendentalist. His deity is "imminent" in the universe of matter. In one of his poems he complains that many writers and scientists have lost the sense that Nature is spiritually alive. He considers Nature as a powerful teacher from whom we may learn the greatest and most beautiful truths. One of his first poems was "Good bye, Proud World." These lines were written when he was a teacher in a Boston school, and his "Sylvan Home," described in the poem, was his country boarding place, not far distant. In these lines he gave the first evidence of his intellectual and moral independence. His work of teaching seems to have been a drudgery to him, judging from the way his soul was thrilled when he escaped to the country. Then he burst forth in the exulting joy of the deliverance from his task, as follows: Oh, when I am safe in my sylvan home, I tread on the pride of Greece and Rome , And when I am stretched beneath the pines Where the evening star so holy shines, I laugh at the lore and pride of man, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. JJ At the sophist schools and the learned clan ; For what are they all, in their high conceit, When man in the bush with God may meet? In "Wood Notes" we behold Emerson in his most rapturous mood. There is inspiration in every line. Here he is in direct contact with Nature; he throws off all the chains of conven-tionality, and sings as if he were the first and only one of his race—an Adam who has seen the growth of all things, and witnessed the creation whose secret purpose and plan he per-ceives. Here he is free from all care and worry; here is all that charms and delights; all that appeals to a poet of Nature, and his heart wells up to overflowing with praise to his God and Maker. Here he discovers that each rock, and tree, and stream gives to him some divine inspiration. The rock sug-gests firmness and stability of purpose ; the clear stream, pure-ness of life; the tree, uprightness of character. All convey to him beauty and grandeur. In the first stanza of the "Wood Notes" he says: "Caesar of his leafy Rome, There, the poet is at home." Here in the forest he imagines the trees speak to him all the living languages, conveying to his mind great and divine truths. All that is worth learning, Nature confides to him when he thus communes with her. In the poem entitled "Monadnoc" he goes forth to the moun-tain of this name and there communes with Nature. The trees relate to him great truths, and the dashing mountain streams sing to him music of angelic strains. He considered it better to live in such a place as this in a hut than in a pala-tial home in the fashionable city. The general trend of his writings goes to show that the aim of the spirit which under-lies Nature is to build up intrepid manhood in human nature. In this same poem he says the soul of Nature goes on to mould and shape better men. What is the mental mood in which the human mind, lifted above its ordinary limitations, sees into the heart of Nature ? 78 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Emerson calls it a mood of ecstacy—a sort of heavenly intoxi-cation which, while it may blind the eye of the soul to things as they appear, sharpens and brightens its perception of things as they really are. In "Bacchus" we have an example and a statement of this inspiration. "Bring me," he says: "Bring me wine, but wine which never grew In the belly of the grape * * * That I intoxicated, * * * May float at pleasure through all nations; The bird language rightly spell, And that which roses say so well." Emerson says that his ideal poet never lived. The greatest poets have only suggested here and there, the possible "Olym-pian Bard," who would sing "divine ideas" on earth without any break in the stream of his inspiration. His character would ever be on a level with his loftiest aspirations. The secret of the universe such a poet would reveal, but most poets caught only glimpses of this secret in certain moments when they saw the "Real shining through the mask of the Apparent." The mask was visible nature, the real was the soul within and behind it. He sees in Nature an exemplification of the doctrine of the "survival of the fittest." What we call evil he considers to be often the greatest good. "Evil is good in the making, not a positive substance, but a mere imperfection of good." "If one shall read the future of the race hinted in the organic effort of Nature to mount and meliorate, and the corresponding impulse to the Better in the human being, we shall dare affirm that there is nothing he will not overcome and convert, until at last cul-ture shall absorb the chaos and gehenna. He will convert the Furies into Muses, and the hells into benefits." Passing by Emerson's poetic philosophy of Nature and man, and the poems which represent it, he is still the author of some short poems which are admirable and beautiful. Such are, "Each and All," "The Rhodora," "The Seashore," "The Snow-storm," "The Humble-bee" and "Forerunners." In the last of ■ THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 79 these he tells us of his joyous and resolute pursuit of unattain-able beauty. He ever abhorred the ugly. No poet was ever more susceptible to the beautiful. In Nature he saw beauty re-alized. He felt, like his own humble bee, an abhorrence of "Aught unsavory or unclean." In his poem, called the "Sea-shore," he sees beauty in Nature which far outranks that of Art. The sculpture far outranks that of Phidias. The beauties of the sunset and sunrise are far more beautiful in Nature than those the artist has portrayed on his canvas. The dewdrop, glittering in the morning sun, far outshines the beauty of the ruby or diamond. The fantastic shape of the drifted snow and the beauty of the flakes microscopically viewed are beauty real-ized. The pure whiteness of the snow signifies true nobility and strength of character. The music of the sea and forest stream is far sweeter than that of the sad Orpheus. Emerson is truly a poet of Nature. In the woods and fields his soul leaps up in joy and he is awed by the majesty and mystery of Nature. Here all is pure and not polluted by "the traces of vulgar feet." Destroy his poems on Nature and we have, in fact, destroyed them all, or at least the best and most attractive of his poems. This was his only theme—Nature its mysteries and grandeur. From her he obtained all his wis-dom and learning. To be perfect as Nature was his ideal. »-'T^ How glorious is man ; how high his power! The fairest diadem of things that are, Who sees his Maker's beauty in the flower, His greatness in each planet and bright star. To man all animals submission pay, To him the elements in homage bend, And nature owns his universal sway, That they with him might their due honor send To God's refulgent throne, and ever raise Through him their voices loud, hymning eternal praise. —JOHN B. FAY in Georgetown College Journal. 8o THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE LIFE THAT IS RECORDED. FRED. G. MASTERS, '04. "*l'| '•HE great are only great because we are on our knees • ^ let us rise up."—PRUDHOMME. "From the lowest depth there is a path 'to the loftiest heights.' "—CARLYLE. The subject, The Life That Is Recorded, stands in contra-diction to other life that is unrecorded. By the recorded life we mean that life which has been of so much importance in the world that its achievements will be perpetuated for ages in the best literature. Do we mean to include the records of the majority of lives as published in the newspapers of the day? No! At the present time we may believe just about one third of what we read in our dailies. One can travel the path of learning but a very short distance without hearing the names of such men as Solomon, Nero, Caesar, Paul, Plato, Homer, Virgil, Horace, Shakespeare, Milton, Voltaire, Washington. It is the lives of such men, men whose achievements are written in capital letters in the world's history, that we wish to speak of in this paper. Men are prone to recognize qualities of greatness in a man, whether this greatness be for the uplifting of humanity or for tearing it down. He who would have his life recorded must be a genius indeed. He must be made of different dust from the generality of men. He must have a spirit that brooks no opposition, and stands waiting every opportunity to go a step higher. Why is the lifework of Shakespeare recorded ? Is it because he was the first dramatist of any note that wrote in the English language, or is it because he was the greatest ? It is for the latter reason that scarcely a day passes without our hearing of the Bard of the Avon. He has given us masterpieces in their line. His works are read with increased interest as we become familiar with them. He has depicted for us human life as no other author ever did. Milton, sitting alone in darkness, gave THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 8l us his Paradise Lost. Bunyan, languishing in jail at Bedford, wrote his famous allegory, Pilgrim's Progress. It is men of this kind who make their names immortal, men who are burn-ing with the intensity of their subject, men who feel that they have a mission to perform, and consequently do it with all their might. Let us not think that good men alone have become great. The greatest villians of history have their names written side by side with the benefactors of mankind. Judas is known throughout the world. But, alas, for what? For having betrayed a kind and loving Saviour for money. Charles IV has become famous. For what ? For having ordered the most bloody slaughter of his fellow men that the civilized world has ever seen. Benedict Arnold is known to every schoolboy. He is not spoken of because of his heroic conduct at Quebec, but because of his base desertion of his native country, then struggling for freedom and justice. And so we might go on speaking of both the good and the bad, telling why their names are recorded. It is much more pleasant to hear good of men than bad, hence we would confine ourself to the good record rather than the bad. We see, in history, that men have become eminent and in-fluential, not by force of circumstance, but by energy and in-dustry. Especially in our own country do we see those who have sprung from the lowest walks of life, occupying positions of the greatest honor and trust. We see Lincoln, coming from the log-cabin in Kentucky, flashing upon the public gaze like a meteor. But, mark you, his achievements, up until the time he became president, were by no means meteoric. They were the results of persistent labor and a high aspiration. Other men might be mentioned, as having sprung from similar en-vironments ; such as Garfield, Webster, Rittenhouse, Carnegie, Edison, Black, Franklin, Clay, and others. As we have already remarked, it cannot be mere chance and genius that have thrust men before the gaze of their fellows, and will cause them to maintain the same enviable position for centuries. The man who is not willing to work and to strain 82 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. every nerve to accomplish a definite end, need not hope for success and probably an epitaph written in the world's history. To borrow an expression, we dare not lie on our backs and hug the delusive phantom, Genius, trusting it, alone, to work out our destiny for us. In all things, as in literature, native bent or genius is not sufficient. It must be combined with culture and discipline. Man is what he is by effort, and not by nature. Water is raised above the level of the original fountain by artificial means, and so man raised himself above the level of ordinary humanity by artificial means. Nature favors certain ones, it is true, but she is far more impartial than we give her credit for. The life of a great man is a continual struggle, it matters not what character he is playing in life's great drama, whether he be a poet or a statesman, a Washington or a Bunyan, it is equally arduous. We are sure to encounter rivalries if we come to be of any importance at all. A revelation of this kind awaits every young man who leaves his quiet, sheltered home, to enter the lists and engage in the strifes of men. He will find himself on the edge of the whirlpool of fierce contemplations. He may have been unduly flattered at home. Possessing unusual natural ability, he may have been even first in his native vil-lage. How dwarfed seem his own pitiful accomplishments, when once he has been ushered into the fierce competition of the larger world, in the presence of his more gifted fellows—men of brilliant intellect and high attainment. Holland says : "A young man will not be noticed until he becomes noticeable, and he will not become noticeable until he has done something to prove that he has an absolute value in society." To attain to true greatness one must have confidence in the possibilities that lie before him. The actual is what is, what may be is the possible. The actual and the possible of things are widely separated. They bear not the faintest resemblance to each other. We are too easily satisfied with what we are, and what we have already done. Men are too prone to rest on the actual. Men like Lincoln are the exceptions, but the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 83 actual rail-splitter was the possible president. Probably every man feels that, in a sense, he is not what he ought to be, and what he might have been. He has let slip many opportunities t he has wasted many precious moments, he has listened to many evil suggestions, and can recall many failures. Many men in perfect health have made a miserable failure in life. Such men may well be shamed by the recital of what others have accomplished in illness and even in the very shadow of death- Milton, though blind, wrote "Paradise Lost." Greene wrote his "History of the English People" while suffering with an in-curable disease. We should seek to know, first of all, what our strong points are, and where our greatest power lies; and then seek to de-velop ourselves along those lines. A man can do at least one thing well, and failures come from trying to do some other thing. Never confuse Ambition and Presumption. Ambition, which leads to the greatest success ofttimes, is worthy of all praise; Presumption, which leads a man to try what he is not fitted for, is folly. Many a first-class carpenter, who might have become an architect of renown, has frittered his life away as a third class professional man. Many a poor preacher might have amassed a princely fortune in the business world. The value of discipline is incalculable. We are unable to exercise authority over others before we have conquered our-selves. Why does the educated man have an advantage in the competitions of life? Surely it is not on account of the names, dates, formula, etc., that he learned in school. These slip away from him with rapidity that is surprising. What is it, then, that gives him his powers to rise ? It is training, discipline. He is able to seize mens' problems and master them, because of demands made upon him, in the course of his training, which required a certain grasp and quickness. How many, many men are toiling, hard and earnestly, for a place on the world's honor roll ? How many have elements of greatness in them, and genius, which, unassisted by the things mentioned in the preceding paragraph, have not been devel-oped ? 84 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Let each one of us strive to cultivate in himself qualities, which, if they do not lend immortality to his name, will show our fellowmen that we have not lived in vain, that we have not been mere cumberers of the ground. Let us go forth, then, "to meet the shadowy future without fear and with a manly heart." Let us neglect no opportunity, spare no pains, submit to no discouragement. This done, we may say to Fortune: "Smile and we smile, the lords of many lands ; frown, and we smile, the lords of our own lands ; for man is man, and master of his fate." VESPERS. Dim shadows stretch along the hills, Her first shy note the wood thrush trills, • . In sweet alarm ; The lowing cattle homeward stray ; 'Tis twilight hour—the lingering day Hath lost her charm. Afar chime sweetly vesper bells ; The gathering gloom their anthem swells And peace bestows ; A dreamy echo, faint but fair, O'er evening throws the hush of prayer, Full, calm repose. —HAROU> E. WII^ON, in Wesleyan Lit. A MEMORY. The rustle soft of silk and lace, The fragrant blossoms falling slow, The moon's white light and thy dear face, So many years ago ! Before mine eyes stand now as then, Because I chance to see Our names deep-carved in that old bench Beneath the cherry tree. —1,. v. R. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 85 » , "KITTY." C. B. Gr,ADFEI,TER, '04. f t TT£ ITTY, dear, do you sec that beautiful green valley, **" flecked with white cottages, while beyond, the river, like a .stream of molten silver, flows rapidly on toward the falls ?" inquired Mr. George Wellington, as he turned his gaze from the glimpses of beautiful scenery which presented them-selves from the carriage window, and addressed his wife, who was the only occupant of the vehicle, beside himself. "I'll bet I do! It's high, aint it? It just knocks everything I ever see in the shape of stunnin' scenery! White Mountains can't hold a candle—" There is no telling how much farther the lady would have carried her extravagance of can't phraseology, had she not been suddenly checked by her husband. "Kitty, my dear, I cannot listen to such language as yours, which I assure you is highly improper for a lady or gentleman to make use of. You may be able to appreciate and admire the beauties of nature, yet if you cannot express your thoughts and comparisons in more lady-like and more becoming and elegant language, you had better remain silent. When I first saw you four months ago, and falling in love with your pretty face and comely form, asked you to become my wife, and took you from the humble position of a farmer girl to make you the wife of George Wellington, I had no doubt that with your ex-cellent disposition and willingness to be taught, I should soon be able to eradicate those blemishes of education common among girls of your former position ; and also to give up those "can't terms, " or "slang phrases," which I may say is the only bad habit to which you are addicted," said her husband, firmly, yet kindly. "Well, now, I'm sorry you're so tender-eared, but I can't go dictionary talk. You sail in on big jaw-breakers like a horse> but you see, I never had such schoolin'," she retorted feelingly "It is not the simplicity or plainness of your language o 86 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. which I object," he continued, "and I can also overlook your ignorance of the rules of grammar, which you may easily learn ; but I dislike your "slang terms," which mar the effect of nearly every sentence you utter. If you wish, I will illustrate my meaning plainly." "Go in," she exclaimed. " 'Go in' is a phrase which no lady will make use of when it has no reference to the subject of her conversation." "Up a tree, again, am I ?" "Why do you say, 'up a tree ?' It has no meaning as you used it." "I can't see it. You're too minceing. Talk English, I say; go the whole hog." "Will you reflect previous to speaking, Kitty, and be very careful ?" "Yes, I'll put in all I know how." "Why not have said, you would try ?" "That's played out. I'd rather do a thing than be keeping books on a thing I can-not do, try all I can muster. Puttin' on airs is a thing I de-spise," she remarked, more earnestly than grammatically. "You are incorrigible," he returned. "That's so," she re-plied, as if the subject, as well it might, was becoming distaste-ful to her. "Kitty, I have no desire to cause you a moment's pain," he continued, kindly, "but I must request you to use language be-fitting a lady, for if you should utter such phrases as you have made use of since our marriage, and which I have repeatedly requested you to abstain from, to no purpose, it will cause me vast mortification, and I shall feel far from proud to introduce you to my relatives and friends in the city whither we are going, and where I had hoped to bring a mistress who should preside with beauty and refinement in the mansion at 264 N. Centre St., C—, which is being put in readiness to receive us." "Do you want me to put a stopper on my mouth for a whole term ? If you mean so, sail in and say so," she replied, evi-dently with the intention of letting the matter drop, and her husband, who seemed to think it a hopeless case, was also THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 87 silent, and the subject was not alluded to again during the journey. ******* * Mr. George Wellington had returned to the city and had brought home a wife, who, while she was very beautiful and graceful, and dressed with taste, could not speak a loud word, in fact, "did not utter a syllable above a whisper." So said the neighbors, who had called upon Mr. Wellington and lady, and as the story was in everybody's mouth, it cer-tainly must be true. The visitors had undertaken to hold conversation with Mrs. Wellington, and although she was not deaf, and could under-stand perfectly all that was said to her, yet she was obliged to answer them by way of her maid, Crete, who first listened to the words of her mistress, uttered in a faint whisper, and then repeated them to the ladies that had called. This method, of course, was not approved by the "fashionable world," or that portion of it which resided in the vicinity of Mr. Wellington's residence, for several reasons. In the first place, it did not please the ladies who conversed with Mrs. Wellington to ad-dress themselves to the servant, in order to reach that lady's ears, for they sometimes forgot that Mrs. Wellington was not deaf, and seemed to speak as well as listen to the words of Crete, who was well educated and conversed with an elegance and purity of diction remarkable for a domestic; and, in the second place, it did not give them an opportunity to draw out family secrets, so as to ascertain Mrs. Wellington's social standing at G— previous to her marriage with the renowned lawyer; for had it been known that she "was nothing but a farmer girl," not of that circle of "aristocratic" ladies who were so profuse in their compliments and good wishes, not one would have ever honored the new wife with their visits. But the lady's anteced-ents were all in the dark, and rumor asserted that she was the "daugher of an English banker," so that all gossip concerning her right of admission to their "set" was soon dispersed. It must be admitted that the strange conduct of his wife, in refusing to speak aloud or to hold any conversation with guests, 88 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. save with Crete as "interpreter," was a matter of surprise to Mr. Wellington; but his questionings were all in vain, and threats were useless, as Mrs. Wellington still persisted in "keep-ing mum" as she elegantly expressed it in whispered accent. A few months after, Mr. Wellington was startled and pleased to hear his wife conversing in rather loud and cheerful tones, and by the animated accents he judged that something had at last induced his wife to resume her former tones, and at the same time, he noticed that her language was free from all "slang phrases" and was quite befitting a lady. Unable to ex-plain this sudden change, he entered the parlor and found his wife engaged in lively conversation with a mutual friend. After the visitor had left he quickly asked Mrs. Wellington the reason of her sudden resumption of voice, and also her motive in cor-recting her language, which was the most pleasing circum-stance of the two, he smilingly observed. "Louis," she re-plied, addressing him by his family name, "I will confess all. I knew my use of 'can't phrases' arid 'slang terms' was a habit which was in my power to overcome If it vexed you, it was distressing to myself, and I soon formed a plan for its cure. I sent for an old friend of mine, Crete Martin, to whom I con • fided my plan, and she promised to assist me, for besides in-structing me how to speak and how to avoid loose expressions, she volunteered to become my 'interpreter' to all who called, providing I would remain silent or not speak above a whisper, and to her only. This plan was put into execution, and you, dearest husband, have seen the result." "How can I express my pleasure, oh, dearest of wives?" passionately asked the hus-band. "By forgiving me for the harmless ruse I have made use of to effect my cure of the "lingual disease" and by confessing that you are not sorry that you married the little 'farmer girl,' " replied his wife. The fashionable friends of Mr. and Mrs. Wellington were astonished to hear of the lady's recovery of her voice, but they never heard Kitty Wellington make use of any "slang phrases." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 89 THE ROMAN EMPIRE TAKEN AS A MODEL FOR THE PAPAL EMPIRE. D. MONTFORT MEIXHtOR, '02. T^fANY people are amazed at the greatness of the Catholic A*A Church, wonder at its strength, power and firmness. We all know how amid the strife, contention and turmoil of Protestant Churches the Roman Catholic Church moves on without a ripple to disturb the placid calmness of its govern-ment. The great question with many people is why this should be the case with this one church and not with the rest. A great deal of dissatisfaction is expressed and complaint made about wranglings in the Protestant Churches; and the Papal Empire is upheld as a model and criticism of perfect church manage-ment. It is not that Protestantism is weak, but that Catholi-cism is strong. Rome has been regarded the greatest model of perfect gov-ernment the world has ever known. From 754 B. C. to the fall of the Eastern Empire, in 1452 A. D., Rome or its equiva-lent tried almost all kinds of government imaginable, and not until the time of the Empire did it show its maximum of true strength and irresistable power. In her earlier history when Rome was acknowledged all powerful, and when there were no other formidable powers to oppose her, it was a comparatively small matter to be ruler of the world. But to call itself the mightiest of world powers and then defend that title against the rest of a civilized and strengthened world was another mat-ter. The republic in a comparatively short time failed to at-tain the ideal of strength, owing, at first, to a lack of centrali-zation of power and afterwards to the high-handed measures of the Triumvirate. When Octavianus assumed supreme rulership he had to face the problem of founding the mightiest nation the world had ever seen. And even under him and his immediate successors Rome did not attain its summum of strength and greatness— 9o THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. at least in firmness of civil organization. It remained for Diocletian and Constantine to establish a sytsem of government the principles of which could well defy all other forms of rule ever attempted. When yet a youth it was prophesied by a Druidess that Diocletian should at some time be emperor, and consequently throughout his early life he always kept this ambitious end in view. When he did ascend the throne, vigorous measures were necessary to get the Empire under his direct control, and ere long the Senate was deprived of its powers, and everything was brought under his immediate control. One writer says, he instituted a variety of forms at court, which precluded access to his throne, and entrusted the care of his palace to the vigilance of eunuchs; required every subject, even the highest rank, to fall prostrate to the ground, and to approach him as a divinity; ordained them to even kiss his feet, and had his shoes for the purpose of this ceremony, em-broidered with gold and studded with precious stones. To quote from Morey, "To exalt the person of the emperor was one of the first objects of the reforms of Diocletian. This prince assumed the diadem of the East, and the approach to his person was rendered difficult by complicated ceremonies. Every means was used to prevent any detraction from the im-perial honor and sanctity." But ere long Diocletian found his throne threatened by pre-tenders, and feeling the need of an assistant, "Diocletian had associated with himself in the government his companion in arms, Maximian ; and under the name of 'Augusti' these two persons had divided between them the Eastern and Western provinces. Each Augustus also chose an associate under the name of 'Caesar.'" Thus all the Roman provinces were grouped into four great territorial divisions. This formed the basis of the provincial system of Constantine, who not only perfected the territorial organization of the empire, but also separated the civil from the military authority. For purposes of civil administration the whole empire was THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 91 divided into four great praefccturcs each under its own governor called a Pretorian Praefect. The praefecture was divided into dioceses each under an officer called a Vicar. Each diocese was subdivided into provinces under officers called Presidents or Consulors. Each governor represented in his own dominion the Imperial authority. By the hierarchy of civil officers thus established the government of the Roman territory was reduced to the most systematic organization." This was the key note of the great success of the empire as a civil organization under Diocletian and his successors. Let us now turn to the Papal Empire. In organizing itself the Church followed the model of the Empire, the ecclesiastical divisions conforming to those of the civil administration. In the organization of the Roman Empire we have had at its head the Emperor, who was all supreme, and whose decisions were never questioned; in the Papal Empire we have the Pope, whose commands are regarded as the commands of God; in the Ro-man Empire we had directly under the Emperor 4 Prastorian Prsefects, each ruling over a Prefecture; in the Papal Empire, next in authority to the Pope, are the 4 Cardinals, correspond-ing to the Vicars of the Roman Empire; we have in the Papal Empire the Archbishops; where there were Presidents or Con-sulars in the Roman Empire, there are in the Papal Empire bishops. Thus we notice that the outline of the two great sys-tems is the same. In every respect the Papal Empire modeled itself after the Roman Empire. They went hand in hand for a long time—the one claiming the highest authority in spiritual affairs, the other in temporal affairs. Myers says: "Nor was this advantage lost when misfortune befell the imperial city. Thus the removal by Constantine of the seat of government to the Bosphorus, instead of diminish-ing the power and dignity of the Roman bishops, tended pow-erfully to promote their claims and authority. In the phrase of Dante, 'it gave the shepherd room.' It left the Pontiff the fore-most personage of Rome." Imperial Rome was gone, but the Pope, modeling his rule after that of the abdicated Imperium, placed in its stead Papal Rome. 92 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "If the misfortunes of Rome tended to the enhancement of the reputation and influence of the Roman bishops, much more did the downfall of the Capital tend to the same end. Upon the surrender of the sovereignty of the West into the hands of the Emperor of the East, the bishops of Rome be-came the most important persons in Western Europe, and, be-ing so far removed from the Court at Constantinople, gradually assumed almost imperial powers. They became the arbiters between barbarian chiefs and the Italians, and to them were re-ferred for decision the disputes arising between cities, states and kings. It is easy to see how directly and powerfully these things tended to strengthen the authority and increase the in-fluence of the Roman See." As in the Roman Empire the Emperor was always appealed to as the highest authority in cases of civil strife, so "all cases might be appealed from the courts of the bishops and arch-bishops of the different European countries to the Papal See, which then became the court of last resort in all cases affecting ecclesiastics or concerning religion. The Pope thus came to be regarded as the fountain of justice, and the supreme judge of Christendom, while emperors and kings and all civil magistrates bore the sword simply as his ministers to carry into effect his sentences and decrees." Thus we see that in looking at an outline of the Roman Empire and the Papal Empire they are identical. Easily is it demonstrated that the Papal Empire was modeled directly after the Roman Empire, and that it js through this fact it has at-tained its excellence as a religious institution. "THE man that hath no music in himself, Nor is not moved with concord of sweet sounds, Is fit for treasons, stratagems and spoils ; And his affections, dark as Erebus ; Let no such man be trusted." —SHAKESPEARE. ■ THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 93 ALEXANDER HAMILTON. W. W. BAKXEY, '04. g^UR Revolutionary fathers were heroes. The mighty con- ^■^ flict they waged for eight long years was filled with deeds of bravery and loyal sacrifice unparalleled in the history of ancient or modern times. Their struggle was long and hard, but they fought with an unflinching determination to free themselves forever from the stern hand of European tyranny and monarchy. They won; they at last realized the dream of the ages, the overthrow of iron-handed despotism with its host of god born kings and titled nobles. It was the death-blow to all those grinding customs and petty systems which had been the curse of nations for many ages, and the glorious establish-ment of the free and equal rights of all men upon the American Continent. What a victory! what a far-reaching stride along the path of civilization! Ours is the legacy to enjoy and main-tain. Rich and blessed is our heritage, the grandest and most perfect government upon the face of the globe. Esteemed and honored everywhere is the man who proudly bears the name of American. The soldier of seventy-six was pre eminently a destroyer. He touched with the fire-brand all that impeded the natural growth and unrestricted development of his country. He laid the axe at the root of the tree of British sovereignty. Glowing with red-hot indignation at his country's wrong, burning with an eager desire for freedom, he shouldered the musket and went forth to conquer or to die, a sacrifice upon the altar of a country's righteous cause, the bravest of the brave and the truest of the true! His work was destruction. Washington was the greatest destroyer of them all, and with him stood Patrick Henry, who thrilled assemblies crying aloud for "liberty or death;" Thomas Jefferson, mighty with the pen, and the ar-dent Samuel Adams, stirring the heart of anxious New Eng-land. England's grip on her prized colonies was loosed, leaving 94 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. them in the full and complete possession of liberty. The wor of destruction was finished. The larger work began the task of the Constitution. The Revolution was ended, but a more haz-ardous war remained, the war for the union and integrity of the States. A temple had to be erected for liberty to dwell in. Our fathers builded and they builded better than they knew. Chief among American builders was Alexander Hamilton. After the lapse of over a hundred years, free from prejudice, envy, and hate, we can look back with national pride upon the colossal grandeur of his character and declare him to be the noblest, the surest, the most profound of all the architects of our government. Next to Washington, he deserves to be classed at the very head of America's greatest statesmen. He was indeed a political giant. His figure stands out in bold out-line above all others. The whole of Europe has proclaimed him to be the ablest jurist and statesman ever produced in America. In thoroughness of scholarship, in extent and depth of knowledge, in profundity of research, in wisdom and judg-ment in application, Hamilton can be equaled by no man ever connected with the conduct of our nation's affairs. After being tried and tested for more than a century of time, the republic stands firmer, steadier, stronger than ever before. Politically, industrially and commercially, Hamilton has helped more than any man to make us what we are, and as the years recede this fact continues to grow clearer and obtains a more complete recognition from the American people. He placed the stamp of his influence and genius upon the character of our institu-tions never to be erased, and out of the greatest crisis which ever befell a country, he brought forth harmony, unity and system. As a boy, Hamilton was precocious and ambitious. Very early in life he showed signs of future greatness. Intense ap-plication of an already fertile mind to all his school and col-lege tasks fitted him for the larger work before him. While yet a mere boy he was grappling with weighty problems of state and government. Almost immediately at the beginning of the Revolution he THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 95 became Washington's trusty aid-de-camp. All through those dark and troublous days, which sorely tried the honored gen-eral's soul, Hamilton was constantly by his side to advise and encourage, to write all his official papers and to act as his diplomat in cases which involved mighty and often uncertain issues. Truly he was the war complement of Washington. He solved the most knotty problems. "He interpreted the past, understood the present, and divined the future." Who will say that his sound judgment and keen foresight did not contribute largely to the final outcome of the war? The condition of the country at the close of the Revolution is well known to every student of American history. A hungry, ragged, unpaid army, a ruined national credit, a bank-rupt treasury, a disordered finance, a distracted commerce, thirteen ghastly States, groping about in the darkness like ghastly spectres in a graveyard with nothing to guide them but the despised articles of confederation and a wretched Congress with power to devise but none to enforce. No executive, no judiciary! A nation free but none to guide! "One today; thirteen to-morrow." Oh, the misery and the dilapidated con-dition of the colonies at the end of the Revolution ! Independ-ence, but no union! It was a crisis, terrible and momentous. Not until the wise men of eighty-seven came together in convention was there anything accomplished. Then the Con-stitution was born. Read our history and you will learn that in the work of that assembly, and in the framing of that instru-ment, Hamilton led, and the very skeleton itself of that great Supreme Law is the fruit of wisdom. The convention ad-journed and placed the work of their hands before the bar of the people. They howled, and cried, "Monarchy," "Tyranny," "Aristocracy," "Centralization." The States cried out against the loss of any of their so-called rights. At this juncture Hamilton came forward in the Federalist. He argued, he pleaded, he persuaded, he overcame popular prejudice, and was victorious in the adoption of the Constitution by the States in eighty-nine. Guizot declares, "There is not in the Constitution of the 96 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. United States an element of order, of force, of duration which Hamilton has not powerfully contributed to introduce into it and give it predominance." In these words he spoke but the world's sentiment. All remember Hamilton's faithful services at the head of the Treasury Department in Washington's administration. Imagine the chaos and confusion, ruin and disorder, at this stage in our history. Upon this state of affairs he turned the full light of his well-balanced mind and out came plans and schemes, order and system. The debt was cleared away, the national bank established, the nation's credit restored, and the country began to prosper. It was marvelous and astounding! Upon the dead skeleton of a paper constitution he put flesh and blood and nerves, and into it he breathed the breath of life and it be-came a living, working organism. What a miracle! He had tested the machinery of the government and proved it prac-tical. None have paid Hamilton a higher tribute than Web-ster. "He smote the rock of national resources and abundant streams of revenue burst forth; he touched the dead corpse of the public credit and it sprang upon its feet." All that is good in our financial history for a hundred years, and more, can be traced directly to the creative mind of Hamilton; all that is poor and unsteady can be found in violation of the principles outlined in the Hamiltonian policy. Surely this Hamilton was a true, a manly man, a genuine patriot, a powerful statesman, and the glorious benefactor of a nation mighty and respected among the powers of the earth. He stood for an idea, and that idea was a representative de-mocray with strong central powers. He abhored that monster, States' Rights. He said, "Down with the States and up with the nation;" "We the people," and not "We the States." When Daniel Webster uttered that memorable speech in Congress in reply to Hayne, "Liberty and union now and forever, one and inseparable," it was only the reverberation of Hamilton's warn-ing. When Stephen A. Douglas was crying out for Squatter Sovereignty, he did it in violation of the Hamiltonian principle. And when Abraham Lincoln set free four millions of slaves 1 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 97 * with one stroke of the pen, he was only advancing the doctrine laid down by Hamilton fifty years before. The Civil War was Hamilton's war; its victory, his victory. At Gettysburg, he, as well as Meade, led the hosts for the Union ; at Appomattox, he, as well as Grant, received the sword from the grim-visaged Lee. Oh, that his words of warning had been heeded long before they were proved righteous and correct in that disastrous civil feud. Perhaps the war might have been averted. Neces-sary, or not necessary, we ought to thank God for the down-fall of Southern slavery and the maintenance of our country in-tact. April 9, 1865, marks the dying day of States' Rights, and the complete vindication of the government at Washington. The Union still stands, one and inseparable. To-day we can boast of forty-five States and six Territories, solid and compact as the Macedonian Phalanx, stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, bound together by the unbreakable bonds of like lan-guage, customs, and laws, eighty millions of people welded to-gether in unity with common interests and mutual feelings of love and sympathy. Sectional hatred and bitterness have long since died away. The North and the "South are no more. When the late call came for troops to fight Spain in behalf of her suffering, maltreated subjects, the soldiers of Georgia and Alabama marched side by side with the boys from New Hamp-shire and Vermont, General Joe Wheeler linked arms with General Miles, and all advanced abreast, oblivious of the past, mindful only of the struggle for Cuba's holy cause. Alexander Hamilton has passed away, but the principles for which he strove still live and they will continue to live so long as the United States keeps moving onward and upward in the path of righteousness and sound government. Here was a man of destiny. This republic of ours was his master ideal, this government, the substance of his political thought. His services were distinctly national, and it was the aim of his whole life to harmonize, and solidify, and unify the country. Oh, the strength, the grandeur, the power and might of 98 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. America! One to-day, one to-morrow, and may she remain one, firm and steady, until she has fulfilled the whole mission for which God intended her! America, the leader,the civilizer, the Christianizer of the whole world! America, united, "The land of the free and the home of the brave!" THS BELI/. IN the early gray of morning When in dreamland far you stray, Far away from books and lessons And the tasks of every day, You are suddenly awakened, Roused from slumber's drowsy spell By a most unearthly clatter— The unwelcome rising bell. If you're trying hard to scribble Just a line to Jack or Paul, And you think you'll surely finish Ere the postman makes his call; When you're midway in your missive And you've lots of news to tell— Then your roommate shouts, "Oh, Nellie! Eton't you hear the breakfast bell ?" When you're deep in some good story, And the hero of the tale Is involved in awful peril And his plans seem sure to fail; You will hear a sound familiar, An impatient ting-a-ling— At the most absorbing moment, Then the school bell's sure to ring. But when you're in recitation And you know the lesson well, All except the last two pages And you're yearning for the bell From the horrors of a zero Kind deliverance to bring Ere the teacher swoops upon you— Then the bell will never ring. E. H. R. in The College Folio. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 99 "YARNS." FRESHMAN. ^^NE day, this Winter, one of the professors of this institu- ^^ tution agreed to go skating with me. We followed the railroad, which was the nearest way to the pond to which we were going, when we came to a trestle over which we had to pass. This trestle suggested to the professor's mind a story. I will not vouch for its truth, but will say that this and the other stones following were really told. "This trestle," he said, "reminds me of one which I had to cross one time. As I was crossing it I was very much alarmed to find that a train was approaching and was so near that I could not possibly get to the other side of the trestle before the train would overtake me. I had to think very quickly and at once saw that the only thing for me to do was to drop down and hold on the railroad ties with my hands. But it so hap-pened that my one hand was hurt so that I had to hold on only by the other. However, since that was my only possible way of saving my life, I had to drop and hold on until the train had passed." I thought that this was a very good "yarn," but felt that I ought not to be outdone, and so I said: "Well, that may be true, but I had a much more thilling ad-venture one time. It was when I was out in the Rocky Moun-tains. I had come to a very long trestle and was crossing it- It was a bitter cold day and I was hurrying to get to my desti-nation. Nevertheless, I was delayed by an unlooked-for occur rence. A train was rapidly coming on and I was in great peril, for I, like you, could not possibly reach the end of the trestle in time to save myself as you did, for I had in my hands some very valuable packages. Although there was a great deal of water below I felt that in- order to escape the train, which was almost upon me, I would have to jump. You know how your tongue will adhere to iron or steel on a cold day ? Well, as I jumped I thought of this and quickly put out my IOO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. tongue. As soon as it touched the bottom of the rail, the rail held it and there I hung, held only by my tongue, until the train had passed. I then put my package on the track and having climbed up, went on my way." This was almost too much for the professor, -but he was ready for me and said: "Why, that was nothing at all. I was once in the same predicament. I was on a trestle, a train was coming, I could not get across and I had four valuable packages in my hands. I saw that I would have to jump and at once did so, but my collar button caught on the lower part of the rail and held me until the train passed when I managed to crawl up to the track." Now, these stories may sound a little "fishy," but when you consider that a professor and I told them, I think you will put a little belief in them. However, they helped to pass the time and made us feel in good enough spirits to enjoy the skating immensely. MEMORIES. THE night creeps on. From off the still gray shore A heavy fog rolls in, and seems to shroud The world about me in a murky cloud. Of darkness, such as ne'er was felt before. In my very soul the shadows pour Their sober gloom; in loneliness low-bowed, My spirit faints before a clinging crowd Of memories—of days that are no more. But hark! A strain of music threads the gloom, And like a ray from heaven doth swift reveal My mother dear, singing that song one night, While summer moon-beams flooded all the room. Ah, once again her loving glance I feel, Sweet benediction—all is peace and light. —MINNIE B. MORRISON. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. IOI "THE MILL WILL NEVER GRIND WITH THE WATER THAT IS PAST." LYMAN A. GUSS, '04. ^3^7"HAT is man? Man is two things. First, he is clay ^ * and destined to die. Secondly, he is spirit and des-tined to live. But man is only a singular being and hence must involve these two seemingly separate forms of existence. The first idea associates man with time; the second with eter-nity. Concerning the latter we have no interest so far as material gain and human achievements go. Concerning the former we have the supremest interest, both in regard to worldly advancement and spiritual salvation; for the first stage is but a stepping-stone to the second. To man is granted to know the present and the past, but with reference to the future he may only conjecture. In truth does not even the proverbial saying limit this privilege by proclaiming: "Boast not thyself of to-morrow; for thou knowest not what a day may bring forth." So recasting our former proposition it may be said with equal propriety, The mill will only grind with the water that is present. Man is the mill; the grinding of the mill is his influence and life product; and the water is time. Philosophers would tell us-that there is no present; that there is no mental ground between past and future. They would thereby make time contradict itself. Man acts only in the present, and his work is over as soon as transition from present to past occurs. He has never accomplished anything in the future. The world was made in present time, even in the twinkling of an eye. The God of the universe spoke and the earth was. Every separate act of any kind, simple or complex, contributing perhaps to the completion of some great work is always done in the present—never in the past, never in the future. O Time, defacer of the sculptured stone, Destroyer grim of all things here below— The clay-built cottage and the princely throne By thee are laid, without distinction, low ! 102 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Without a pause thou run'st thy swift career, Within king man does not perceive 'tis so ; He hopes another and another year Till death, unlooked for, strikes the fatal blow. In mail like thine my being ever shall Of Life's bright Present wear its coronal." But let us assume a somewhat broader view; let us consider the present as a day, as a month, or even as a year, and pass unnoticed the record of our acts upon the slate of time until at the end of one of these periods, when a retrospection will reveal the employment of our time, putting on the one side our good deeds, on the other side the bad. Then it is, when an attempt is made to counterbalance these two accounts, that we will comprehend the value of diligence and good works. To-day, this hour, even this minute is the time to act. To-day form your ideals, arouse your ambition, and with all the po-energy of your soul strive to realize them. He who covets success must face obstacles almost unsurmountable, must suffer hardships almost beyond endurance, and must overcome the strongest of opposition with an iron will. Failures are but stepping-stones to greater effort. Let every one have a definite aim, and, having made a firm decision, let him push straight forward to the goal, in order that he may utilize in a profitable manner and to the best of his ability the allotment given him by Father Time, remembering that "Time and tide wait for no man," and that "The mill will never grind with the water that is past." The present is full of opportunities, and there is great advan-tage in alertness. Truly has Longfellow said: "Trust no Future howe'er pleasant! Let the dead Past bury its dead! Act, act in the living Present! Heart within and God o'erhead !" Now is the opportunity given of taking Time by the fore-lock and thereby accruing personal advantage. The idler has never performed any task worth mentioning. Men lacking energy are always destined to fail in Life's battle. Such a per- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I03 son is lost by the wayside while his companions surge on with the mighty throng endeavoring to scale the mountain of suc-cess. He who fails to progress in worldly conquest is but the retracer of his own footsteps, going about in a circle, as it were, whose radius differs in proportion to his ability. Personal advantage is gained only by instant action in event of possibil-ity for advancement. Opportunities great and small, the smaller tending always to greater ones, continually thrust themselves in our pathway, and ours it is but to embrace them and profit thereby. Every moment of youth is precious as gold, and al-most every hour determines one notch in the wheel of our destiny. Great men whose deeds have startled the world and whose lives have become history have been men of quick perception and of instantaneous action. Ancient and modern history fur-nishes many instances. Did Leonidas make his brave stand at Thermopylae except by grim determination and opportune re-sistance? Did Chas. Martel redeem Christianity except by nerves of steel and timely onslaught? Did Napoleon, the greatest soldier of the modern world, change the map of Europe except by realizing the might and strength of his power?—he of whom it is said: "Decision flashed upon his councils and it was the same to decide and to perform." Or did even a Dewey send a fleet to destruction except by his cognition of favorable circumstances? No indeed. Their convictions have been wholly different from those of the man of slow growth, he -who believes in the hand of Fate. They have been convinced of the fact that to do or die is the only policy in a supreme moment. So time rolls by, sealing every minute the fate of many men. How many lives are spent in vain? How many are wasted by degenerate living? On the sands of time are the foot-prints of the many. Echoing through the corridors of time resound the foot-steps of the few. These are the men of sterling worth, who have discovered the secret of human prowess, who have found the key to success, and who have performed their parts on demand. Now let us employ the future but a moment and • 104 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. hope that the time is coming when the youth of our land will adopt higher ideals, will more eagerly strive to attain them, and will be incited to greater individual effort thereby; while on the ocean of Life they hear the breezes sighing, "The mill will never grind with the water that is past." EVENTIDE. A GLORY gilds the distant hills, While the western sun sinks into the sea ; The golden light shines out more bright For the gathering shadows on the lea ; And then, as the mellow sunlight dies, The stars shine forth in the darkening skies, When the night is nigh. When joys are done, and the setting sun Of our dearest hopes thus sheds around A glory fair ere dark despair Comes like a cheerless night profound ; As fades the slowly dying light, Lo, stars of promise greet the sight In faith's clear sky, —W. G. in The Roanoke Collegian. TWILIGHT. THERE'S a sweetness in the air When the sun is low, And the sky is flushed and bare When the light winds blow. And the shadows come and go While the night bird calls Across the dewy meadows when the twilight falls. There's a sadness in my heart And the tears fall fast As I muse upon a day dream All too sweet to last; And my thoughts are of the past When the night bird calls Across the dewy meadows when the twilight falls. —B. F. G. in The College Folio. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffi.ce at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. XI GETTYSBURG, PA., MAY, 1902 No. 3 Editor-in-chief H. S. LEWARS, '03 Assistant Editors Exchange Editor Miss MARY WILSON, '04 SAM. P. WEAVER, '04 LYMAN A. GUSS, '04 Business Manager E. CARL MUMFORD, '03 Asst. Business Manager FRED. MASTERS, '04 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RTCHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. Who does not love the Spring tide, the SPRING TERM. . , a , . ,,. . time of opening flowers, of budding trees and singing birds ? Surely everyone is glad for this beautiful season, and is happy to bid adieu to cold Winter. Our charm-ing poet, Ghaucer, loved the Spring, and somewhere says: * * "Whan that the month of May Is comen, and ±hat I here the foules singe, And that the flowers ginnen for to springe Farwel my boke and my devocioun." It would seem, when we consider the state of affairs here, that Chaucer is not alone in such sentiments. I do not mean that chapel exercises suffer lack of attendance or recitations a lack of preparation. But this feeling is present and manifests io6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. itself to such an extent that when recitations are over if you want to find a fellow you look for him on the athletic field or in the woods. Now, this is without doubt beneficial, but liter-ary work suffers greatly on this account, and as a consequence, the literary journal must fall somewhat below its usual standard of excellence. Give plenty of time to exercise; it is a good thing, but there ought to be a reflex action from exercise upon work. Give a reasonable amount of time to athletics; the college depends upon it, but don't neglect literary work. ■^ It has been the custom for many years for SENIOR MEMORIAL. each, grad,uat.i.ng cl, ass to l, eave somet.h,.ing as a memorial. Most classes have planted an ivy vine to cling to the walls of the chapel, and every June a few of the mem-bers attending commencement paid it a visit and watered it if it was needed. Often during a hot summer the little vine cried out for water, but the scorching sun was sent instead, and as there was no kind hand to give it relief, it wilted and died. The present Senior class has another plan for its memorial, and instead of adding to the supply of ivy vines has decided to make a new walk leading from South College to the main road. This is a new departure and is one of the most commendable things done by any class for the institution. It has another feature in it, for every member of the class can aid in the work, and they have done so, for the preliminary work is finished. In future years when they visit the institution they will find no small pleasure in the thought that with their own hands they helped to make this walk. Next year when they are gone, the student rushing into the dormitory in the driving rain, will be spared the inconvenience of sinking six inches into the ground at every step, and will speak a benediction upon this thoughtful class. This walk is a fitting memorial for the class. CATALOGUE. The catalogue for this college year is pub-lished. As a whole it speaks improvement. The book itself has a chaste cover, and the printing and half- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I07 tone work reflects great credit upon the printers, Barbehenn & Little. Another elective has been added to the coarse, giving those who care to avail themselves of the opportunity another year in French. Hitherto, only one year was offered in French, and it was spent in the elementary study of the language. Another feature has been added to this department. Inter-national correspondence both in French and German has been arranged for those who care to avail themselves of it. This is very beneficial and &11 should welcome the improvement in the department and hence in the college. K^> EXCHANGES. THE exchanges for last month have arrived very slowly^ A few of them are very creditable, but a great majority have fallen far below their former standard. Lack of space will not permit any further review of them but we have quoted from the most creditable, in the body of the magazine. BOOK REVIEW. Vergil's Aineid. Books I—VI. Harlan Balard. Mifflin & Co., Boston and New York, #1.50. Houghton, It is a most difficult task to give a faithful translation of the works of a famous writer. The style of the original, the strength of diction, the intensity of feeling are often lost. Es-pecially is this true of poetry and on this account very few good translations are extant. In this translation the author has given a faithful rendition of the text. He has preserved the meter of Vergil—-the son-orous heroic hexameter, Those who cannot enjoy the poem in the original will find this an admirable translation. io8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. A sk your bookseller to shewyou these books. Published by Hinds & Nobley New York. Songs of All the Colleges - - - $1.50 Songs of the Eastern Colleges ■ - 1.25 Songs of the Western Colleges ■ - 1.26 New Songs for Glee Clubs - .50 3 Minute Declamations for College Men '" 1.00 3 Minute Readings for College Girls - 1.00 New Pieces for Prize Speaking - - 1.25 Pros and Cons (Complete Debates) - 1.50 Commencement Parts,( Orations, Essays, etc.) 1.50 Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Pres. and Treas. Robt. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hiimmelstown Brown Stone Compaq, QUARRYMEN and Manufacturers of BUILDING STONE, SAWED FLAGGING, and TILE, IALTONVILLE DAUPHIN COUNTY, PENNA. Contractors for all kinds of Cut Stone Work. Telegraph and Express Address, BROWNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting Quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station, on the P. & R. R.R. RIDER AGENTS WANTED one in each town to ride and exhibit a sample 1902 model bicycle of our manufacture. YOU CAN MAKE $10 TO $BOA VKEEWbesides having awheel to ridefor yourself. I902 Models SfifiS $9 fo$l5 1900 and 1901 Models M B fl E K s E T s $7 f0 $(| 500 Second Hand Wheels^**, PA I a Ken iii trade by our Chicago retail stores, allyj 10yQ makes and models, good as new ~ ""^~ We ship any bicycle OH APPROVAL to any-one without a cent deposit in advance and allow You take absolutely no risk in ordering from us, as you do not need to pay a cent if the bicycle does not suit you. ItA DAT B5817 a wheel until you have written for our UU Kill DUI FACTORY PRICES & FREE TRIAL OFFER. Tires, equipment, sundries and sporting goods of all kinds, at half regular prices, in our big free sundry catalogue. Con-tains a world of useful information. Write for it. WANT a, reliable person in each town to distribute catalogues for us in exchange for a bicycle. Write today for free catalogue and our speoial offer. J. L. MEAD CYCLE CO., Chicago, III. 10 DAYS FREE TRIAL. . WE RECOMMEND THESE FIRMS. The Pleased Customer is not a stranger in our estab-lishment— he's right at home, you'll see him when you call. We have the materials to please fastidious men. J. D. LIPPY, HXEerelaia.rrt Tailor, 29 Chambersburg Street, GETTYSBURG, PA. CITY HOTEL, Main Street, - Gettysburg, Pa. Free Bus to an from all trains. Thirty seconds' walk from either depot. Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35. Rates, $1.50 to $2.00 per Day. John E. Hughes, Prop. L. M. ALLEMAN, Manufacturers' Agent and Jobber of Hardware, Oils, Paints and Queensware, CETTYSBURC, PA. The only Jobbing House in Adams County. GHAS. E. BARBEHCHH. THE EAGLE HOTEL Corner Main and Washington Sts. | Roehiier's Cream of Roses For Chapped Hands, Face, Lips, and Rough Skin. Removes Tan and Sunburn. Gentlemen should use it after shaving. It cures razor pimples. Price, 25 cents. For sale at CODORI'S DRUG STORE. t B. ^zmillei1, Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and Douglas Shoes, GETTYSBURG, PA. WEIKERT & CROUSE, Butchers, Everything in this line we handle. GIVE US A TRIAL. Baltimore Street, - Gettysburg. COME AND SEE one of the larg-est, best lighted and equipped Modern Photographic Stndios in Pennsylvania, which will be oc-cupied about April 1st. Nos. 20 and 22 Chambersburg St. On opposite side of street from old stand. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. AMOS ECKERT Latest Styles in HATS, SHOES AND GENT'S FURNISHING 4k 4* .Our specialty. WALK-OVER SHOE AMOS ECKERT Prices always right The Lutheran puhligjjing {huge. No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA. Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt., THESE FIRMS ARE O. K. PATRONIZE THEM. E. H. FORREST liaiieliiw Beef, Veal, Pork, Lamb. Special rates to Clubs. * 1850^1902 * Our Name has stood as a guarantee of Quality for over half a Century JEWELiEH AND SIIiVE^SJVUTH 214 and 216 Market St., - . Harrisburg, Pa Latest Designs Prices Reasonable Chas. S. Mumper. ^^ FURNITRUE Picture Frames of all sorts Repair work done promptly will also buy or exchange any second-hand furniture. 4 Chambersbnrg St., - - - GETTYSBURG, PA. For a nice sweet loaf of Bread call on Baiter of Bread arxd. 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Draft Translation: Not for CitationWhat follows is another attempt at a translation of an important text by André Tosel on the Marx/Spinoza relation. It is not a finished, or polished translation, but a rough sketch put forward to help people get a sense of this overlooked articulation of the relation between Marx and Spinoza.For a Systematic Study of the Relation of Marx to Spinoza: Remarks and Hypotheses
André Tosel Published in 2008 in the book Spinoza au XIXe Siècle The question of relation of the thought of Marx to that of Spinoza has up until now been the subject of more of a hermeneutic investigation than a philology. It is easier to construct a history of the different interpretations of Spinoza at the center of different Marxisms then to have determined the precise function of the reference to Spinoza in the work of Marx and to define the use Marx made of the spinozist problematic and the elaboration of his thought. More or less the Marxists that were first developed a relation to Spinoza were an important milestone on the way to developing what could be called a historical and materialist dialectic. The relation begins in the midst of the Second International. The singularity of Spinoza's thought has often been reduced to a stepping stone on the way to "monist" immanentism, which is supposed to be its philosophical structure at least in the reception of two thinkers, as Plekhanov has asserted in some preliminary texts working from some notes of Engels in manuscripts published in the USSR under the title of the Dialectic of Nature. In the dogmatic frame of the struggle between idealism and materialism, Spinoza anticipates materialism by his thesis of the unity of nature and by his doctrine of the equal dignity of the attribute of extension in relation to the attribute of thought. The doctrine of mode and substance causality, coupled with the critique of final causality and the illusions of superstition, signifies at the same time an overcoming of mechanistic thinking and the first form of the dialectic. Rare were those who, like Antonio Labriola, were careful not to oppose two conceptions of the world head-on and maintained a certain distance with polemical opposition, preferring instead to indicate that Marx did for mode of production what Spinoza had done for the world of the passions—a geometry of their production. In the Soviet Union before the Stalinist freeze, this interpretive tension is reproduced: Spinoza becomes the terrain through which the clarification of the dialectic takes place opposing mechanists and anti-mechanists, and original articulation of the thesis of liberty as the comprehension of necessity. These problems have been clarified somewhat. (Zapata, 1983; Seidel, 1984; Tosel, 1995)One would have to wait for the deconstructive enterprise of Louis Althusser for this movement to be reversed. Spinoza is no longer a moment in the teleology which is integrated and surpassed on the way to Marxism-Leninism. His work is the means of theoretical production for reformulating the philosophical and scientific revolution of Marx without recourse to only the Hegelian dialectic. Spinoza is the first to have elaborated a model of structural causality that makes it possible to think the efficacy of the structure as an absent cause over its effects. The theory of knowledge is not one that authorizes absolute knowledge, but it announces this infinite exigency of a break with ideology without the hope of arriving at transparent knowledge. It obliges one to renounce any idea of communism as a state of a final reconciliation in social relations which would be deprived of any contradictions. "We have always been spinozists,' Althusser announces in the Elements of Self-Criticism, and then proceed to the Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect from the Hegelian dialectic. It is then only an epistemological obstacle which prevents Marx from realizing the full power of his critique of political economy and to explore the continent of history that he discovered. Spinoza for clarifying Marx himself. Everything has been clarified. (Cotten 1992; Raymond, Moreau, 1997). In terms of historical research, the spinozist studies that have been made after the end of the nineteen sixties in France and Italy have often been made by researchers who have rubbed shoulders with Marxism. We find the same oscillation between a tendency to read Spinoza according to a pre-marxist perspective, in the sense of a dialectic of emancipation, or liberation from a theological political complex and disalienation, even constituent power, and another tendency insisting on the infinity of the struggle against all illusions, even those of total liberation, affirming the unsurpassable dimension of the imagination in the constitution of the conatus and in the production of the power of the multitude. This oscillation is manifest often in the same commentators, often itself a function of the change of the historical conjuncture. However, up until now, there has never been an attempt to study from Marx's works themselves the structural function of the spinozist reference in the constitution of Marxist theory, one which would permit us to better understand the understanding that Marx made of Spinozist work. The interpretations have anyway have developed from a certain exteriority to the letter of Marxists texts. Several years ago, a German researcher, Fred E. Schrader, in a short text dedicated to the thematic of "substance and concept" chez Marx (Substanz und Funktion: zur Marxsrezeption Spinoza's) drew attention to this situation (1984). He rightly noted that it was necessary to distinguish two moments in the research to avoid any merely external confrontation: a) first, obviously, document the explicit and implicit mentions of Spinoza in Marx's text; 1) then, reconstruct the position of the reference to Spinoza in the process of the constitution of the critique of political economy which is the central Marxist work, alongside of the references to "Hegel" which one knows were constitutive in the years of 1857-1858. Only this philological and philosophical work can permit us to renew the state of the question. Schrader's study must be considered. We propose to develop it and comment on it because up until now it has not received the attention that it merits. Before everything else, it is necessary to be precise. The work envisioned must be considerable, it includes taking into account the texts published by Marx, those published posthumously by Engels and by Kautsky, and all of those—collections of notes and thematic notebooks—which make up the incomplete nature of Capital, including Marx's correspondence. The MEGA 2, Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe, still incomplete, has not finished being scrutinized. This work could begin from the hypothesis that we can conceptualize two periods in Marx's work from which it is possible to reassemble occurrences that conceptualize the reference to Spinoza in order to determine their structural function. The first period corresponds to the years of his formation and the interlinking of the critique of politics and the early critique of political economy, it begins with the concept of history underlying the German Ideology and culminates in the Poverty of Philosophy and the Communist Manifesto. The second period begins with the research operating under the title of the critique of political economy beginning in 1857, interrupted provisionally in January of 1859 and beginning again in 1861. The reference to Spinoza is more explicit in the first period where it is a matter of an specifically political practice, articulating a materialism of practice. It is less explicit in the second period, it functions nonetheless as a fundamental operator in the essential theory of the substance of value in capital. The Philosophical Intensifier of Spinoza of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. Destruction of the Theologico-Political Complex and Democratic Radicalism. Marx encounters Spinoza in the beginning of his theoretical and political journey. In 1841 we know from the preface by Alexandre Matheron (Cahiers Spinoza), Marx, after his doctorate, reproduced the extracts he copied from the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (MEGA 2 VI/I Berlin, 1977). He is curiously presented as the author of these texts and moreover they are reorganized in their own order which is not that of the Tractatus itself. The chapters containing the critique of the supernatural, of the miracle, and all of all forms of superstition are brought forward as essential and open on the properly political chapters dedicated to the freedom of thought (XX) and the foundation of the republic (XVI). The Ethics is not ignored but it is not reproduced, Letter XII takes the place of a speculative text and is accompanied with Letter LXXVI to Burgh. Everything takes place as if Marx considered as the most important question to be that of theological politics and is concentrated on the question of human freedom in its radical ethico-political dimension. What is important is that the revolutionary democratic state is realized according to this concept. One could also consider that Spinoza is utilized here as one of the figures that a Doctorate of Philosophy considers along with Aristotle, Kant, Fichte, and Hegel as provocations, of that which puts knowledge in the service of a life liberated from the fear of authorities, which reappropriates humanity's power of thinking and acting confiscated in the service of gods and fetishes. In a certain manner Epicurus is the paradoxically the first of the thinkers who claims that "it is a misfortune to live in necessity, but it is not necessary to live under necessity." This truth finds a new application, after the French Revolution, in the age of a new ethics, where free individuals recognize themselves in a free state. 2. The explicit reference to Spinoza is displaced in the texts of the years 1841-1843—the Kreuznach manuscript dedicated to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, followed by the introduction and the Jewish Question. These constitute the Feuerbachian moment of Marx, at the heart of his theory of the alienation of the human essence. One must not make this critique of politics a simple transition towards the discovery of the alienation of social powers, nor understand it as an end of a politics understood as primarily statist. It is the ethico-political liberation which requires a transformation of social relations and which is a transvaluation or emancipation of social powers. Spinoza is not named, but certain passages from the TTP are repeated almost to the letter: Spinoza figures as the index of a new task , that is lacking in Hegel which is that of thinking beyond the dualism of civil society and the state. The name of this passage is democracy or true democracy. Marx returns to the letter of the Spinozist thesis according to which democracy is not only the name of a constituted political regime, but the essence of politics, the most natural regime, constituting the power of the people. The intensive force of Spinoza is that of democracy not as a mystical act or utopian ecstasy, but as a process of constitution that replaces actual void of the Hegelian state where the people lack themselves, in which the state becomes something separate, still theologico-political. Democracy is the active process by which the people is refigured as the negative instance of any separate political form and gives a political form to its social power. "Democracy is the truth of monarchy, monarchy is not the truth of democracy. Monarchy is necessarily democracy in contradiction with itself, whereas the monarchial moment is no contradiction within democracy. Monarchy cannot, while democracy can be understood in terms of itself In democracy none of the moments obtains a significance other than what befits it. Each is really only a moment of the whole Demos. In monarchy one part determines the character of the whole; the entire constitution must be modified according to the immutable head. Democracy is the generic constitution; monarchy is a species, and indeed a poor one. Democracy is content and form; monarchy should be only form, but it adulterates the content. In monarchy the whole, the people, is subsumed under one of its modes of existence,. the political constitution; in democracy the constitution itself appears only as one determination, and indeed as the self-determination of the people. In monarchy we have the people of the constitution, in democracy the constitution of the people. Democracy is the resolved mystery of all constitutions. Here the constitution not only in itself, according to essence, but according to existence and actuality is returned to its real ground, actual man, the actual people, and established as its own work. The constitution appears as what it is, the free product of men." It is possible to remark that this constituent power of the demos tends to be presented as a sort of causa sui in the order of world of social relations. The naturalist dimension thematized in the Ethics is not posited here with the insistence of humanity as part of nature, with the thematization of the relations between internal and external causality. Necessity seems to have disappeared for an instant. It is notable that this in the same moment that Feuerbach defends Spinoza's naturalism against Hegelian idealism and makes the author of the Ethics the Moses of modern thought who has destroyed theology by his pantheism, while reproaching him, for not having arrived at a radical humanist affirmation, since he maintained an equivocal equivalence between the naturalization of god and the divinization of nature. The Marxist reference is primarily to the ethico-political Spinoza, one of the "intellectual heroes of morality" as he says in a text contemporary with it, "Comments on the Latest Russian Censorship—" along with Kant and Fichte he is one of the heroes that found and defend the principal of moral autonomy. Spinoza makes it possible to undertake a philosophical political of Hegel, the people would be the only ontological instance that constitutes the political constitution, which is to say democracy, of civil society. Spinoza makes it possible to introduce a new dialectic within the incomplete dialectic of The Principles of the Philosophy of Right. This dialectic is simultaneously a critique. The object of this critical dialectic is the self-constitution of political activity in the struggle to overcome the domination of abstract entities erected into speculative abstractions defining the latest avatars of the theological-political complex. Schrader does not say more in the exposition of the reference to Spinoza in this first period. We could take a step beyond his analysis. A unpublished path seems to be presented. We could in fact explore it as Yovel has done (Spinoza and Other Heretics); also the first book of Matheron, Individu et communauté chez Spinoza (1968) examines the double relation of the human conatus to other conatuses and objects that suit them or do not suit them the rudiments of a theory of objectification of the human essence that Marx elaborates in the texts of 1844 where he analyzes the people under the figure of the proletariat subject and object of alienated labor. The reading can shed light on Spinoza, but Marx has for his interlocuters Hegel, Adam Smith, and Feuerbach. Spinoza does not intervene here explicitly. It is preferable to follow the letter of his texts. 3. The text which follows, The Holy Family of 1845, indicates an unexamined reversal of perspective. Far from finding in Spinoza a radical thinker of liberty through the radicalization of the democratic process and developing Feuerbach's theses of the virtues of Spinoza's naturalization, far from continuing the anti-idealist elements of Spinoza, Marx for the first time distances himself from Spinoza placing him on the side of Descartes, of Malebranche, of Leibniz, of abstract rationalist metaphysics, in a paragraph before celebrating the materialists in which he inscribes himself. These are the materialists of the French Enlightenment, La Mettrie, Holbach, Helvétius, which are lauded for having operated outside of metaphysics. These are the authors that Plekhanov reinscribes as a defenders of monistic materialism in the thought of nature and in the theory of history. Certainly as Olivier Bloch in an important contribution has demonstrated ("Materialism, genesis of Marxism, 1981, reprinted in Matières à penser, Vrin, 1997), this chapter of the history of philosophy is a plagiarism by Marx who literally takes it from the Manuel d'histoire de la philosophie moderne by Charles Renouvier (1844). The soviet Diamat has been founded by a French critic… But the fact remains that Marx endorses this reconstruction which prefers Bacon, Hobbes and Locke to Spinoza, lauding them for the empiricism and nominalism: the English thinkers critique metaphysic speculation and open directly the way to materialism. Pierre Bayler in France can be considered the only fellow traveler of British empiricism by his scepticism he dissolves the metaphysics of Spinoza and Leibniz (The Holy Family, 171). The Spinoza criticized here is that of the Ethics understood as a dogmatic treatise of metaphysics which has a "profane content" but it has lost its historical condition. This is no longer the antitheological political Spinoza but the speculative philosopher. Is it necessary to conclude that this is a contradiction on the part of Marx and to forget his previous theses? It is a surprising oversight because that which Marx and Renouvier give credit to Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke can be imputed to Spinoza as well. Everything takes place as if Marx, put off by the metaphysics of the Ethics forgets what he had found in the TTP—and this seems to be a permanent transformation. In fact the contradiction is not only apparent, or, more to the point, it concerns Spinoza himself. Marx does not have as his object an analysis of Spinozism. He uses the latter by breaking it down according to the needs of his task which is at this moment is to study the activity of real man and the possibility of his transformation by bringing together the theoretical humanism of Feuerbach, the French communism and socialism, and the English thinkers who represent this humanism in the domain of practice. "[Metaphysics] will be defeated for forever by materialism which has now been perfected by the work of speculation itself and coincides with humanism. As Feuerbach represented materialism in the theoretical domain, French and English socialism and communism represent materialism in the practical field which now coincides with humanism." (The Holy Family, pg. 168) One can detect in this passage the presence of a schematic of the history of modern philosophy which has echoes of Moses Hess and Ludwig Feuerbach, the two have confronted the problem of the critical comprehension of Hegel and have begun to present a reinterpretation of the grand moments of the history of philosophy after their master. Marx deviates from the interpretation of Hess given in a text which had a particular impact: The Sacred History of Mankind by a Young Disciple of Spinoza (1838). Hess appropriates Spinoza's theory of knowledge and exploits his theory of the imagination to develop a positive sense of social utopia, and overall makes Spinoza the true alternative to Hegel's Christian philosophy. Far from being an acosmism, the theory of substance is the perfect incarnation of the Hebraic idea of the unconditional unity of all. It is paradoxical, the other part, of the interpretation by Renouvier followed by Marx recovers and conceals that of Feuerbach that one can find in the same period in Preliminary Theses for the Reform of Philosophy (1842) and Principles of the Philosophy of the Future (1843). Marx brushes up against these theses of Feuerbach on Spinoza without reproducing them in their entirety. They make Spinoza an important moment in modern philosophy: at the heart of this movement they make this philosophy an important realization of the humanization of God, Spinoza remains still a speculative philosopher who is at once produces the realization and negation of God. Speculative metaphysics realizes with him its ultimate phase which is determined contradictorily as theism and atheism in the form of pantheism. "Spinoza is the originator of speculative philosophy, Schelling its restorer, Hegel its perfecter."(Thesis 102) Pantheism becomes the only consequential theology in that it anticipates the end of theology in atheism. The Spinozist substance transforms all independent beings into predicates, into attributes of a unique and independent being. God is no longer only a thing thought, it is equally an extended thing (Thesis 3). Spinoza does not make the self-activity of self-consciousness the attribute that unifies and transforms substance into subject. This was Hegel's tour de force but he paid for it with an absolute idealism of spirit since once again spirit prevails over extension and concrete man is subject to abstraction separated from reality of self-consciousness. This inscription of Spinoza in metaphysics is all the more paradoxical because Marx finds in empiricism and British materialism the theses that Feuerbach attributes to Spinoza, and Marx accepts a definition in which materialism coincides with communism. As can be seen in this passage from Principles of the Philosophy of the Future Pantheism is theological atheism or theological materialism; it is the negation of theology while itself confined to the standpoint of theology, for it turns matter, the negation of God, into a predicate or an attribute of the Divine Being. But he who turns matter into an attribute of God, declares matter to be a divine being. The realisation of God must in principle presuppose godliness, that is, the truth and essentiality of the real. The deification of the real, of that which exists materially – materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism – or the negation of theology, is the essence of the modern era. Pantheism is therefore nothing more than the essence of the modern era elevated into the divine essence, into a religio-philosophical principle. Empiricism or realism – meaning thereby the so-called sciences of the real, but in particular the natural science – negates theology, albeit not theoretically but only practically, namely, through the actual deed in so far as the realist makes the negation of God, or at least that which is not God, into the essential business of his life and the essential object of his activity. However, he who devotes his mind and heart exclusively to that which is material and sensuous actually denies the trans-sensuous its reality; for only that which constitutes an object of the real and concrete activity is real, at least for man. "What I don't know doesn't affect me." To say that it is not possible to know anything of the supersensuous is only an excuse. One ceases to know anything about God and divine things only when one does not want to know anything about them. How much did one know about God, about the devils or angels as long as these supersensuous beings were still objects of a real faith? To be interested in something is to have the talent for it. The medieval mystics and scholastics had no talent and aptitude for natural science only because they had no interest in nature. Where the sense for something is not lacking, there also the senses and organs do not lack. If the heart is open to something, the mind will not be closed to it. Thus, the reason why mankind in the modern era lost the organs for the supersensuous world and its secrets is because it also lost the sense for them together with the belief in them; because its essential tendency was anti-Christian and anti-theological; that is, anthropological, cosmic, realistic, and materialistic. [In the context of the present work, the differences between materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism are, of course, irrelevant.] Spinoza hit the nail on the head with his paradoxical proposition: God is an extended, that is, material being. He found, at least for his time, the true philosophical expression for the materialistic tendency of the modern era; he legitimated and sanctioned it: God himself is a materialist. Spinoza's philosophy was religion; he himself was an amazing man. Unlike so many others, Spinoza's materialism did not stand in contradiction to the notion of a non-material and anti-materialistic God who also quite consistently imposes on man the duty to give himself up only to anti-materialistic, heavenly tendencies and concerns, for God is nothing other than the archetypal and ideal image of man; what God is and how he is, is what man ought to be or wants to be, or at least hopes to be in the future. But only where theory does not belie practice, and practice theory, is there character, truth, and religion. Spinoza is the Moses of modern free-thinkers and materialists. 4. The anti-metaphysical fury of Marx, the blind submission to Renouvier, limits him in developing an interpretation of the Ethics more nuanced and sensitive to the historical contradictions. This situation is even more strange because it is in The Holy Family that Marx interprets materialist philosophers such that they are a Feuerbachian Spinoza. On can find then three theses that Marx distributes to different representatives of materialism and that can also be imputed to Spinoza. --Thesis 1. Nature is a primary reality, it can be explained by itself without recourse to the principle of a creator. Nothing comes from nothing. One can then have recourse to Bacon for who "the primitive forms of matter are essentially living forms, individuals, and it is they that produce specific differences." He follows, as does Hobbes, in adding that "one cannot separate thought from the matter which thinks." Thought cannot be separated from matter capable of thought. --Thesis 2. The human order is inscribed in a specific manner in nature. This specificity does not specify anything extra-worldly of human activity. Hobbes has demonstrated the sensible nature of activity. "Man is subordinate to the same laws that nature. Power and liberty are identical." The Holy Family) This order is known to promote the art of forming ideas, the human species is fundamentally educatable. ---Thesis 3. What is important is to think the constitution of this human order according to radical possibilities of the ways of transforming these necessary conditions of experience of liberty-power. "If man is unfree in the materialist sense, i.e., is free not through the negative power to avoid this or that, but through the positive power to assert his true individuality, crime must not be punished in the individual, but the anti-social source of crime must be destroyed, and each man must be given social scope for the vital manifestation of his being. If man is shaped by his surroundings, his surroundings must be made human. If man is social by nature, he will develop his true nature only in society, and the power of his nature must be measured not by the power of separate individuals but by the power of society." (The Holy Family 176). It is not necessary to give the history of philosophy presented in The Holy Family a structural importance. It acts as a provisionally constructed polemical text where Marx has given the means for his own philosophical conception in broad strokes in order to better understand the intersection of humanism, materialism, and communism. The incongruence of the treatment of Spinoza, reinterpreted to be behind Feuerbach's position, was not overlooked by Marx's comrades in combat since H. Krieg (himself denounces by Marx in a virulent circular as a confused partisan of religious socialism), he wrote in a letter of June 6, 1845 in order to restore Spinoza's battle against metaphysics overlooked by Marx, "you're probably right about what it says in the English Hobbes and Locke [i.e. that they vacillate contradictorily between materialism and theism], the same for Voltaire and his direct partisans; but Holbach is practically Spinozist, and it is with and Diderot that the Enlightenment reaches its summit and becomes revolutionary." (cited by Maximilien Rubel and his edition of the philosophical texts of Marx titled Philosophie) 5. The instrumental and fluctuating character of the reference to Spinoza as a metaphysician is confirmed precisely by The German Ideology. Marx returns in passing to the place of Spinoza in modern philosophy. Spinoza has developed the principle of substantial immanence but he has not integrated the principle with self-consciousness. Hegel would be the unity of Spinoza and Fichte (The German Ideology, 107). But for Marx this representation consigns him to a partial aspect of the Hegelian synthesis. Self-consciousness is at once a hypostasis of the real activity of human beings in the process of their self-production and the "the real consciousness of the social relations in which they appear to exists and to which they appear to be autonomous." In a similar manner substance is "an ideal hypostatized expression of the world as it exists" that is take as the foundation of the world "existing for itself." Marx returns to Feuerbach for clarification of substance and it anthropological resolution. We do not know much more, but the text seems to distinguish the Hegelian critique of substance and its possible materialist significance as "the existing world." We would have expected considerations on the immanence of modes in natura naturans and of their dynamic interdetermination. In any case, Marx refuses the young Hegelain opposition between self-consciousness and substance, and proposes to maintain the category of substance as an inseparable unity of the existing mode and the beings which constitute the world in the play of their relations. Marx's criticism has as its target the mystification of self-consciousness and its anti-substantial phobia. Everything takes place as if the ontological categories of Spinoza up until now rejected as conservative metaphysics have an intensive force irreducible to the critique of the young Hegelians. However, it remains that in this complex itinerary the use value of the reference to Spinoza is concentrated in the theological political constellation and the political constitution of the political force of social force. This reference becomes the presupposition of the materialist conception of history, but it does not intervene in the texture of these concepts. The Spinoza Reference in the Critique of Political Economy, Substance and Concept Returning to Schrader and his propositions for the study of the second moment of the reference to Spinoza, that of the Marxist use of Spinozist concepts from the Ethics in the development of the critique of political economy in the development of Capital. Schrader pays particular attention to the reappearance in the margins of the reference to Spinoza in the period of the creation and exposition of the critique of political economy which is developed from 1851 to 1863. An important letter from Marx to Lassale from May 31, 1858 which was published in an obscure book on Heraclitus, gives to Spinoza's metaphysics the same status that he gave to Hegel in a famous letter to Engels a few months before. Even among philosophers who give a systematic form to the works, as for example Spinoza, the true inner structure of the system is quite unlike the form in which it was consciously presented. The true system is only present in itself. (Marx MEW, 29, Berlin, 1963, 561).
What was of great use to me as regards method of treatment was Hegel's Logic at which I had taken another look by mere accident... If ever the time comes when such work is again possible, I should very much like to write 2 or 3 sheets making accessible to the common reader the rational aspect of the method which Hegel not only discovered but also mystified. (Correspondence Marx-Engels) Marx makes it clear that the elaboration of the critique passes through the utilization of elements of philosophical works which others appear to have completely bypassed. The presence of Hegel is the center of the interpretation of Capital. It would appear certain to this period that Marx no longer takes inspiration from the Feuerbachian critique of abstract speculation. In this case, the Idea separated from its contents generates the latter in a mystified way by legitimizing the crudest aspects, losing the benefit of seizing the real as a contradictory process, as is explained in The Holy Family or The Poverty of Philosophy. Hegel is from now on solicited for his dialectical discoveries: he elaborates the dialectic as an immanent process of thought and his discoveries serve Marx in developing his proper critique. The presence of Hegel in the period up to the publication of the first volume of Capital in 1867, in passing through diverse manuscripts of 1857-1858 (The Grundrisse) and the manuscripts from 1861-1863, has been attested to and demonstrated by works, either to reaffirm the heretical Hegelianism of Marx, (Rosdolsky, Reichelt, Zelenyi, all dedicated to research the logic of Capital, all following one of the most famous injunctions of all times, Lenin in the Notes on Dialectics) or to combat it in order to argue that Marx was Hegelian or anti-Hegelian (Althusser, and Bidet in his famous study, The Making of Marx's Capital). This usage of Hegel consists essentially in using the categories of logic to expose the theoretical structure of the passages which operate from the commodity to value, from money as the measure of value to money as the means of exchange and as the universal means of payment, from money to capital. Schrader proposes the following recovery of the Marxist exposition of Hegelian categories: --Exchange value and the form of value correspond to the pure quantity of Hegel: this value and its measure is realized as money. The Marxist measure of value adopts the Hegelian determinations of the quantitative relations and their measure. --The circulation of commodities and money is described by the concepts of an infinite qualitative and quantitative process. --Finally the passage from money to capital transposes the passage from being to essence. Marx has thus read and reused these conceptual determinations for the diverse functions of commodity, value, money and circulation. And what about Spinoza? According to Schrader, he intervenes to resolve a logical problem that is at this point unresolved, that of the determination of the concept of capital supposed to integrate the logically preceding determinations. In good Hegelianism, Marx has made the movement of capital that of the essence of the concept. When Marx maintains that exchange value is realized in the circulation of other substances, in an indefinite totality, without losing the determination of its form, always remaining money and commodities, he makes capital the totality of substances. However, it thus impossible to maintain the internal connection between capital and labor, and more precisely abstract labor. Spinoza intervenes to make possible another use of the category of substance: that would not have its function to subsume the plurality of all substances, but to determine the quality of the fluent quantity that defines abstract labor. One can see this in the text of Volume One of Capital, revised by Marx in 1873 for the French translation of J. Roy. The category of substance is introduce in the passage from the commodity to its determination as the contradictory unity of use value and exchange value. The exchange of commodities is only possible if the their values are "expressed in terms of something common to them all, of which thing they represent a greater or less quantities." This something is a substance specific to all commodities. "This common "something" cannot be either a geometrical, a chemical, or any other natural property of commodities…[] it is evident that one makes an abstraction from use value when one exchanges, and that the relation of exchange is characterized by this abstraction (Capital). Exchange and the production process which supports it operate this real abstraction from the useful qualities of the objects to be exchanged. This utility, although necessary, does not render possible the exchange of objects of value insofar as they products of labor. Exchange concerns the objects considered as products of labor. If then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour. But even the product of labour itself has undergone a change in our hands. If we make abstraction from its use value, we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the products themselves, we put out of sight both the useful character of the various kinds of labour embodied in them, and the concrete forms of that labour; there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract. Capitalism cannot be grasped as a subject enveloping the totality of the process of the development. It is no longer a simple quantity in indefinite expansion. It is thought as the "social substance of as exchange values." This substance can be determined as capital, but it goes beyond this process of determination by constituting a remainder, a "residue" that constantly reappears. "Let us now consider the residue of each of these products; it consists of the same unsubstantial reality in each, a mere congelation of homogeneous human labour, of labour power expended without regard to the mode of its expenditure. All that these things now tell us is, that human labour power has been expended in their production, that human labour is embodied in them. When looked at as crystals of this social substance, common to them all, they are – Values." The concept of Capital is not that of the concept of substance becoming subject., it returns to the concept of social substance defined as abstract labor creator of value, substance of value, and substance which increases value: purely progressive quantity reduced to its infinity which is a true infinity irreducible to the logic of bad infinity, that of capital which nonetheless subsumes it. However it is said that this reconstruction does not rest on an explicit reference to Spinoza. The objection is well founded. Schrader responds that it is Marx who reread Hegel and saw that the formal system of Spinoza could be used against Hegel critique of the concept of substance in the Logic. It is a matter of the problem of determination. Omnis determination negatio, Marx keeps reminding everyone of this. If it is Hegel who validates Spinoza's judgement by demonstrating its insufficiency which for Marx transforms into a sufficient truth to permit him to avoid identifying capital with the Hegelian concept. Capital can increase its reality only by determining this social substance of abstract labor, by negating it. The tendency of capital, its ideal, is the absolute negation of this substance. Marx makes the insufficiency of Spinoza's substance according to Hegel into a virtue. In the Logic the principle according to which determination is negation is recognized as essential. But Spinoza, according to Hegel, remains with determination as limit which is founded on an other being. The mode is in another from which it derives its being but this other is in itself. It is the integral concept of all realities. But its immanence is only apparent. Each mode negates each other, determination of each is the result of the determined negation of all of the others. Far from determining itself in these negations, substance is negated in its absolute indifference. It does not reflect itself in these negations no more than they reflect it. The Spinozist principle does not arrive at absolute negation that it anticipates contradictorily. The substance is posed by an external reflection which compromises the otherwise affirmed subsistence of the determinations which become an effervescent moment (attributes and modes). This can be read in the texts from The Science of Logic dedicated to Spinoza. "Of this proposition that determinateness is negation, the unity of Spinoza's substance — or that there is only one substance — is the necessary consequence. Thought and being or extension, the two attributes, namely, which Spinoza had before him, he had of necessity to posit as one in this unity; for as determinate realities they are negations whose infinity is their unity. According to Spinoza's definition, of which we say more more subsequently, the infinity of anything is its affirmation. He grasped them therefore as attributes, that is, as not having a separate existence, a self-subsistent being of their own, but only as sublated, as moments; or rather, since substance in its own self lacks any determination whatever, they are for him not even moments, and the attributes like the modes are distinctions made by an external intellect. Similarly, the substantiality of individuals cannot persist in the face of that proposition."Hegel, Science of Logic "Since absolute indifference may seem to be the fundamental determination of Spinoza's substance, we may add that this is indeed the case in so far as in both every determination of being, like every further concrete differentiation of thought and extension and so forth, is posited as vanished. If we stop short at the abstraction [of substance] then it is a matter of complete indifference what something looked like in reality before it was swallowed up in this abyss. But when substance is conceived as indifference, it is tied up with the need for determining it and for taking this determination into consideration; it is not to remain Spinoza's substance, the sole determination of which is the negative one that everything is absorbed in it. With Spinoza, the moment of difference — attributes, thought and extension, then the modes too, the affections, and every other determination — is introduced empirically; it is intellect, itself a mode, which is the source of the differentiation." Hegel, Science of Logic 3. It is capital which fails to realize its ideal determinations of essence and which falls back into the residue of the social substance, of the abstract labor which it masks. Capital as a mode of production is ruled by the real abstractions of exchange value which are not comprehended by social agents. Value is a social abstraction that is produced from the base of multiple dispersed evaluations, that the understanding of the economist produces only after the fact, but can be known as a real abstraction operated by society and which is determined as a social substance of abstract time. The determination of the common substance as abstract labor makes it possible to dissipate the mystification produced by the appearance of capital as the self moving essence of value. All of the people, who are modes of this substance, cannot immediately represent to themselves the internal determinations of this substance in which they appear other than as representation of theological-political complex, the same as the agents of capital who cannot represent to themselves the determinations of capital (commodity-value-money-forms of capital) without fetishizing them as autonomous movements of the value form. Theoretical knowledge, the Wissenschaft, does not dissolve this fetishism because the mechanisms of its social reproduction are founded on the constitution of these forms of representation and their real efficacy. Capital cannot arrive at self-identity in terms of an absolute reflection. The determination that Hegel imputes to Spinoza negatively of substance as exterior reflection can better convey the determinations of moments of its critique. This places within the development of initial economic forms this sort of equivalent of the attribute of extension that is human labor, this common social substance comprising the forms of modal representations which capture it, that is to say that the forms of consciousness and their functional relations in the material process of reproduction. It is therefore the relationship between the substances of abstract human labor and mystified or adequate forms of social representations of this substance that Marx finds in in the hidden Spinozian system and that he utilizes in order to escape the limits of Hegel's categories, which tend to sublimate substance into the concept and therefore annul the contradictions of capital in the passage from substance to the essence and the concept. From this point of view, Hegel and Spinoza would both be utilized without reservations by Marx as the complimentary and constitutive means of production of the critique of political economy. Spinoza would thus be primarily critical to the extent that the process of the development of the determination of capital cannot be ruled by the teleological order of being-essence-concept. The theory of the substance of abstract labor interrupts the movement of the idealization of capital from the mimesis of the Hegelian order that has been opposed. Spinoza is a moment of the emendation of the intellect internal to the Marxist critique, not an external instance that would be opposed in the confrontation with exteriority. On an Incomplete Analysis 1. Schrader goes no further. The outline of his work remains open. In particular this analysis Postulates as evidence a substantial theory of abstract labor, one that has come under criticism from multiple non-marxist thinkers (Croce, Pareto, Menger) and also, more recently, by Marxists (Althusser and Bidet). In this case the relation to Spinoza would lose its fecundity. But if one leaves to the side the labor theory of value and its supposed foundational role, on the internal level the analysis still remains allusive, because it would have been necessary to exceed the level of Volume One of Capital in order to demonstrate the decisive character of Spinoza's conceptuality in the Marxist conception. Despite these uncertainties, the perspective opened by Schrader is stimulating in that can necessitate a more rigorous study, tempering the contradictory interpretations by the rigors of philology. 2. Schrader's final remarks seem to us be more provocative. Starting from the idea that Spinoza and Marx begin from two different historical moments—that of manufacturing capital limited by the desire of hoarding and that of capitalism fully developed—the logical and ethico-political thesis of the submission of needs to absolute monetary enrichment, and that therefore the refusal of money as an end in itself, he begins to construct a shocking analogy between the third type of knowledge in Spinoza and the knowledge of the capitalist which exposes its money to circulation in order to multiply it. The determination of particular things sub specie aeternitas, as deepening the knowledge of their essence would symbolize with the effort of capitalists to insert money to measure things in their circulation sub specie capitalis. The reference to Marx attests to the irony of Marx: if the movement of true knowledge is infinite, this infinity cannot be confused with that of monetary accumulation which becomes a bad infinity because the means of accumulation are reversed and perverted to be posited as an end in itself. 3. It is more correct, as Schrader makes apparent, to find a space more effective for the forma mentis common to Marx and Spinoza: the two both diagnosis the pathology of the understanding and that of a form of life proper to a given historical world. Both understand the irreversible character of modern passions and set to understand and eventually cure these pathologies. Spinoza, son of a merchant enriched by international trade and a merchant himself in his youth, does not have contempt for money and the new wealth of nations promoted by capitalist economy. He does not dream of a return to oikos of finite needs in a household setting, he is not an aristoltean who condemns bad infinity of the circulation of merchandise which has as its object money and not the use value of merchandise. He registers the emergence of exchange value, he sees, as Aristotle did, that it is the subordination of true value. Remember the famous text from Ethics IV Appendix, consecrated to the function of money. XXVIII. Now to achieve these things the powers of each man would hardly be sufficient if men did not help one another. But money has provided a convenient instrument for acquiring all these aids. That is why its image usually occupies the mind of the multitude more than anything else. For they can imagine hardly any species of joy without the accompanying idea of money as its cause. XXlX. But this is a vice only in those who seek money neither from need nor on account of necessities, but because they have learned the art of making money and pride themselves on it very much. As for the body, they feed it according to custom, but sparingly, because they believe they lose as much of their goods as they devote to the preservation of their body. Those, however, who know the true use of money, and set bounds to their wealth according to need, live contentedly with little. The realization of money as a concept, the accumulation of money for accumulation, is unrealized. Marx adds that this goal is inaccessible because the character of use value of commodities contradicts the universal sociality of value. The common social substance in so far as it is measured in abstract labor time is measured according to quantitatively determined portions. Money is supposed to represent value in its infinite becoming of an end in itself, but it can only effectively represent a determined part. This contradiction is resolved in the deplacement that money makes in becoming capital, exchange value multiplied in profit. Spinoza's therapeutic of desire also concern the intellect of calculation: the latter is not condemned, it is superior to the intellect of avarice which theorizes by avarita and does not develop the capacity to act and think. This understanding, however, is called upon to better understand the monetary economy by subordinating it to immanent true utility, that which is inscribed in the republic of free citizens. It is only in this sense that the accumulation of wealth under the monetary form can enter into the correct perspective of knowledge of the third kind. Marx in his own way wants to understand the action of human beings without deploring or flattering them. Capital cannot be understood going from substance to the essence of the concept, but it has its basis in substance, the social substance of abstract labor, and can be rethought and regrouped in the forms of economic understanding. Capital also has as its goal a particular therapeutic manner, the health and well-being of a social body that cannot be subsumed under capital but must encompass the increase of the capacities of acting and thinking that capital subordinates to itself. 4. This anti-teleological function of the concept of substance/abstract labor is not maintained by Marx for long in his dialectic. Certainly the function of the subject cannot be attributed to capital, but it is displaced and given a different support, not that of abstract labor with its internal multiplicity and impersonality, but its bearer, that of the working class, the proletariat, the people of the people. The substance of abstract labor becomes subject in the determination that Marx always uses with the English term general intellect. One could thus see a final return of Hegel which interrupts Marx's return to Spinoza. The communism developed by the general intellect is the practical substitute of the Hegelian concept and imposes an anthropological version and anthropocentric teleology that Spinoza would not accept. What does the general intellect represent? It represents the capacity of the proletariat to organize the ensemble of forces defining the collective worker and the cooperation associated with it, under the direction of formation of the factory in the constitution of the unqualified worker, all representing the advance front of the progressive socialization of the social productive forces. Communism is not something that is imposed as a simple moral ideal, it is a product of the real historical process. However, Marx does not escape here the teleologism that he shares with majority of German idealism. The socialization of productive forces—that for Marx leads the process of the self-production of humanity realizing its immanent end and to which he attributes the function of the concept—is not realized at the level of society. It cannot in any way constitute itself as a causa sui. The human world remains a world of world of modal relations and interactions: if the effects of liberation can realize themselves at the level of the individual (by the knowledge of singular things) or at the level of collectivity ( by the democratic constitution of the multitude), these effects would not be made from a mode as a complete cause of itself under all points of view. The capacity of a mode to act and think, human individual or society, can be more or less adequate, but this adequation does not annul the difference that separates the mode which is produced by and in another which it requires to subsist and which is produced in and by itself and becomes a cause of itself. The identity of natura naturata and natura naturans cannot grant a mode the capacity to be cause of itself under all points of view: it permits it to do so under certain points of view and certain conditions which are sufficient for an ethical realization. Communism to the extent that Marx thinks in terms of the becoming concept of the collective worker exceeds the conditions and possibilities of action predicated on modes. To this structural impossibility we can add the consideration of an analytical one: modern society is not immense and singular enterprise under the order of the collective worker, it is, to say the least, a network of antagonistic enterprises in which on the contrary the process of work is fragmented to the point where it loses all material and ideal unity, a fragmentation that has been imposed by the imperative of capitalist society. Exploitation is not only maintained but it is generalized, it is only in compensation that the recomposition of labor process itself as something collective, cooperative, and associated that Marx believes leads the dialectic of the process of capitalist production. Spinozist realism is here irreducible. It does not limited us in taking the measure of the problem posed generally by Marx, it excludes, however, the solution envisioned from speculative teleology and it compels us to attempt to comprehend the modal form in which exploitation is reproduced. How can we form a new theory of the capacity for insurrection of the multitude subordinated to capital while they also resist it. What effects of liberation can still be manifested by producing new subjectivities which are embedded in real productive activities, not prisoners of unproductive ghettos ravaged by self-destructive violence, nor recluse themselves in the powerless rumination of a moral salvation? How can we escape forms of historical impotence? How can we avoid being reduced to the status of spectators of this impotence? Such are the questions posed by Marx and which are posed again today along with Spinoza and his critique of the teleological illusions of the general intellect, questions which have not arrived at the end of their road. But it is historically vain to ask Marx these questions: they are ours and it is up to us to answer them.
Part one of an interview with Salvatore "Sal" Pisciotta. Topics include: How Sal became a barber and eventually quit because he didn't like the work. How his parents immigrated to the United States from Italy. His parents lived in Ashburnham, MA and then moved to Fitchburg, where Sal was born. His parents were uneducated and the disadvantages they faced because of that. Stories Sal's parents told about Italy. How his family felt when World War II broke out. Sal's feelings about the events of September 11th and terrorism in general. His father's work as a laborer. The differences in how girls and boys were treated in his family. Education. What his mother was like and what a typical day was like for her. The garden his parents kept. Memories from his childhood. The food his mother used to prepare. His mother's experience working at a mill. What it was like to buy groceries and have ice delivered. Making wine and sausages. What Fitchburg was like when Sal was growing up. The boarders his parents housed. ; 1 LINDA: This is Linda [Rosenwan] on Friday, November 9. It's 9:50 a.m. We're with Sal Pisciotta, 208 Woodland Street in Fitchburg. And hello, Sal. SAL: Hi. Hi, Linda. LINDA: Okay. Here we go. So why don't you tell me -- you were just telling me a little bit -- I hate to ask you again, but tell me what happened after you graduated from Fitchburg High School in 1948. SAL: Oh. I went to barber school in Boston; that was for six months. Six months course, and then brother Joe and I, we opened up a barber shop down the street here, you know, in Fitchburg. And I always disliked being a barber, but I was forced into it. I always wanted to be civil engineer, but I mean, in those days if your father or brother was a barber you had to be a barber or a tailor or a cobbler or what the heck ever they were. LINDA: So he was an older brother. SAL: Oh, yeah. He was 17 years. I never grew up with him. I mean, I never grew up he and I being brothers. I mean, he was 17 years. He was… I was 3 years old when he got married, so we never grew up being close as brothers. And then the Korean War came along, I got drafted, and I went to Korea. I was there for, well, 15 months in the 24th Division. When I came back I wanted to go to school but then I got married, and one thing led into another. I went back into barbering, but then that was it. I couldn't take it anymore. I just had to get the heck out of there. LINDA: Did your brother know that you hated it? SAL: Oh, yeah. He knew it. He didn't want to see me leave, but hey, I quit. I told him I was leaving, then I had problems with my wife and I couldn't find a job. The country was in a recession back in '63, '62. So finally I landed this job in Leominster for the Doyle Estate, which was a wonderful thing, working for this lady. She's been very gracious and great to me and my three children. And that's it. I'm supposed to be retired here. LINDA: Okay, so we're going to stop the interview. Again. SAL: Okay. What we said is all gone, right? LINDA: All gone. We were just starting. See, it's at two minutes again.2 SAL: Okay. LINDA: Because we were just talking about -- so we won't talk about her personally. SAL: No, please, no. Don't say it. Nothing about her personally. LINDA: Okay. So then let me thing back what we should talk about. SAL: [Unintelligible – 00:02:55]? LINDA: Yes, we could start there. So your parents, Antonio… SAL: Antonio and Antoinette. LINDA: Now, did they come from Italy together? SAL: Yes. He came -- Dad was born in 1883. He went into the Italian Army. I think he was in the Italian Army a couple of years. Then he came to America, I think it was in 1906, or '07, whatever it is. And he worked in the Sumner Tunnel in Boston, I'd say. And then I guess he got laid off. He got laid off, and then he was going to go back to Italy. You know, the Italian government was calling these people, these immigrants, these Italian people that came over here. There was no work, and for $5 you could get on ship and go back to Italy. And my father had bought a ticket; he was going back to Italy. He was down on Hanover Street or one of the streets in the North End, and he met another Italian man, and they asked my father where he was going, where he was working. And my father says, I have no job here. I'm going back to Italy. So he said, tomorrow you meet at a certain place here in Boston, and we're going to go to Wellesley. In Wellesley there was a very, very wealthy man that has horses and stables and greenhouses, exactly what these Italians could do. So that's how my father went to work there, and he worked there for a few months. Then he did go back to Italy, and he was going to go marry this woman that he had left that he was in love with.3 Come to find out, she didn't wait for him. She had already gotten married to somebody else. So he struck up a relationship, which I think actually was a fixed marriage, with my mother. And anyway, he met somebody on the street, another -- I think Papa says once he was the mailman or something and says, Tony, get married and go back to America. Italy is about ready to go to war with Tripoli. LINDA: Oh, so wait a minute. So he did go back to Italy? SAL: Yes. Yeah. He went back to Italy to get married, but the woman that he was in love with, that he liked, she already got married. A letter carrier said to him, go back to America; that Italy is ready to go to war with Tripoli and that's when the 1912, I think it was, Dad came back with -- and she was 19 years old and my dad was 27, I guess. In 1912 they came and they landed in Boston. LINDA: So at this time he had been -- it was a married arranged for him, to a 19-year-old Antoinette. SAL: Yes. It was just, in those days, it was all arranged marriages. LINDA: Yeah. So they both came back here? SAL: Yeah. And I think they settled in South Ashburnham, a little jerk town up the street here, in South Ashburnham. And then he raised his family there. LINDA: Now, why do you think he ended up there? SAL: In those days, Linda, if Joe came, or Frank came to America, he would call him brother and his brother, he comes to America and didn't even know how to speak English, so where do you go? You go with your brother, or you go with somebody that you knew that called you. Then when you get here, you call your father-in-law or your sister-in-law, whatever it is, and you all get together. Because in those days, they all came here to Fitchburg. There was quite a population there was here, they call it the patch down on Water Street, and there was a lot of Italian people.4 But had there been work here in Fitchburg, today the Italian population would have been greater than it is in the North End of Boston, because what had happened was the work stopped. There was no more work, they weren't building any more factories, and then they started building the State House in New York, and all the Italians -- not all the Italians, but a lot of Italians, picked up their roots here from Fitchburg and Leominster, and they went to Albany, New York to live. LINDA: So who did you father follow then to Ashburnham? Do you know who was living there? SAL: Oh, yeah. His brother. LINDA: His brother. SAL: Yeah. LINDA: Now, what kind of work was he doing there? SAL: Laborers. That's all they ever do. Laborers. In those days they were building the paper mills, and that's it. A pick and shovel. There was no call up the cement truck and the cement truck come over with some cement. Everything was made by hand. It was laborers. And they were getting maybe $5 or $6 a week, and that was it. A week. Not a day or an hour, a week. LINDA: Now, where were they living, do you know? Were they living in a boarding house? SAL: No. It was a regular house. In fact, my daughter, Cynthia, lives up the street but the house is demolished now. The house isn't there anymore. Then from there they moved from South Ashburnham, they came down here on Orchard Street here in Fitchburg. They lived there for a few years, then they moved to [Edlee] Street and that's where I was born 72 years ago. LINDA: So what made them come to Fitchburg? SAL: Because one of his brothers was here, and there was work. LINDA: So he had a brother in Ashburnham and then Fitchburg?5 SAL: Then they came to Fitchburg because there was work here. They were building the paper mills, there was work. That's what they would do. They would just follow wherever work was, and then these Italians, the woman, would take in their brothers as boarders, so maybe about 65, or 70, a dollar a week they would cook for these guys, they would wash their clothes, iron, for a dollar a week. Cook their meals, make their lunch. That was America. They were the ones that built this country, those immigrants. Not only the Italians, I'm talking about the Swedes, the French and all that. Of course, and then the Italians. And then you get the Englishmen that came to this country and those -- is this being…? LINDA: Go ahead. That's fine. That's what history's about. SAL: So we got all these people that came over from Ireland, those guys ended up with the good jobs because they knew how to speak English. You get the Italians, the French, the Polocks, what do they know? They don't even know English. And that's how all the Kennedys and the rest of those rich families survived. Or got started. LINDA: That's what was so interesting about my interview yesterday. I think I told you, the Italian Citizens Club, with the [unintelligible - 00:10:20], was that they formed so that the Italians, they could teach them English and get them to become citizens and then show them the way to get better jobs. So they had to do that because there was a language barrier. SAL: Yeah. A language barrier. Like my father. My father and mother never went to school a day in their life. LINDA: Did they ever learn English? SAL: Yeah, they learned English. Very, very broken English, but they never went to school. I mean, we spoke in the house; it was all Italian as we grew up. I mean, with my mother and father usually would speak Italian, but amongst us kids it was English. But amongst Mom and Dad it was always Italian. LINDA: So they never became citizens?6 SAL: Oh, they did. Yeah. LINDA: Oh, they did? SAL: Yeah, during the Second World War, and then I can still remember before the Second World War my father became an American citizen. He was the happiest guy in the world. Then my mother, she became a citizen because she had a son that was in the Navy and he was in the war, and automatically she became an American citizen. LINDA: Wait, how did that work? SAL: What's that? LINDA: She automatically became a citizen? SAL: Her son was in the service, and I guess contributed to his country, and she just went to city hall one day and they had the ceremony and she became a citizen. But she never went to school. She never even knew how to sign her name. LINDA: I have my grandmother's passport where she has just an "x" where it says, sign your name. SAL: Dad could sign his name but it was… anyway. LINDA: It's amazing, though, isn't it? That they could come here and… SAL: They're the ones that built this county, right? LINDA: So you said your dad was the happiest man in the world. SAL: Oh, yeah. He was so proud. He became an American citizen, and he never had any desire to go back to Italy. He says, America's my home now. I want to stay in America. I don't want to go to Italy anymore. LINDA: Isn't that amazing? I mean, can you imagine yourself going to another country and…? SAL: And not even speaking a word of English? LINDA: And not becoming a citizen? SAL: And then becoming a citizen. Yeah. LINDA: So where were they from in Italy? SAL: Salemi. LINDA: Is this in Sicily?7 SAL: Yes, it's in Salemi. S-A-L-E-M-I. Salemi. Province of Trepani. T-R-E-P-A-N-I, Sicily. LINDA: Spell the Salemi again? SAL: S-A-L-E-M-I. LINDA: All right. So both your parents were from there? SAL: Yes. LINDA: Okay. So do you ever remember them talking about the old country? SAL: Oh, yeah. My father told me -- he would tell me that when he was courting my mother—because where they came from was all hills and mountains and there was no flashlights in those days and they used to have like a lamp and the lantern and my mother lived in the hills—and at nighttime he would slip, he would fall 200 or 300 feet down the cliff running. She came from the hills, poor thing. Nineteen years old she came to this country. Never went back, never saw her mother or father anymore, but anyway. LINDA: Did she used to have anyone write letters? Well, they probably couldn't read them. SAL: No, they could. My sister could speak Italian, and they would call [unintelligible - 00:14:11], but then naturally when the Second World War broke out, they were, you know, we were against the war on Italy, against Italy, so there was no communication then. LINDA: How did your parents feel about that when the United States was at war with Italy? Do you remember anything? SAL: That was terrible because they figured they were Americans, and they thought it was stupid that he got -- Mussolini in those days, got involved with Hitler. They thought it was a disgrace. The Italians, you know, if you look at history, they were the ones that turned against Hitler and the Italian army gave up. Every time they would see the American army coming they would always wave their hands and give up. They didn't want to fight. LINDA: So did your father have any brothers or sisters that stayed in Italy?8 SAL: Oh, yeah. Yeah. There were two of them, I think, that stayed in Italy. Sisters, no he didn't have. He had brothers. One of them was here in American, and two of them, I think, stayed in Italy. But he never saw the ones in Italy anymore. LINDA: He didn't try to get them over here? SAL: No. LINDA: No? What about your mother's family? SAL: She tried to get her brother over here. I can still remember going to city hall, and she tried to get her brother, whose name was Salvatore also, and the girl at the city hall says there was a quota in those days of foreigners coming into this country, and we asked how long it would take before her brother came to America, and they told me seven years. In those days. Today, what the hell happened to this quota? Right? So I guess he got disgusted or discouraged and he moved to Venezuela. And he did come here. He was here to visit my mother. He was here for about four or five weeks and then went back to Venezuela. But what happened to the quota in this country where you had to wait to come in here? Now the doors are open and every [screwball] can come in and out as they please. Right, Linda? LINDA: Do you think we'll go back to a quota system? SAL: No. LINDA: No? SAL: Of course not. Hey, you've got Bush, who just says what? Mexicans, a couple of months ago he says there's three million of them and we're going to go make them all American citizens. LINDA: How did people of your generation -- I mean, do you talk to your friends about what happened on September 11th? SAL: No, it's a tragedy it happened. And like everybody else we haven't seen nothing here. What the hell? Everybody that's -- not everybody, but that's the consensus… anybody doesn't have to be a brain surgeon to 9 figure that out. That war's going to be worse. [Unintelligible - 00:17:32] watching the bridges, they're watching the water supplies, airports. It's too bad. LINDA: I just always wonder how veterans of the war feel, because at least you knew who the enemy was, and you knew the country to attack. SAL: Right. And we would attack the enemy. These people, September 11, they attack these poor civilians, which was terrible. I mean, if they want to attack an army base or a Navy base or a ship, okay, that's war, like Pearl Harbor was war. But these people… again, it's their faith in Allah and the Mohammed and the wacky people that they are. But they're never going to erase terrorism. You're not going to wipe it out in this world. Never. [Unintelligible – 00:18:37] Mohammed and [unintelligible - 00:18:38] what the hell. You know it. There's another hundred guys right behind him that are worse than him. Am I right, Linda? LINDA: I'm afraid you might be. I know. That's a bad situation. SAL: Yes is it. It's terrible. LINDA: You think back to how your parents were. Their concern was putting a roof over their children's heads and putting food on the table, and now… SAL: Now we -- right. That's terrible. Like you say, you've got to worry about your grandchildren and your children, and that's… we've seen the better days of America. Let's put it that way, Linda. LINDA: I think of how heartbroken my grandparents would be to see something like this. SAL: Oh, God. They wouldn't believe it. When you see two big buildings like that just crumbling down, it's unbelievable. LINDA: Well, so getting back to… SAL: Do you want a cup of coffee? LINDA: No, do you? SAL: No. LINDA: I'm all set. SAL: You're all set?10 LINDA: Thanks. Every time I talk about it I get a little… SAL: Well, naturally, of course. It's a terrible thing that's happening in this country, and in the whole world. Even Italians, in Italy they're having their problems, too. [Unintelligible - 00:20:10] a few more, they had explosives in their car, they don't know where they were going. Anyway. LINDA: Back in your father's day, or even when you were younger, people just loved America. They even liked to be here. Now there's such an anti-American sentiment. Just, you know, in a relatively few short years things have really changed. SAL: Well, you know, America is the greatest country in the world, there's no question about it, okay. But the trouble with this country, I mean, is we try to force democracy down the throats of a lot of these small countries. Hey, let them live the way they want to live. If they want to live in communism, let them live in communism. Why do we have to spread democracy all the time? Am I right? It's a good forum, it's like a lecture. They want the communist rule, I mean, there's no more communism out there, I guess, and there's more crime. But anyway. LINDA: So your father must have been somewhat old when you were born, not old but what, like 40 years old? SAL: Oh yeah, he was. I think he was 42 or 43. LINDA: So he was still working as a laborer. SAL: Yeah. No, he worked in Simon's, it was a steel -- it was near Fitchburg, it was where they fabricated saws and paper knives and stuff like that, [unintelligible - 00:21:53] Steel. He worked there for 32 years, then he retired when he was 65. LINDA: So what did he do for them? SAL: Labor. Just hard work, just a hard laborer. LINDA: But it must have seemed like kind of a cushy job after working outside with a shovel. SAL: Oh yeah, I'm sure it must have been. But I mean, the way he was talking I guess they had this kind of a stones of a brace of [unintelligible -11 00:22:23] and they'd grind them down. I'm sure it must have been hard work for the poor guy. Then he used to walk back and forth to work to save a nickel or a cop there in those days. LINDA: How far is that? SAL: It used to be on North Street, right on Main Street. Right here at [unintelligible - 00:22:40] College, North Street. LINDA: Okay. He would walk from here? SAL: He would walk, yeah just to save a nickel on the bus. LINDA: He probably didn't have a very -- he didn't have [unintelligible - 00:22:55] back then, right? SAL: Oh God, no. Just a hardworking man, that's all he was. Poor guy, I feel so sorry. What a life he lived. But anyway. LINDA: Why do you say that? Because he worked so hard? SAL: Oh, he worked so hard and didn't have all the conveniences that we have today. We didn't have a telephone in the house. I think we had to go to the fire station to use the telephone. There was no telephones back when I was growing up. I think I was about five years old before I ever sat in an automobile. LINDA: So tell me about making a phone call. You'd walk down to the fire station? SAL: Yeah, there was a fire station. So you'd make a telephone call to somebody. We didn't have a phone. LINDA: Did they charge you? SAL: I don't remember, that I don't remember. But the first one we got was a four-party telephone. The phone used to ring three or four, that's not ours, that's not ours. LINDA: I vaguely remember my grandmother having that, yeah. SAL: We had a four-party telephone. LINDA: So tell me what your mother was like. SAL: Very strict. She was a strict woman, yeah. She brought up five daughters, and not one of them ever crossed the line. Real proud girls.12 LINDA: Were girls and boys treated differently? SAL: Oh yeah. To an Italian woman the sons were always the favorite. Yeah, I was the favorite. Especially the oldest one, he was always the favorite one. LINDA: Now, was that Joe? SAL: Joe, yeah. LINDA: So he decided to be a barber. That was a good decision that you would have to follow? SAL: Well. LINDA: A good decision for him. SAL: Good for him I guess. And in those days we didn't have the opportunity to go to high school anyway. At 16 years old everybody had to quit and go to work. LINDA: Did you quit high school? SAL: No, I graduated in '48. Out of seven, my sister Millie and I were the only ones that graduated. LINDA: You were the youngest? SAL: I was the youngest, yeah. LINDA: And she must have been a young… SAL: Millie right now I think is 78, I think, 79. LINDA: So did your parents think that education was important? SAL: Yes, they did, but food on the table was more important, yeah. LINDA: So were the children expected to go out and get jobs and contribute? SAL: Yeah, we all had to pay board in those days. Yeah, whatever the pay was that you brought into the house, a certain percentage had to go to the household, to my mother. She was a strict woman, very strict. But she was a good lady. Poor thing, she spent eight years of her life, eight years was in a nursing home after Alzheimer's I guess, after the sclerosis. Poor thing, didn't know who the hell she was, she didn't know who we were either. LINDA: Did she die after your father?13 SAL: Yeah. LINDA: So what was her day like every day? SAL: Well, when she was younger [unintelligible - 00:26:50] with her kids. She even worked in one of the yarn mills here in Fitchburg; she even had a job. I mean, she was a hardworking woman. And I used to remember her doing the canning; she'd can tomatoes and beans and dad had a little garden a couple miles away from here, a little piece of land. And he used to make his own grape, his own wine, rather. And it was great. All the Italians around here were living the -- I mean a lot of [unintelligible - 00:27:22] and the trucks used to go by this time of the year loaded with grape from California, and we would go down south, he would buy the grape, and we'd go down in the cellar and we would make two or three barrels of wine. All the Italians used to make barrels of wine. It was interesting, it was very interesting. But it's all gone now. I've got fond memories of that. LINDA: So it seems like maybe it didn't seem like work. But it was the way of life. SAL: No, it wasn't. The way of life, right. LINDA: So was it typical for a family to buy a little piece of land to garden? SAL: Oh yeah. They all had to have their grape arbor, had their grape arbor and land. They all had to have their piece of land. They had to grow their squash and their tomatoes. Well, most of them anyway. LINDA: So who would take care of the garden? SAL: My dad and I would. Come home from school, my father, he would come home, and there was no cars in those days, we used to have a big wagon. We'd pull the wagon, the garden was maybe a quarter of a mile away, half a mile away from here, and we would go up there. After school there was no going to play football with the kids or going swimming; it was work, work, work. That's how it was. And I would help my father. He would plant this and plant that. The poor guy didn't know how to read how to 14 plant this and what you should do, and I used to read and explain everything to him. LINDA: So who owned the land? I mean, did one person own the land and they kind of subdivided it? SAL: No, he bought the piece of land from the seller, the man who owned a lot of pieces of land. Of course, they're all houses now, but in those days it was all woods and stones, and he would, one of my uncles with a horse, they cleared all the land, chopped down all the trees, piled up all the stones. They cleared the land themselves. There was no bulldozers in those days; everything was done by hand. LINDA: Where was that? Do you know the street? SAL: Yeah, it was off between Herd and Exeter Street. LINDA: Now, did he continue doing that all the way? SAL: Until he passed away, yeah. LINDA: And what happened to it? SAL: The land? His dream was always having a house on this land, but my mother, in those days, again, five daughters, she figured if he built a house there was no men or boys that was still bringing in the pay. In other words a girl gets married, she's out of the house, there's no more money coming in. So my father went to one of the lumberyards in those days, I think it was $4,000. It would have cleared the land, built them a six-room house, and turned over the keys for $4,000. And my mother says no. She says we've got five daughters, there will be no money coming in. So that broke my father's heart. He never seen a house on that piece of land that he had. So he passed away, and the funeral parlor up the street here -- next to the funeral parlor there was a house, and it belonged to, I guess, his aunt or something, and he bought the land from him, my brother Joe, and they moved the house to the land over there, and somebody else is on our place now. The land is gone. LINDA: So why is it that your generation didn't keep the garden still?15 SAL: Number one it was a lot of work. And then my sisters all got married, and they would have a little garden behind their house. But I mean, as far as that big piece of land that my father had, nobody was interested in it anymore. Then I went into the service, the land just got lost. My brother Joe sold it to this undertaker over here and he moved the house. The house is on the land now. LINDA: So do you think your father had that garden to feed his family mostly? SAL: Oh yeah. Oh yeah, definitely that's what it was for. And they used to have a little -- everybody had a shack, my father had a shack, [oceandino] they'd call it, a shack on there. And he had a little stove in there. I can still see my mother with the tomatoes cooking her tomatoes on the wood burning stove. And there was a little bed in the corner where my father would get tired during the day working, he'd lay on the bed and take a nap. That's one thing about him, every afternoon he used to take a nap. Even if it was for 20 minutes, Dad would always take a nap. LINDA: It's the Italian way, right? They still do that now. SAL: Yeah, he used to take his nap. And Mom used to do all the canning. We used to go up there, we were kids, we used to go up there and had a big table underneath the grapevine and there was a well. We used to pump water out of the well. It was fun. I mean, you don't see that anymore. LINDA: They used to have a shack right on the land? SAL: Oh yeah, there was a shack. LINDA: And what was it called? SAL: Well, in Italian oceandino. But yeah, there was a wood burning stove in there, a nice wood burning stove. And there was a bed. And Msom had a table in there and chairs, and when it would rain we would eat inside. If not we would go outside to eat under the -- it had a grape arbor with a well, the well, and then there was a grape arbor all around. LINDA: Was this on weekends mostly? SAL: Weekends, or even after school. Get out of school at 2:00 and we used to walk up there, and Mom was there doing the canning. There was no cars 16 in those days. We used to have a big wagon, put everything in the wagon, and come down through the streets with the wagon. LINDA: So can you still smell that sauce cooking? SAL: Sure can. Boy, she could make it wonderful. And pizza, she used to make that pizza, not that stuff you buy in the stores today, that little thin stuff. She used to make the regular Sicilian pizza with about a good inch thick, yeah. LINDA: What other kinds of things did she make? SAL: She wasn't a fancy cook. Like I said, she left Italy when she was 18, 19 years old. But no, not to knock my mother, but she used to make a tremendous sauce. She used to do a lot of cooking with ricotta, you know that cottage cheese, ricotta. And a lot of fried stuff in those days, like fried peppers and fried squash. But real fancy dishes, no, poor thing, she didn't know anything about that. LINDA: Did she make her own cheese? SAL: No, no. LINDA: Did she use a lot of fish? Did she… SAL: Not too much. Mom didn't go for fish so much. And the fact that she didn't… she really didn't cook with garlic. LINDA: No? SAL: You know why? The poor thing, she was in the mill down at [unintelligible - 00:35:25] yard, and all the Italian women, the bosses and those ladies, they used to call them hey, you garlic eaters, you garlic eaters. My mother got offended because they would call her a garlic eater, and she never would cook with garlic. That's something, huh? LINDA: So do you think she was afraid that she'd smell like it? SAL: Yeah, she'd smell the aroma. LINDA: So when did she work at the mill? SAL: Oh geez, it was when I was born. After I was born, actually. It could have been in the early '30s, had to be. LINDA: So who was taking care of you?17 SAL: My sisters. LINDA: What else can you tell me about her experiences at the mill? SAL: Well, other than they were known as garlic-eating Italians, women were known as garlic-eaters; that's about all I can remember. I know there were long hours. She used to leave here about half past five in the morning and start to work at six. She used to work from six to twelve I think it was, or six to one. Then come home, wash clothes. And really, there was no fancy washing machine like they have today. I still remember her with an old scrub board. LINDA: Did she ever get the washing machine with the rollers? SAL: Yeah, yeah. Old Maytag, I remember that with the rollers in the back and you feed the -- she got that… and had a wood-burning stove. And that thing used to shine, God you could see your reflection on that black [unintelligible - 00:37:20]. And that thing used to shine, and gosh it was clean. She was immaculate, my mom. She used to have a big couch, not a couch but a piece of furniture over there. The telephone would ring and she would be there. While she was on the phone she would have the rag and she was wiping it, and my father would say [unintelligible - 00:37:47] when you're dead in your box you're still going to have that rag, you're still going to be wiping and wiping. She was crazy clean. Oh God, clean. God, was she clean! LINDA: Did she expect all her kids to be clean? SAL: Yeah. LINDA: Were all the [unintelligible - 00:38:11] immaculate too? SAL: No, it's not. LINDA: Looks like it. SAL: No, never, far from it. Messy. Messy, messy, I've got to get that damn counter cleaned. LINDA: So what was life like for your sisters when they got home from school?18 SAL: They helped Mama do the cooking, wash the clothes, do the shopping. But like I said one of my sisters was the only one that had the opportunity to graduate high school. But the rest of them at 16, they all had to quit and they had to go to work. And they all did their share when they came home as far as working and housework. There was no fancy supermarkets like they are today. LINDA: So tell me, what was it like to buy groceries? SAL: There used to be a little First National store down here, First National store, okay. And then the bottom of the hill there used to be another [Gigopies] market. And you just used to buy groceries for the day, whatever you needed. The bread, they used to make their own bread. I can remember coming home and my mother having that big wooden shovel making the bread and making the dough rise. There used to be a big pan and she used to put that on there, that dough would rise up, and then the dough that was left over, she used to make pizza with it. Yeah, they used to make their own bread. LINDA: So would they make the bread for the week? In one day? SAL: Oh, yeah. Yeah. LINDA: So whose job was it to knead all the bread? SAL: She would do all that. LINDA: She would? SAL: And my sisters, too, would help her. But mostly she would do it with her flour. She used to buy flour by 50-pound sacks. LINDA: Now, did someone used to come around on a truck and sell the flour? SAL: Yeah. Then there used to be trucks that used to come around, and they used to -- I can still remember, they used to come around, they used to sell -- maybe even was -- oh, geez. There used to be -- next street over there used to be a guy that used to go around with a horse and the meat in the back, he had a covered thing and he used to sell meat. Imagine that? Unrefrigerated. With a horse. A horse-drawn cart and go around, and then maybe about once a week or twice a week there used to be trucks that 19 used to come in from Boston, and they had all kinds of Italian cheese and Italian food in these trucks, and the mother or the people would go down and go around the truck, and they'd have all these goodies that they would be selling. Cookies, Italian cookies, cheeses, olive oil. LINDA: So did they go up and down all the streets? SAL: Yeah, they would go down the street, but they would go mostly to where Italian families were. They knew where the Italian families were. There used to be a lot of Italian families here in Fitchburg at one time. Even in this area here. A lot of them. But now they've all passed away now and they're married and they're gone. LINDA: Did they used to ring a bell? How did you know they were coming? SAL: Sometimes, if they had selling dishes they used to [hit] the dishes together and you'd know they were coming, or they would lay out in the street and yell out [foreign language – 00:41:56], which meant, "chickens, chickens, chickens." They would sell chickens, too. And in those days, too, they used to sell the chickens. They weren't like going to the [unintelligible - 00:42:05] market or buy them all packaged. You had to buy them, and I remember my father on the shed, he used to take the chicken by the neck and pull it, and the poor bird would bop-bop-bop, and he'd have the hot water going, stick it in hot water right away. You had to pull all feathers off before the water got cold. That's the way they used to do it. LINDA: Did you ever learn how to do that? SAL: No, but I didn't want to learn how to do that. Put the place together while he went, and then I clean all the innards. Thank God for [unintelligible – 00:42:45]. LINDA: Did your family eat meat much? SAL: No. No. What we ate was mostly chicken, but she would cook a lot of Italian dishes. Peasant dishes. Like lentils. LINDA: Thank you. Thanks for understanding. So we were talking about cooking. What do you think about what we were talking about?20 SAL: She would make the peasant dishes. Ricotta with cheese, [unintelligible – 00:43:26] escargot, ricotta with [unintelligible - 00:43:29]. LINDA: What's that with the [unintelligible - 00:43:32]? SAL: The lentils. LINDA: Oh, lentils. SAL: Come on, Linda. Don't you understand? LINDA: I guess not. Now who made the decision to buy groceries? Who decided how much money to spend? SAL: Oh, no. Mama would do that. Mom would do that, yeah. On Friday night in Fitchburg there used to be -- on Main Street there used to be an old A&P store years ago. And Millie, who is the only one that knew how to drive then, we had a 1938 Dodge that Papa had bought then. Of course, he couldn't drive. Naturally he didn't drive, and she was the driver and she was the chauffer. And Friday nights I could still remember them, Mama and Millie, would go down to A&P and do the grocery shopping. Let's see. What else can I tell you? LINDA: Well, what about the -- I like the stories about the trucks coming in from the North End. What about ice? Do you remember ice being delivered? SAL: Yeah. Ice. There used to be an ice truck that used to come around, and then what you would do, the ice truck would stop, and we used to have iceboxes in those days, naturally. And there used to be a card that you put at the window and it was either 25, 50, 10 cents, or a nickel. In other words, if you wanted the 25-cent piece you would put that standing up, 25. Do you follow me? If you wanted a 10-cent piece then you turn the card over. And the iceman would chop a piece, put it on his back, and bring it up and put it in the icebox. And he put that -- most of it, the iceboxes were in the sheds. They used to have sheds. Do you know what a shed is? Outside of the house there used to be up on the porch, there used to be like another little, a little but no heat in there, and we put the [unintelligible - 00:45:33] stuff like that and 21 put the icebox -- we used to call it the icebox, was in there, and then there was a pail underneath for the water to drip. And sometimes if you forget to empty the pail, you would hear downstairs, they were knocking on the ceiling that the water was running down through the house. You had to empty this pail. Yeah. LINDA: So they keep it out there even in the summer? SAL: Yeah. Oh, yeah. That was the refrigeration was this icebox. LINDA: It probably wasn't very big? The icebox? SAL: Where we were living, I guess… is that too strong or what? LINDA: No, it's good. SAL: Okay. Because I make coffee too strong. LINDA: No, I like it. SAL: In the park, this man used to cut the ice. They used to cut the ice on Wayland Park, and then they used to bring it over and store it in the barn, and they used to put sawdust on it in the wintertime. That used to preserve it. In the summertime they would take the sawdust off the ice and ice was still there. It wouldn't melt. Did you know that? LINDA: No. I've heard it before. But where did they used to store it? SAL: They had a big, big shed, a big barn, and they used to store the ice in big, big cakes of ice. LINDA: Now, did the ragman come around? SAL: Yeah, the junk man would come around. The ragman. Yeah. Or the horse-drawn wagon. And if you had any rags they would sell it, pick it by weight and they used a scale, used to weigh it, and they used to give you maybe 10 or 15 cents for a bag of rags or whatever kind of junk you had. LINDA: What would they do with those rags? SAL: I have no idea. I don't know. And you would have the trucks that would come around at this time of year, all full of grape, and they would go to different places, the Italians, and the men would… I actually remember my father used to either 40-, 42-pound box of grape; maybe he'll sell it for 22 about a dollar, dollar 15 cents. Now, today, it would cost about 20, 21 dollars for the same sized box of grape. LINDA: So was that a family affair making wine? Or was it the boys? SAL: Mostly the boys. Dad and I would -- of course my brother had been… then I took over. We used to grind the grape by hand. And always my father, watch the fingers, watch the fingers, as you're grinding the grapes, all those spokes. You had the fingers stuck in there; your fingers would have been caught. But it was all done by hand. Now they have machines, a bunch of machines, dump a box in there, push the button, it's all done. LINDA: Did you keep that tradition? SAL: Yeah, I was making it up about three or four years ago, and then I had bad luck on a whole barrel of wine. I had to throw it down the sink. It went bad on me, and so I said, from now on if you want wine, go up to Kathy's Package Store. But I did. I was making my own wine, but anyway. I still make my own sausages. LINDA: Oh, you do? SAL: Yeah. LINDA: Is that a seasonal? SAL: Mostly, it's pork, but you eat in the wintertime. I don't like to eat pork in the summertime. But sausages, it's more seasonal. Like Thanksgiving and Christmas. LINDA: Have you made it yet? SAL: No but I just bought a new machine. I don't know, one of those KitchenAid machines, I just bought one of those a couple of weeks ago. LINDA: So explain to me how you make it. SAL: What, sausage? Well, you buy either the pork butt or the shoulder. Okay. You debone it, and then you take all the meat out and cut it into small pieces, and you put it through the grinder. Once you put it through the grinder, then you lay it out on the table, then you put your seasoning on it. Your fennel, salt, pepper, whatever you want for seasoning, okay? Then you put it through the grinder again, okay? Then you mix this all up, and 23 you can put wine in it if you want, then you got your casings. You know what casings are? All right. Then there's an attachment, you put the casing on there, you put the meat and you grind it up and go through the casings, and you make the sausage. LINDA: So do you freeze a lot? SAL: No. By the time you give some to this daughter, that to this guy, then some to my nephew, 20, 25 pounds disappears fast. LINDA: Now, did your mother used to make that? SAL: Oh, yeah. LINDA: So how are things different now? I'm sure she didn't have a grinder. SAL: They had a hand grinder, and I can always remember every time Mom and Dad got together to make sausage, boy, there was a war. You could hear them. LINDA: Why? About the seasoning? SAL: Oh, you're doing this wrong. You're going too fast. Watch your fingers. You don't do it this way, you do it that way. It was hell. Yeah. LINDA: So what about filling the casings though? That may have been a little harder back then? SAL: Well, it's… you've got to coincide with the one that's holding the casing and the one that's grinding it by hand. Now it's all done by electricity. It's powered. But that's the only tricky thing. As the machine is feeding the meat in the casing, you've got to make sure that you don't put too much all at once in the casing or it'll crack or break. LINDA: So probably every family has their own recipe. Sort of like meatballs. SAL: Well, I don't think anybody makes it. Very few people make their own sausages now. I know my sister Marilyn still makes it. I make it. That's about it. LINDA: What other things do you make that your mother used to make? SAL: Oh, green olives. Yeah. She used to -- this time of year, with green olives used to smash those and cure them. And pizza, naturally. Everybody 24 makes pizza. But some of her peasant dishes, once in a great while, but I was never too fond of them anyway. LINDA: No. So what about Christmas Eve, do you know? SAL: Christmas Eve, not like the ones years ago. Christmas Eve years ago was my uncle and my mother and father and all the Italians used to all get together, and they used to cook on the stove some kind of a fancy dish of fried dough, dumplings like. No more. We don't get that closeness of families anymore. LINDA: Why not? SAL: I don't know why. I think number one, there're cars. Everybody goes here, everybody goes there. I would say cars. Anyway, we used to get together years ago on holidays and Christmas. We still get together, but it's not the way it was on Christmas Eve. It's different. I'm sure it must be the same with your family, right? LINDA: Yeah. When my grandmother was growing up and even after she got married, all of her sisters lived close by. But then when they started having children, everyone moved on. SAL: That's right. That's the way it goes. From generation to generation is always different, which is good, in a way. But it's good to keep up traditions though, I think. LINDA: So have any of your daughters learned how to make the sausage? SAL: No. They wait for Daddy to call them up and say, okay, come and get your sausage. LINDA: Now, did your parents have chickens? SAL: Oh, God no. LINDA: No? Why do you say it like that? SAL: Because we lived in the neighborhood, and no, we didn't. But when we had that piece of land up there, my father used to raise pigs. I remember we had pigs, a couple of pigs, and he used to slaughter those. I remember that when I was a kid.25 LINDA: Now, what was that like? Was there a particular name of that day when people would slaughter their pigs? Would they call it anything? SAL: No. It was just at the end of the season, like at this time, winter was coming and people -- I can still remember that shed that he had with the water boiling and the poor pigs, shooting and killing the poor pigs. Thank God I don't have to go through all that anymore. LINDA: Did they use every piece of the pig? SAL: Oh, yeah. Even the squeal. Only the squeal is the only thing that you don't use on the pigs. LINDA: Oh yeah, I know. So was there a smokehouse in the area? Did anyone have one? SAL: No. Not that I remember. LINDA: What about buying groceries? Was that on credit? SAL: No, that was cash. Everything was cash. My folks, everything was cash. There was no plastic in those days. Even if there was, if they didn't have the money, the Italians, they didn't buy it. Everything was cash. LINDA: So what is this area of Fitchburg called? SAL: This section here? This is called Cleghorn. LINDA: This is? So this is really the French? SAL: It was the French district at one time, but now it's Puerto Rican and everything else. Fitchburg was in different sections. Like you had Cleghorn was the French. The patch was at 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Street. Okay. That was the Italians. Then you had Greektown. Naturally, that was the Greeks. They all stuck together. Then West Fitchburg was the English, then you have Southside, that was the Irish. LINDA: So when the Italians started moving in here, were your parents part of that group that started moving into Cleghorn? SAL: I don't know. When they left South Ashburnham, I don't know when it was, but then they moved on to Orchard Street. They lived here -- I guess a few of my sisters were born out here on Orchard Street. But I know I was the only one of the family that was born over here on Edward Street. 26 And then it was in '48, yeah, 1948 I guess it was that one of my sisters went back home. Of course, in those days the girls had boyfriends, and they wanted their boyfriends to pick them up at a nice house. So, one of my sisters saw this place over here that was for sale. And anyway, Dad would come over, and they finally looked at it and they bought it. The price that they paid for it, I just had the roof, and the roof cost me the same price. And they bought the whole house. LINDA: What was that about? Three thousand or something? SAL: They paid $11,000 for the house, and I just spent $11,000 for a new roof. LINDA: So they paid $11,000 for this, but your mother didn't want to pay $4,000 for the other house? SAL: Yeah. Because she had the money but she wasn't going to spend it. And she wouldn't spend $4,000 to have a brand new house up there. But a few years later she spent $11,000 and bought this house. LINDA: Oh, so this was bought after. SAL: Oh, yeah. After. LINDA: I see. So about the different sections in Fitchburg, was there any competition or rivalries or differences? SAL: No. No. Maybe this will be interesting. My father was here down on the bottom of the hill one day, and in those days, like the mafia, there was the Black Hand. And it was a society that was shaking down these immigrants, and they approached my father, and this guy from the Black Hand wanted $5 from my father, and my father told him, I got two kids at home, I haven't got no $5. The $5 I've got is a week's pay. I've got to feed my family. And he says, you have that money here tomorrow at a certain time, otherwise there's going to be harm that's going to come to you and your family. So in those days, my mother had boarders, and one of them was this fellow from Albany, New York. He was boardering in my father's and my mother's house, and so Papa came home and he told him. And he was 27 [unintelligible – 00:59:56]. So he told him what had happened, so this man said to my father, he says, yeah, you let me know where this guy is and what time you're supposed to meet him. And he says, I'll go to meet him. Anyway, he approached this guy and he never bothered my father anymore. LINDA: So who were these people? SAL: Black Hand. It's like a society that's like the mafia or something like that, but they were gangsters shaking down these fellow Italians. So this guy must've taken a knife and shoved it up to his throat and said you won't bother this man anymore. LINDA: Do you think it was a group living in Fitchburg? SAL: I think so. LINDA: You think so? SAL: Yeah. LINDA: Your parents would take in boarders? SAL: Yeah, she took in boarders for a while. Like men that she knew, like my father's -- like a cousin or something like that, they came to this county and they had no place to go, and where do you go? You go see your paisano, you go see your relative or brother until they get located or until they get situated, and they used to take care of these men. Cook for them, make their lunch. Mostly all the Italians would take in boarders. LINDA: So were there many paisanos living around? SAL: Oh, yeah. There was quite a few. Like I said, the work came to an end, and then a lot of them left. They went to Albany, New York. But yeah, my mother had one of her brothers living the next block over, and Dad had another brother that was a few blocks up the street [unintelligible - 01:01:50], and they grouped together. They stayed together. LINDA: Because even though there were a lot of Italians living here, some in different regions, they speak a different dialect. SAL: Oh, yeah. I was in Italy here about three years ago, I think there's about 150, 200 dialects in Italy. When I was growing up there used to be like 28 Beech Street over here that's a bunch of Italians not from Northern Italy, but once they start talking, I don't understand them. I really don't. /AT/pa/my/cy/es