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Author's introductionOver the last 20 years, there has been a technological advance and commercial boom in genetic technologies and projects. These developments include a renewed scientific interest in the biological status and genetic constitution of race. This aspect of genetic research is of interest to sociologists and others working in the field of race and ethnicity studies. While the consensus among sociologists is that race is a social construction with no biological foundations, innovations in genetic research have pushed sociologists and other social scientists to reflect upon the ways in which ideas of biology mediate everyday understandings of race. Anthropologists, cultural geographers and sociologists have begun to study the complex and ambivalent ways in which laypeople think about the biological and genetic constitution of racial identities. Central to this area of inquiry has been analysis of laypeople's engagements with the new reproductive technologies, such as IVF. In addition, social scientists have begun to study laypeople's uses of genealogical technologies that claim to trace family ancestries, including racial descent and ethnic origins. Ultimately, such studies enable a deeper understanding of the social construction of 'race', and in the course of so doing provide an important research avenue to challenge racism.Author recommendsWade, Peter 2002. Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Perspective. London: Pluto Press.In this book, Peter Wade argues that anthropological studies of kinship provide a lens to think about how ideas of nature and culture mediate the formation of racial identities. Drawing upon studies from within anthropology, Wade contends that an increasing emphasis upon the 'gene' at the everyday level does not necessarily signify a growing genetic/biological determinism in laypeople's conceptions of race and human nature. Rather, he suggests anthropological studies that explore the biological and social 'origins' of persons can be deployed to unpack 'everyday' understandings of the relationship between ideas of 'race', 'nature' and 'culture'. In his review of anthropological approaches to the study of 'race', Wade (2002, 15) writes that, 'People…move between the biological and the social, the given and the developing, the permanent and the changeable, in ways that blur the boundary between them'.Skinner, D. 2006. 'Racialized Futures: Biologism and the Changing Politics of Identity.'Social Studies of Science 36: 459–88.In this paper, David Skinner examines sociologists' and scientists' reflections on the social and ethical implications of recent research on race and genetics. He argues research on race and genetics has led to both utopian and dystopian visions of the future: 'one in which scientific racism is revived, the other in which science finally abolishes race thinking'. Skinner contends that detailed critical attention needs to be paid to existing notions of relatedness, personhood and nature/culture, to understand the implication of genetic science on racial thinking.Franklin, S. and S. Mckinnon (eds) 2001. Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.This book provides a collection of articles that represent the diversity of perspectives that constitute the 'new kinship studies' within anthropology. Chapters by Kath Weston, Charis Thompson and Signe Howell focus explicitly upon how ideas of biology, blood and culture mediate the formation of racial identities within everyday and popular discourses. In this vein, Thompson explores how kinship ideologies become reconfigured by people who take‐up the opportunities offered by the new reproductive technologies, for example, ova and sperm donation. In so doing, Thompson's study illuminates the ways in which these recent clinical practices have opened a space for anthropologists to examine how ideas about biogenetic and social relatedness within families and across generations become intersected with ideas about the inheritance of ethnic and racial identities.Wade, Peter (ed.) 2007. Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Perspectives from Kinship and Genetics. Oxford: Berghahn, New York.This book brings together a collection of essays written by scholars who worked collaboratively for 3 years exploring everyday articulations of race, ethnicity and genetics across Europe in the face of innovations in genetic science. The book draws upon a rich array of anthropological studies of 'assisted reproduction, transnational adoption, mixed‐race families, Basque identity politics and post‐Soviet nation‐building' to explore how ideas of race, ethnicity, nation and nature are lived and experienced by people within differing European social contexts.Tyler, Katharine, 2009. 'Whiteness Studies and Laypeople's Engagements with Race and Genetics.'New Genetics and Society 28 (1): 36–48.In this paper, Tyler proposes a research strategy for examining laypeople's thoughts and reflections on innovations in the science of race and genetics. While some sociologists have shown a reluctance to engage in such discussions, Tyler argues that social scientists need to take such views seriously. To do this, the paper brings together an anthropological approach to the study of scientific literacy and recent scholarship in the field of Whiteness studies. The combining of these literatures raises a set of interesting and sometimes uncomfortable questions about the ways in which social scientists and research participants contribute to the reproduction of White power and dominance in Western societies.Online materials'Ten commandments' of race and genetics issued, Science in Society http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn14345‐ten‐commandments‐of‐race‐and‐genetics‐issued.html This website describes 10 'guiding principles' for the scientific community in relation to research on race and genetics. These principles were written by a multidisciplinary group including geneticists, psychologists, historians and philosophers. At the end of the principles are reflections from readers of the New Scientist. Motherland: A Genetic Journey, BBC Documentary, Director Archie Baron; Producer Tabitha Jackson http://www.rootsforreal.com/motherland_en.php The programme analysed the DNA of 228 Black African Caribbean descent men and women living in the United Kingdom. The research participants were selected on the criteria that they had two generations of paternal and maternal grandparents that were of Black African Caribbean descent. Twenty‐six percent of the Black male participants were told that their Y chromosome, inherited through the male line, traced them back to a European ancestor. The tests also showed that mitochondria DNA that is inherited through the maternal line affiliated many of the research participants with ancestors from African tribal groups. The documentary follows the journeys of three research participants who used their newly acquired genetic kinship to interrogate either their Black/African or their White/European ancestry, depending on which aspect of their identity was important to them. In this regard, the viewer is left with the impression that an individual's DNA can be objectively coded, separated and divided into its racially distinct component parts. However, when the research participants embarked on their journeys to forgotten African and Caribbean ancestral home‐places, they unexpectedly discovered the entanglement of White and Black people's colonial histories and origins. In this way, knowledge of genetic ancestry when combined with social relationships and history can be put to work to undermine the idea of racially pure lines of descent within families.'Roots for Real, your ancestry discovered' http://www.rootsforreal.com/?gclid=CNbs86LYu5kCFQ00QwodliIP6A 'Roots for Real' is a commercial organisation that offers a DNA tracing service, as used in the BBC programme, Motherland, to the general public. Deploying an 'at home saliva test', this service promises to analyse individual's maternal and paternal ancestry, and match it with the company's database of samples from all over the world. A map is sent to the genealogist (i.e. the client) estimating the location of the client's ancestral origins. The website includes links to testimonies from people who have used this site, press coverage of this service and a description of 'ancient migrations'.'African American Lives 2' http://www.pbs.org/wnet/aalives/ This website accompanies Professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr, television series that traced famous African American people's ancestries back to slave times. The research deploys the same kinds of genealogical techniques used in the Motherland experiment, as well as archival and historical research. Gates' guests include Tina Turney, Morgan Freeman and Maya Angelou. The website provides information about the television series, video clips from the series, including interviews with famous African Americans, background on the scientific and scholastic research, and resources for people to learn more about their own family history and genealogy.'Oxford Ancestors Ltd' http://www.oxfordancestors.com/ Oxford Ancestors was the first provider of DNA‐based services in the UK. The founder is Professor Bryan Sykes, a geneticist at Oxford University. Through the use of a saliva test, Sykes claims to be able to trace an individual's European maternal ancestry back to one of seven 'clan mothers', who are ultimately all related to 'Mitochondrial Eve' the original mother. Catherine Nash has written extensively about the gendered and ethnic meanings embedded within the work of Bryan Sykes in the following article: Nash, C. 2004 'Genetic Kinship.'Cultural Studies 18: 1–33.Sample syllabusOverview of the courseThis course introduces students to the contemporary debates in the sociological and anthropological study of race, ethnicity and racism. Historical material, social theories and ethnographic studies will be used to illustrate the social construction of race and ethnicity and the reproduction of racial power in western societies.Lecture 1 – Meanings of race and ethnicityWhat is race? What is ethnicity? How do race and ethnicity relate to racism? The era post‐1945, it has been argued, marked a shift from 'biological racism' to 'cultural racism' in which culture, rather than biology, forms the reference point for defining identities previously seen as racial. We consider to what extent such a shift has actually taken place. We shall also examine the ways in which this shift corresponds with a change in social policy and academic debates from the use of the term 'race' to 'ethnicity'.Anthias, F. and Yuval‐Davis 1992. Racialised Boundaries. Routledge.Barker, M. 1981. The New Racism: Conservatives and the Ideology of the Tribe. Junction Books.Goldberg, D. T. 1993. Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Meaning. Blackwells.Malik, K. 1996. The Meaning of Race. New York University Press.Wade, P. 2002. Race, Nature and Culture. Pluto Press.Post‐race: The end of race?Lecture 10 – Interracial IdentitiesWith a marked rise in the number of children of mixed parentage, there is a growing body of literature that explores the experiences and identities of the members of interracial families. This body of literature challenges simplistic understandings of 'race', nation and culture through an interrogation of what it means to be the parent of mixed‐race children and/or to grow up and claim a 'mixed' identity.Ali, S. 2003. Mixed‐Race, Post‐Race. Berg.Alibhai‐Brown, Yasmin 2001. Mixed Feelings: The Complex Lives of Mixed‐Race Britons. The Women's Press.Brah, A. and Coombes, A. 2000. Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture. Routledge (see Part 1 of this book titled 'Miscegenation and Racial Purity' that include essays by Stoler, Labanyi, Phoenix and Owen, Treacher).Frankenberg, R. 1993. White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness. Routledge (chapter 5).Howell, S. 2001. 'Self‐Conscious Kinship: Some Contested Values in Norwegian Transnational Adoption', in Franklin, S. and Mckinnon, S. (eds), Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Duke University Press.Ifekwunigwe, J. 1999. Scattered Belongings: Cultural Paradoxes of 'Race', Nation and Gender. Routledge.Parker, D. and Song, M. 2001. Rethinking 'Mixed Race'. Pluto Press.Root, M. (eds) 1992. Racially Mixed People in America. Sage.Tizard, B. and Ann Phoenix 1993. Black White or Mixed‐Race? Race and Racism in the Lives of Young People of Mixed Parentage. New York: Routledge.Twine, F. W. 2000. 'Bearing Blackness in Britain: The Meaning of Racial Difference for White Birth Mothers of African‐Descent Children.' Pp. 76–108 in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Tyler, K. 2005. 'The Genealogical Imagination: The Inheritance of Interracial Identities.'The Sociological Review 53 (3): 475–94.Wilson, A. 1987. Mixed Race Children: A Study of Identity. Allen and Unwin.Zack, N. (ed). American Mixed‐Race: The Culture of Microdiversity. Rowman and Littlefield Pub.Lecture 12 – Race, genealogy and geneticsRecent research into human genetics has probed the relationship between human characteristics and the meaning of racial difference. Some social critics have warned that such research will heighten racist attitudes, whereas others argue that the new genetic research opens the way to a post‐racial future. In this lecture, we shall examine this debate and in doing so inquire into the interpretations that laypersons might hold of the relationship between race, genetics and human nature.Brodwin, P. 2004. 'Genetics, Identity and the Anthropology of Essentialism.' Pp. 116‐122 in Mixed Race Studies: A Reader, edited by J. O. Ifekwunigwe. London: Routledge.Condit, C. M, et al. 2002. 'Lay Understandings of the Relationship Between Race and Genetics: Development of a Collectivized Knowledge Through Shared Discourse.'Public Understandings of Science 2: 373–87.Cross, K. 2001. 'Framing Whiteness: The human Genome Diversity Project (As Seen on TV).'Science as Culture 10 (3).Essed, P. and D. T. Goldberg 2002. 'Cloning Cultures: The Social Injustices of Sameness.'Ethnic and Racial Studies 25 (6).Franklin, S. and Ragone, H. 1998. Reproducing Reproduction: Kinship, Power and Technological Innovation. University of Pennsylvania Press.Franklin, S. and Mckinnon, S. 2001. Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. Duke University Press.Gilroy, P. 2000. Between Camps: Nations, Cultures and the Allure of Race. Penguin.Haraway, D. 2000. 'Deanimations: Maps and Portraits of Life Itself.' in Hybridity and its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture, edited by A. Brah and A. Coombes. Routledge.Inhorn, M. C. 2000. 'Missing Motherhood: Infertility, Technology, and Poverty in Egyptian Women's Lives.' in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Marks, J. 2001. 'We're Going to Tell These People Who They Really Are,' in Relative values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies, edited by S. Franklin and S. Mckinnon (eds). Duke University Press.Moore, D., Kosek, J and Pandian, A. 2003. Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference. Duke University Press.Nash, C. 2002. 'Genealogical Identities.'Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 20.Nash, C. 2004. Genetic Kinship. Cultural Studies 18: 1–33.Palsson, G and Haroardottir, K. E. 2002. 'For Whom the Cell Tolls.'Current Anthropology 43 (2).Reardon, J. 2001. 'The Human Genome Diversity Project: A Case Study in Coproduction.'Social Studies of Science 31 (3).Ragone, H. 2000. 'Of Likeness and Difference: How Race is Being Transfigured by Gestational Surrogacy.' in Ideologies and Technologies of Motherhood: Race, Class, Sexuality, Nationalism, edited by H. Ragone and F. W. Twine. Routledge.Steinberg, D. L. 2000. "Reading Genes/Writing Nation: Reith, 'Race' and the Writings of Geneticist Steve Jones." in Hybridity and Its Discontents. Politics, Science and Culture, edited by A. Brah and A. Coombes. Routledge.Skinner, D. 2006. 'Racialized Futures: Biologism and the Changing Politics of Identity.'Social Studies of Science 36: 459–88.Skinner, D. 2007. "Groundhog Day? The Strange Case of Sociology, Race and 'Science'."Sociology 41: 931–44.Thompson, C. 2001. 'Strategic Naturalising: Kinship in an Infertility Clinic.' in Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies, edited by S. Franklin and S. Mckinnon. Duke University Press.Tyler, K. 2007b. "Race, Genetics and Inheritance: Reflections Upon the Birth of 'Black' Twins to a 'White' IVF Mother." Pp. 33–51 in Race, Ethnicity and Nation: Perspectives from Kinship and Genetics, edited by Peter Wade. Berghahn Books.Tyler, K. 2009. 'Whiteness Studies and Laypeople's Engagements with Race and Genetics.'New Genetics and Society, 28 (1): 35–48.Tyler, K. 2008. 'Ethnographic Approaches to Race, Genetics and Genealogy.'Sociology Compass, 2 (6): 1860–77.Wade, P. 2002. Race, Nature and Culture: An Anthropological Perspective. Pluto Press.Wailoo, K. 2003 'Inventing the Heterozygote: Molecular Biology, Racial Identity and the Narrative of Sickle‐Cell Disease, Tay‐Sachs and Cystic Fibrosis.' in Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference, edited by D. Moore, J. Kosek and A. Pandian. Duke University Press.Wiegman, R. 2003. 'Intimate Publics: Race, Property, and Personhood.' in Race, Nature and the Politics of Difference, edited by D. Moore, J. Kosek and A. Pandian. Duke University Press.

This guide accompanies the following article: Sarah E. Rusche and Zachary W. Brewster, '"Because they tip for shit!" The Social Psychology of Everyday Racism in Restaurants,'Sociology Compass 2/6 (2008): 2008–2029, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2008.00167.xAuthor's IntroductionThe context of the article is very relatable to students, many who have worked in restaurants and most who eat in them. Sociologically, this article taps into three major topical areas: racism and discrimination, social psychology and workplaces. This research shows how racist discourse in workplaces shapes servers' discriminatory behavior toward African‐American customers. This article also exposes students to important concepts of social psychology, such as: status beliefs, stereotype activation, cognitive bias, attribution errors, performance expectations, and self‐fulfilling prophecies.Author Recommends:Bonilla‐Silva, Eduardo. 2002. 'The Linguistics of Color‐Blind Racism: How to Talk Nasty about Blacks without Sounding "Racist."'Critical Sociology 28: 41–64.According to the author, color‐blind racism constitutes the primary racial ideology of the post‐civil rights era. This ideology is characterized by linguistic practices surrounding whites' discourse about race‐related issues in the United States. The author outlines five components of the post‐civil rights racial ideology: (1) as a result of the current normative climate most whites, avoid directly expressing their racial views; (2) whites cautiously express their racial views using a variety of 'semantic' moves that conceal their racial prejudices (e.g., 'I'm not prejudiced, but ..., 'I am not black, so I don't know,''Yes and no, but ...,'); (3) whites tend to project racial motivations onto blacks and in doing so they are able to avoid taking responsibility for their own sentiments and actions (e.g., blacks don't want to be friends with us); (4) whites often use diminutives in color‐blind racetalk. For instance, whites rarely say that they are opposed to a racialized matter, such as interracial marriage, but instead express such views by prefacing their position with a diminutive (e.g., 'I'm a little against interracial marriage'); (5) when whites are pushed to discuss sensitive racial topics they often become incoherent and incomprehensible. The author concludes by discussing the potential for race‐neutral policies to emerge out of research that fails to consider the rhetorical tools that whites utilize to preserve the false and socially constructed perception of color blindness.Dirks, Danielle and Stephen K. Rice 2004. 'Dining While Black: Tipping as Social Artifact.'Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly 45: 30–47.The authors locate the documented racial tipping differential within the context of everyday racism that African Americans, in particular, continue to encounter. The authors' qualitative analysis reveals the existence of what they describe as a 'culture of white servers' within restaurant establishments. Indicative of such a culture are anti‐black sentiments among predominately white wait staff. Such anti‐black sentiments are evidenced in derogatory stereotyping and coded language utilized by servers to privately disparage African‐American patrons. The documented anti‐black beliefs and attitudes among servers constitute the underlying cause of both covert and overt discriminatory server behaviors. Among other examples of racial discrimination, the authors delineate instances wherein servers' expressed an unwillingness to serve black patrons and to avoid doing so they actively engaged in negotiations with other white servers in a game of 'Pass the [Black] Table'. Moreover, the authors find that when servers are 'forced' to wait on African Americans they often admittedly provide inferior service by exerting a minimum amount of effort to these guests. In short, the authors argue that the racial tipping differential is, in part, a manifestation of a server initiated self fulfilling prophecy wherein restaurant servers adhere to racial stereotypes concerning the tipping practices of black patrons and therefore feel justified in discriminating – both overtly and covertly – when delivering service to them. African Americans in‐turn reciprocate with lower than average tips thereby reaffirming servers' anti‐black sentiments.Feagin, Joe R. 1991. The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places. American Sociological Review, 56: 101–116.Drawing on in‐depth interviews with 37 middle‐class African Americans, the author highlights the continuing significance of anti‐black public‐place discrimination. The author's analysis provides an empirical challenge to contemporary claims that discrimination no longer threatens economically advantaged African Americans. To the contrary, the author's research details incidents of public‐place discrimination (e.g., restaurants, retail stores, pools, public streets, etc.) including avoidance, poor service, verbal epithets, threats, and harassment. The author also explores African Americans' coping responses to such disparate treatment. Findings show that in response to public accommodation discrimination (e.g., restaurants, stores, etc.) victims are likely to engage the perpetrator in a verbal confrontation or may withdraw to avoid the time and energy that a confrontation requires. Street discrimination, on the other hand, offers victims less protection and is more likely to involve violence, leaving their responses more restricted. Common responses to street discrimination include withdrawal, resigned acceptance, or quick verbal retorts. The author argues that the nature and consequences of contemporary discrimination can only be understood once the important intersection between the individual's and group's accumulated experiences with discrimination are considered.Fiske, Susan T. and Shelley E. Taylor. 1984. 'Social Schemata' in Social Cognition, Reading, MA: Addison‐Wesley.In this chapter from Social Cognition, Fiske and Taylor explain the concept social schemata, discussing a wide range of research on its functions. Social schemata, or schemas, are 'cognitive structures' that store organized knowledge about some object, idea or person. A schema organizes and stores information in a related way, sort of like a filing cabinet of prior experience. Schemata help individuals process information – about situations, objects, or people – efficiently. A fundamental assumption of this concept is that perceivers actively construct their own reality through the creation and interpretation of meaning. This assumption is important when considering that schemata are virtually unchanging; the schemas become real to those who hold them. What the authors call the perseverance effect suggests that schemata tend to persevere despite evidence that contradicts the schema. (For example, relating to Rusche and Brewster's research, a server with a schema that views black patrons as poor tippers will be activated despite experiences with black patrons who tip well). It is much more difficult to change a schema than it is to develop one. While Fiske and Taylor argue that schemata do not generally change, they also note that discrepancies are the most common catalysts for schema change. Since the information does not fit the schema, the perceiver must consider the reasons and further consider the accuracy of the schema.Mallinson, Christine, and Zachary W. Brewster. 2005. '"Blacks and Bubbas": Stereotypes, Ideology, and Categorization Processes in Restaurant Servers'. Discourse.'Discourse and Society 16: 787–807.In this paper, the authors analyze data from 15 in‐depth interviews with restaurant servers to investigate how stereotypes and categories are formed in casual interaction and casual discourse. Findings suggest that servers categorize customers by drawing on race and class based cues, which are subsequently used to produce two distinct but related types of discriminatory discourse –'racetalk' and what the authors term 'regiontalk'. According to the authors, racetalk and regiontalk can be understood as constituting structured forms of discourse that appears to cast the speaker as 'color‐blind' or 'class‐blind' but that actually serves to justify his or her race‐ and class‐based stereotypes, attitudes, and discriminatory behaviors against racial minorities and lower‐class southern whites –'redneck/bubbas'. Findings show that when categorizing black patrons, race alone is sufficient to invoke cultural stereotypes that correspond with the cognitive category of 'black' in servers' minds. As such, servers do not differentiate between black patrons. In contrast, servers' categorization of 'redneck' patrons draws on many regional and/or class‐based characteristics that are manifested in markers of cultural capital (such as linguistic behavior, table manners, and style of dress, which may be similar to class status markers). Another key difference between racetalk and regiontalk delineated by the authors involves the use of positive self‐presentation. Findings demonstrate that servers generally follow their use of negative other‐presentation with positive self‐presentation when speaking about black patrons, but this is not the case when speaking about the redneck social type. While there are marked differences between the two forms of discourse the authors argue that both racetalk and regiontalk can be seen as discourses of colonialism, since they both reflect and maintain stereotypes and categorizations that draw upon, support, and sustain the ideology of white supremacy that has dominated past and present American society.Ridgeway, Cecilia L. and Kristan Glasgow Erickson. 2000. 'Creating and Spreading Status Beliefs.'American Journal of Sociology, 106: 579–615.The authors outline findings from two experiments that lend support to status construction theory, which claims that status beliefs are spread through interaction and behavior. Status beliefs are shared cultural beliefs that people in one group are more esteemed and competent than those in another group. These status beliefs create social distinctions based on categories such as race, age, gender, and occupation. Status beliefs are extremely pervasive and are a product of categorization processes, for without these categorizations, important social distinctions could not be made. In addition, they are also maintained and reproduced through the spreading of these beliefs throughout the culture by individuals and institutions. Status beliefs can be 'spread' and taught to others who share nominal characteristics like race or job title. The first experiment discussed found that by treating 'the other' according to the status beliefs, actors teach the belief to their peers (e.g. race‐peers; workplace peers). The second experiment showed that those who witness these behaviors also develop the status belief. The implications of the spreading of status beliefs are far‐reaching in that this process enables dominant groups to spread status beliefs that will be widely embraced.Online Materials: 1. Understanding Race – Lived Experience http://understandingrace.com/lived/index.html RACE is a project of the American Anthropological Association. Using historical and scientific examinations of race, as well as lived experiences with racism, the RACE project seeks to reveal the 'unreality' of race. Most relevant for this article is the section on lived experience, where students can play games about everyday experiences in 'different' shoes, take quizzes about stereotypes, explore how race is defined on censuses across the globe, see a film about the contradictions black girls face regarding the beauty standard, read a blog where experiences of racism and discrimination have been documented and discussed, and much more. The other sections of this project can provide supplemental learning opportunities for students including the history of racial classification, timelines, details on human variation, and information about what genetics, biology and health have to do with race. 2. FRONTLINE http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/ FRONTLINE's website is user friendly and provides a host of resources for educators of the behavioral and social sciences. On this website teachers will find a large library of documentaries that have aired on The Public Broadcast Station (PBS) over the last 26 years. While this site offers something relevant to just about any sociology course that one teaches the documentaries exploring diversity in America are particularly noteworthy. A Class Divided and The O. J. Verdict are two specific documentaries that are relevant to any course on race and ethnic relations. The website also provides teachers with lesson plans, discussion questions, active learning exercises, and student assignments that align with each of the one hour documentaries.Sample syllabus:This article can be used in multiple settings, but would be especially relevant to courses on racism or social psychology. To maximize breadth, we have included units for which this article may useful. Depending on the focus of the course, this article can be used differently, either emphasizing the discussion about racism and discrimination, or by emphasizing the social‐psychological processes in a course in this field.
 Unit – Racism and Discrimination Concepts:
 Everyday Racism New Racism or Color‐blind Racism Systemic Racism Racist Discourse Stereotypes Discrimination
Readings: Antecol, Heather and Deborah A. Cobb‐Clark. 2006. 'Racial and Ethnic Discrimination in Local Consumer Markets: Exploiting the Army's Procedures for Matching Personnel to Duty Locations.'The Australian National University Centre for Economic Policy Research, Discussion Paper No. 544. Available online at <http://econrsss.anu.edu.au/pdf/DP544.pdf>.Coates, Rodney D. 2008. 'Covert Racism in the USA and Globally.'Sociology Compass 2: 208–231. Reference Online. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00057.xDirks, Danielle and Stephen K. Rice 2004. 'Dining While Black: Tipping as Social Artifact.'Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly 45: 30–47.Essed, Philomena. 'Everyday Racism' in A Companion Study of Race and Ethnic Relations. David Theo Goldberg and John Solomos [eds]. 2002. Blackwell Reference Online. DOI: 10.1111/b.9780631206163.2002.00020.xFeagin, Joe R. 1991. The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places. American Sociological Review 56: 101–116.Mallinson, Christine, and Zachary W. Brewster. 2005. '"Blacks and Bubbas": Stereotypes, Ideology, and Categorization Processes in Restaurant Servers' Discourse.'Discourse and Society 16: 787–807.Rusche, Sarah E. and Zachary W. Brewster. '"Because they tip for shit!": The Social Psychology of Everyday Racism in Restaurants.'Sociology Compass 2/6 (2008), pp. 2008–2029. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2008.00167.xSwim, Janet K., Lauri L. Hyers, Laurie L. Choen, Davita C. Fitzgerald, and Wayne H. Bylsma. 2003. 'African American College Students' Experiences with Everyday Racism: Characteristics of and Responses to These Incidents.'Journal of Black Psychology 29: 38–67.Tomaskovic‐Devey, Donald, Marcinda Macon, and Matthew Zingraff. 2004. 'Looking for the Driving While Black Phenomena: Conceptualizing Racial Bias Processes and Their Associated Distributions.'Police Quarterly 7: 3–29.Van Dijk, Teun A. 'Discourse and Racism' in A Companion Study of Race and Ethnic Relations. David Theo Goldberg and John Solomos [eds]. 2002. Blackwell Reference Online. DOI: 10.1111/b.9780631206163.2002.00017.x
 Unit – Social Psychology of Everyday Racism Concepts:  Self‐fulfilling prophecy Stereotypes; Stereotype Activation Social Cognition Attribution Errors Racist Discourse Readings: Berard, Tim J. 'The Neglected Social Psychology of Institutional Racism.'Sociology Compass 2/2 (2008), pp. 734–764. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00089.xBonilla‐Silva, Eduardo. 2002. 'The Linguistics of Colorblind Racism: How to Talk Nasty about Blacks without Sounding "Racist"', Critical Sociology, 28, 1–2, 41–64.Correll, Shelley J. and Cecilia L. Ridgeway. 2003. 'Expectation States Theory.' In Delamater, John [ed.]. 2003. Handbook of Social Psychology, Springer: New York.Devine, P. G. 1989. 'Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic and Controlled Components.'Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 56: 5–18.Fiske, Susan T. 2000. 'Stereotyping, Prejudice, and Discrimination at the Seam between the Centuries: Evolution, Culture, Mind, and Brain.'European Journal of Social Psychology 30: 299–322.Fiske, Susan T. 2004. 'Intent and Ordinary Bias: Unintended Thought and Social Motivation Create Casual Prejudice.'Social Justice Research, 17: 117–127.Kaiser, Cheryl R. and Carol T. Miller. 2001. 'Stop Complaining! The Social Costs of Making Attributions to Discrimination.'Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 27: 254–263.Kawakami, Kerry, Heather Young, and John F. Dovidio. 2002. 'Automatic Stereotyping: Category, Trait, and Behavioral Activations.'Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 28: 3–15.Pettigrew, Thomas. 1979. 'The ultimate attribution error: Extending Allport's cognitive analysis of prejudice.'Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 5: 461–476.Ridgeway, Cecilia L. and Kristan Glasgow Erickson. 2000. 'Creating and Spreading Status Beliefs.'American Journal of Sociology 106: 579–615.Rusche, Sarah E. and Zachary W. Brewster. '"Because they tip for shit!": The Social Psychology of Everyday Racism in Restaurants.'Sociology Compass 2/6 (2008), pp. 2008–2029. DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2008.00167.xTomaskovic‐Devey, Donald, Marcinda Macon, and Matthew Zingraff. 2004. 'Looking for the Driving While Black Phenomena: Conceptualizing Racial Bias Processes and Their Associated Distributions.'Police Quarterly 7: 3–29.Focus and discussion questions:

How does the authors' use of triangulation improve their research results?
What is the relationship between systemic racism and social‐psychological aspects of racism?
What role does workplace discourse play in servers' discrimination? In what other contexts is discourse used to promote, justify or minimize discrimination?
Are there further‐reaching consequences for blacks apart from the quality of dining experiences? In what other contexts might these social‐psychological processes play out
If restaurant managers or owners wanted to eliminate racist discourse and discrimination against blacks in their restaurants, how could they go about doing it?

Project Ideas: 1. Racist Discourse Assignment (Adapted from an assignment developed by Christine Mallinson, University of Maryland, Baltimore County)Now that you have read our article as well as research by Bonilla‐Silva (2002), Dirks and Rice (2004), and Mallinson and Brewster (2005), you are ready to begin doing research to corroborate what you have learned from these authors. Thus, for this assignment you will collect and analyze evidence of racialized restaurant server discourse. Such discourse is disproportionately evidenced when servers converse about patrons' tipping behaviors. Begin by visiting The Original Tipping Page (http://tipping.org), a website that is specifically geared toward restaurant servers and which includes a job‐related discussion board. On this site, restaurant servers post messages on discussion boards and debate issues related to their jobs, including the tipping practices of patrons. Task: Search these online postings and gather data about how servers talk about racial differences in tipping behaviors. On The Original Tipping Page, collect servers' online postings by clicking on the 'Forums' link in the toolbar at the top of the home page. From there, you can access the discussion board by clicking on the 'Enter the Board' link at the bottom of the page and then clicking on the 'Tipping Forum' link on the following page. Upon entering the 'Tipping Forum', students can read/search various postings from servers for evidence of 'racetalk,' racial prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination (be sure to search the archives too). When analyzing1 the data you collected, look for patterns in servers' discourse and pay particular attention to the properties of racetalk as described by Bonilla‐Silva (2002) and Mallinson and Brewster (2005). There are many other server blogs that you are encouraged to explore in search of data on servers' racialized discourse, which provide opportunities for analytic comparison. These include but are not limited to: The Bitter Waitress (http://bitterwaitress.com), The Insane Waiter (http://allprowaiter.blogspot.com), Waiter Rant (http://WaiterRant.Net), The Stained Apron (http://stainedapron.com), Raging Server (http://www.ragingserver.com/), and The Upset Waitress (http://upsetwaitress.com). 2. Restaurant Ethnography Assignment For this assignment, you will collect data and write a short ethnography on the racialized nature of restaurant establishments. Your first task is to select a restaurant that will serve as your research site. Because you will be spending a considerable amount of time in this restaurant, we suggest taking some time to think about the type of restaurant that you find most interesting. For instance, you may want to explore the racialized nature of small locally owned and operated restaurants (e.g., 'ma and pop' type establishments). Alternatively, you may think about doing your field research in a corporate owned chain restaurant (e.g., Red Lobster, Outback Steak House, Applebee's, etc.), such as those explored in Rusche and Brewster's (2008) research. Another option is to explore the racialized nature of 'ethnic' restaurants, such as Chinese, Mexican or Indian restaurants. Owing to the fact that students will be doing their research in different types of restaurants, we encourage instructors to allocate class time to discussing emergent similarities and differences across research sites.Once you have chosen a research site of interest to you, it is time to begin doing research by visiting your chosen restaurant (we suggest requiring students to log a minimum of hours to be determined by the instructor). While in the field, you should attempt to position yourself in a location that allows you to observe the interactions between servers, customers, and managers (e.g., the bar area or host stand). While observing the activities of the restaurant, you should take brief notes on what you see, hear, and think. These notes will permit you to identify patterns in observed behaviors and interactions over the course of your research. These notes will become the data that you will later analyze. While it is impossible to foresee the exact patterns that you will find, existing research should inform your analysis. There is a wealth of empirical evidence that shows that contemporary racism is subtle in nature in contrast to the overt nature of Jim Crow era racism. The subtle nature of contemporary racism will likely make it difficult to identify racialized workplace patterns. We encourage you to carefully observe both server–customer interactions as well as those among servers, if you have the vantage point to do so. Some questions that you might explore include: Are there are any differences in the way white servers interact with white customers versus black patrons? Do white servers smile at whites when greeting them more than comparable black tables? Do servers appear to be more friendly or welcoming when providing service to whites compared with blacks? Do white and black customers appear equally satisfied or dissatisfied with their service? How do you know? Do servers 'check in' with white tables more than black tables?Once you have collected and analyzed the data, it is time to write an analytic paper using data excerpts to support your argument. Details for this assignment will vary by instructor but can include analytic memos or other sociological research reports.Notes* Correspondence address: Pomona College. Email: serusche@chass.ncsu.edu

1 The data students collect can be analyzed in class and facilitated by the instructor or alternatively can be analyzed on their own time and turned in as a course project or term paper. We also suggest that instructors consider having students complete the assignment in small groups.

Metaphors are used in political discourse in order to advance one particular view of the world whilst delegitimising other ideologies and belittling political opponents. The author verifies this claim by analysing the wrestling with a pig in the mud metaphor in light of the Critical Metaphor Analysis model and by providing broad reference to the socio-political context of the 2019 European Parliament election in Poland. Consistent with the premises of the selected paradigm, the investigation is performed at three intermingling levels. Basic categories of source domains present in the complex metaphorical structure are identified at the descriptive level. At the interpretative level, attention is directed towards mapping out correspondences between source and target domains. 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The aim of this report is to describe and analyze the embodiment of acceptance and recognition in discourses and practices which address cultural diversity in the Swedish educational system. In order to fulfil this general aim, we study how different categories of practitioners in the Swedish school system, such as teachers, headmasters and union representatives, and other stakeholders, such as civil servants, and representatives of political parties and the civil society, discuss and relate to the claims of recognition put forth by Muslim practitioners and/or policy measures designed to reach the fulfilment of those claims. Two cases are studied: the establishment of Muslim independent schools and the claims to dress veiled in public schools, out forth by Muslim youth. The cases are selected with consideration to a number of circumstances. First, the faith and belief practices of Muslim migrants have been debated on a large scale in Swedish media during the last decade, as in many other West European and North American countries. It is quite common that these practices has been put under scrutiny, and subjected to extensive critique. The attention paid to Muslim belief practices and institutions has also reached Muslim denominational schools and the practice of Burqa and Niqab. The establishment of denominational schools during the last two decades, whether Islamic or not, has also received a lot of attention, in mainstream media as well as in debates on education policy. For instance, a number of political parties have voiced demands to keep down the number of Islamic denominational schools. Second, Muslim migrants has, according to a number of studies, been subjected to direct and indirect discrimination. Whether this discrimination primarily is religious to its nature, or ethnic, and hence targeting their ethnic identity, is not always concluded, but the extensive negative attention mentioned above suggests that the scope of religiously motivated discrimination is either predominant or on the rise. The enactment of Muslim belief practices is not infrequently obstructed. For example, the construction of Mosques does seldom take place in silence; frequent and high-pitched voices of rejection and disapproval are common, and when the buildings once are completed, the congregations receive numerous threats and insults. The opposition is evident, and two mosques have been burned down. Moreover, women wearing burqa or niqab report being harassed in public. Apart from the lack of recognition and acceptance in religious matters, the prevalence of discriminatory mechanisms might also obstruct the access to welfare services and the entry to the labour market. This report consists of two cases studies, which relies solely on qualitative data. The main part of the empirical material consists of interviews with 13 persons – three teachers, three headmasters, two union representatives, two civil servants, one jurist, one imam and one representative of a political party. The interviews are used as a source for both cases. As additions to interviews, we have collected newspaper articles, memos from public authorities, bills introduced to the parliament, debates on commentary fields in web-edition of newspapers, et cetera. Being a minor study, it is necessary to make some reservations concerning the reliability of our material. Thus, it is difficult to determine whether or not it is possible to make generalizations from our material, thus asserting that the viewpoints found in our material are overlapping with or similar to the attitudes of other teachers, headmasters et cetera. In sum, a number of disadvantages with the establishment of Islamic denominational schools are expressed. They are allegedly divisive, both culturally and socially, and the quality of their instructions is supposed to be inadequate, in relation to the standards explicated in the national curriculum and syllabi. If the attitudes found in this study is spread all over Sweden, it could reasonable be said that Muslim schools are met by suspicion. Still, few calls for shutting down of these schools are voiced. It seems that the Muslim denominational schools are tolerated in a literal sense: it is accepted, sometimes pragmatically, but not liked. On the other hand, it could be said that the provision of a juridical and institutional space for religious minorities to establish denominational schools is part of politics of recognition; i.e. an educational policy which, under auspicious circumstances might provide the means for religious minorities to receive respect as equal and gain admission as normal. It must also be noted that the some of the objections to the existence of denominational schools implicitly and explicitly related to some central notions in Swedish educational policy. The notion of equivalence is a keyword in this context, and signifies on the one hand a demand for abidance by the national curriculum and syllabi, and on the other a priority of equalizing measures over freedom of choice. The equalizing and integrative objectives of the compulsory school project seem to be vital, but the quest for recognition of minority beliefs systems is circumscribed. Thus, the reproduction of "demos" is given priority over the recognition of "ethnos". As such, the notion of "equivalence" [likvärdighet] has been a keyword in Swedish educational policy since the 1980's, denoting equalizing ambitions as well as educational uniformity and compliance to steering documents. A number of objections to the practice of wearing Burqa or Niqab are put forth by our interviewees. In contrast to the media debate, the argument of gender equality was relatively downgraded. Rather, the interviewees focused on assumed problems with identification and communication. It was said that the abovementioned veiling practices obstructed the possibility of identifying the students at school, and also rendered the communication – and hence the instructions – at school more difficult. In comparison with the question of Islamic denominational schools, the non-tolerant stance was more manifest, although few explicit calls for a prohibition were made. Moreover, a specific discursive framing of the veiling practices could be discerned. The wearing of Burqa or Niqab was associated with phenomena such as mischief and the hidden, thus casting suspicion over the practice in question. As an instance of the everyday life, rather than an institutional arrangement, veiling practices could arguably be considered to be of less concern for educational policy than the establishment and maintenance of Islamic denominational schools. Still, the question of prohibition has gained a lot media attention during the last years, and brought the regulating dimension to the fore. And though our material contains few explicit calls for prohibition, several interviewees claimed that a teacher must see the face of the student in order to instruct and educate. And although the goal of equivalence was less relevant in this matter, the practice of veiling was questioned with reference to universal human rights, as the rights of the child. The right of the parent to exert influence in religious matter was questioned, since it could be regarded as a limitation of the freedom to choose direction to the walk of life. Thus, it seems like that the right to wear Burqa and Niqab in public schools are among the non-tolerable, although few explicit calls for prohibition can be discerned. So far, the material in our report, consisting of relatively limited set of qualitative data resonates with the broader tendency discerned by Orlando Mella, Irving Palm and Kristin Bromark (2011): the resistance in Sweden against the Burqa and the Niqab is compact; almost nine Swedes out of ten find it (totally or partly) unacceptable to wear Burqa and Niqab, respectively, at school or at work (Mella et al 2011:30), whereas seven out of ten find it (totally or partly) unacceptable to wear Burqa and Niqab at other public places. As noted above, the stress on equivalence consists of two distinct although related arguments. On the one hand, there is a demand for abidance by the law (here: steering documents such as national curriculum and syllabi), which among other things are paid attention to because Islamic schools are suspected not to follow these steering documents accordingly. This interpretation of "equivalence" is related to an understanding of the term which has become more and more frequent since the introduction of freedom of choice and independent schools in Swedish educational policy, and the decentralized system of governance of education in Sweden (Lindensjö & Lundgren 2002). In this context, where regulation is obtained through management by objective and evaluation, and responsibilities are spread between numerous responsible organizations, the goal of equivalence is equivalent (!) to abiding by the law. On the other hand, there is wish to maintain socially integrated educational environments, in which students from different ethnicities, classes and gender meets and interacts. Thus, it seems like the equalizing and integrative objectives which were central to the compulsory school project implemented during the heyday of the Scandinavian welfare regime (Esping-Andersen 1990) seem to be "alive and kicking". But the quest for recognition of minority beliefs systems, central to the policy of multiculturalism, is circumscribed. In so far, the arguments employed here gives priority to the reproduction of "demos" over the reproduction of "ethnos". It must also be noted that the freedom of choice, an important feature in the neoliberal turn of educational policy, does not seems to be so important for the interviewees in this particular matter. If we focus on the most elaborated objections in the report, we find arguments which 1) was presented as a response to the presumably universalist claims of freedom of religion, thus setting the professional considerations which are presented above in a more general, ethical context, and 2) focused on an ethical value of overriding importance, viz. the rights of the child. Emphasis is laid on the right of the child to "choose his own path", a wording which is used by several interviewees, which most of all seems to refer to the first paragraph in article 14 in the United Nations convention on the Rights of the Child, which aims at protecting "the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion". In the arguments of the teachers, the headmasters and the union representatives, this ethical principle makes it to possible to assert that children possess the freedom from the religion (as well as from other loyalties, or sets of ideas and beliefs) of their parents. Although not explicitly questioning the parents rights' to raise and guide their own children, they distinctly emphasize the autonomy of the child, and it's potential to choose something else than that which is given within the family. The emphasis on the rights of the child is regularly explicated in a specific discursive context. The right to "choose one's own path" is contrasted to the restrictions inherent in the religiosity of the parents. Religion is regularly depicted as the repressive force, and the secular mind-set as the entity in need of protection. The possibility of secular parents putting down religious inclinations among their children is never represented. Evidently, a discursive coupling of religion with repression and secularism with liberation may be discerned in the claims for freedom from religion. It may also be noted, that the impact from parental (Islamic) faith is the only aspect of upbringing which is questioned in this context. The arguments against tolerance or recognition of Islamic belief practices in this report are not primarily based on islamophobic or orientalistic discourses, but with reference to notions of equality. The interviewees stress the professional aspect of their opposition against veiling practices. They dissociate themselves from standpoints put forth in media, above all those who solely focus on the gender aspect of complete veiling practices. Instead, their emphasis on the professional educator dimension entails a focus on communication and identification. These acts of discursive positioning might be seen as an effort to "maximize the intertextual gap" between their own argument and the discourse in media, which to a fair-sized extent was articulated by radical right-wing populists. This dilemma is solved by the rhetoric of equivalence, which offers a way to reject claims of recognition in tandem with the defence of values as diverse and important as social justice, the rule of law and the freedom of the individual (child). Thus, the non-tolerance of religiously motivated veiling practices could be motivated with values which is central to diverse but culturally dominant ideological universes, such as socialism and (neo-)liberalism. ; Accept Pluralism

Frantz Fanon has been making the rounds lately. The subject of a new biography by Adam Shatz and a recent New Yorker essay, the anticolonial activist is enjoying a sort of intellectual renaissance. Perhaps that's because like so many people today, he lived in a world shaped by violence.
While the formal process of post-World War II decolonization had begun to run its course by 1961, when Fanon died at the age of 36, the Global South remained a violent space. Western powers continued to extract resources from former colonies, to manipulate local economies, and to expand local civil wars by intervening in regions from Latin America to Southeast Asia.
Fanon believed that violence not only begot violence, but that it could serve to uplift peoples long suffering under the colonial system. His 1961 seminal work, The Wretched of the Earth, spared no details on this point. "At the individual level," the revolutionary political philosopher argued, "violence is a cleansing force. It rids the colonized of their inferiority complex, of their passive and despairing attitude. It emboldens them, and restores their self-confidence."
More than sixty years later, we might ask if Fanon's claims on violence still hold merit. While Fanon's writings focused entirely on anti-colonialism in his own time, broader interpretations of all violence as cleansing have entered the intellectual bloodstream. Recent conflicts in Eastern Europe and the Middle East demonstrate the fallacies of perpetually seeing violence as a "cleansing force." All of this is worth examining in context, today.
The Martinique philosopher, it should be noted, did not speak in terms of "ethnic cleansing." In no way was he following in the abominable footsteps of an Adolf Hitler or setting a precedent for Slobodan Milošević, the 1990s "Butcher of the Balkans." Instead, Fanon meant to convey the rehabilitative nature of violence for oppressed peoples still living under the thumb of their former imperial masters. Perhaps this was because, as a psychiatrist, he actually treated victims of colonial violence — and colonizers themselves — during the Algerian war for independence from France.
But war doesn't rehabilitate. It only despoils and destroys. War is not reparative. Instead, it requires costly reconstruction in the wake of what it leaves behind. Policymakers and hawkish intellectuals alike peddle falsehoods when they promise war's therapeutic cures.
If Fanon justified the use of violence as a form of anticolonial self-defense — Shatz argues "cleansing" is better translated as "de-intoxicating" — such views have been extrapolated to rationalize military force for any occasion. In restating Russia's goals in Ukraine, for instance, President Vladimir Putin spoke in cleansing terms. Peace would come, he argued, only after the "denazification, demilitarisation and a neutral status" imposed upon Ukraine. It has been nearly a year since the World Bank estimated the costs of Ukraine's reconstruction at US $411 billion. One wonders if such massive destruction truly will wash away Putin's fears of Western encroachment toward Russian borders.
If Fanon saw violence as redemptive, he also judged it to be reactive, at least for the colonized. Violence could be politically and strategically instrumental in altering power relationships between oppressor and oppressed. In other words, it is a way to contest the infliction of injury by the more powerful when peace failed to deliver.
Did similar thinking underscore Hamas's 7 October 2023 attack against Israel? As the BBC reported, the Islamic Resistance Movement justified its actions as a response to "Israeli crimes against the Palestinian people." But the orgy of violence that followed—French President Emmanuel Macron called the 7 October attacks the "biggest antisemitic massacre of our century"—hardly was cleansing.
Nor did Israel's military response shy away from a Fanonian belief in the virtues of violence. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sidestepped criticisms of the heavy death toll among Palestinian civilians inflicted by the Israeli response, reaching back to the allies' World War II bombing campaign as justification for the "legitimate actions" of a state at war. If Fanon maintained that the colonized individuals could regain their dignity through "counter-violence," a way to liberate themselves from subjugation, surely Netanyahu thought similarly for the Israeli state writ large.
Yet the right-wing Likud party has gone farther than simply opposing violence with violence, with some extremists calling for the annihilation of Gaza and the Palestinians who live there. Can this language of genocidal violence, if not its actual practice, truly lead to the liberation of which Fanon spoke?
Lest Americans think that Fanon's political philosophizing doesn't apply to them, they need look no further than the global war on terror. In the aftermath of 9/11, President George W. Bush landed on a two-pronged strategy for the Middle East that assumed a successful counterterrorism campaign would pave the way for a democratic transformation of the entire region. Turning Fanon on his head, the Bush administration saw violence as a way to bring order back to decolonized locales where disorder—and, to Bush and his supporters, violence—now reigned supreme.
Contemporary critics, of course, voiced their concerns. Not long after the national trauma of 9/11, journalist Chris Hedges contemplated American notions of war as a cleansing force that gave them meaning. Hedges wasn't convinced. He found the language of violence hollow, the implementation of it repugnant.
I think Hedges's doubts were (and are) justified, and not just for Americans. Do Israelis, for instance, who see themselves living in a besieged state consider their lives more meaningful for the violence they both support and endure? Do Palestinians judging themselves victims of a violent settler colonial project feel their world has been cleansed?
If Fanon remains relevant so long after his death in 1961, then perhaps policymakers and publics alike should question their enduring embrace of violence and war as cleansing forces. Historian and philosopher Hannah Arendt certainly did, arguing that the "most probable change [violence] will bring about is the change to a more violent world." Current events in both the Middle East and Eastern Europe seem to be bearing Arendt out.
To his credit, Fanon believed that violence leading to "pure, total brutality" could undermine the very political movements employing violence in the first place. But when policymakers and their people seek to use violence as a cleansing force, brutality itself seems to be the point.

The article deals with the problem of determining the characteristics of structuring image of Ukraine in the socio-political and socio-cultural discourses in different periods of independence. The differences between the way the state in socio-political and socio-cultural discourses concerning prevalence in political discourse appropriate systemic intentions and interests, that is, the predominance in political discourse Hidden guidelines impose certain public ideas favorable to the authorities (manipulative component) which can be implemented by means of political rhetoric to the impact on public consciousness and sensory-emotional component of man. Socio-cultural discourse is in proximity to the zone signs discourse based on communicative rationality Habermas, as is permeable for criticism and freer (compared with socio-political discourse) on the pressure of censorship communication. Thus, in political or simple political discourse from the beginning of structured situation in which «born political product», which involved, on the one hand, «competing agents» on the other - «political consumers of products» from The most important products is the image of the state.Layers of socio-political discourse under defined-State officially and historically historiographical discourses. These discourses present the image of the state in the context of national history as the source, where by means of targeted public policy is formed and implemented state identity as the language of institutional communication. Images states that officially created in-state and historically historiographic discourses as a set of ethnic myths, frames, stereotypes intended to create mechanisms of perception and interpretation of the past of the country, used in educational policy as a tool for national identity with the corresponding identity discourse. Socio-cultural discourse and the corresponding image of the state is characterized by a strong plurality, conceptuality, multyparadyhmality. In the socio-cultural discourse is conceptualization image of the state as part of the living world as opposed to social and political discourse, in which the image of the state appears more like dogmatic ideological construct, which tends to uniqueness. In the scientific discourse in constructing the image of the state is dominated intellectual and conceptual component, while in the state mediadyskurs-image formed on the basis of emotional and social representations stained. Latest distributed in makroteksts designed to create appropriate social attitudes, sensatsion, mobilizing different social groups on a variety of events and more ; Статтю присвячено проблемі визначення особливостей структурування образу України в суспільно-політичному та соціокультурному дискурсах в різні періоди державної незалежності. Відмінності між образом держави в суспільно-політичному та соціокультурному дискурсах стосуються переважання в суспільно-політичному дискурсі відповідних системних інтенцій та інтересів, себто, переважанням в суспільно-політичному дискурсі прихованих настанов щодо нав'язування громадськості певних ідей, вигідних для представників влади (маніпулятивна складова), яка може реалізовуватись засобами політичної риторики із впливом на громадську свідомість та чуттєво-емоційну складову людини. Соціокультурний дискурс перебуває в зоні наближеності до ознак дискурсу на основі комунікативної раціональності за Габермасом, оскільки є проникним щодо критики та вільнішим (у порівнянні із суспільно-політичним дискурсом) щодо цензурного тиску на суб'єктів комунікації. Таким чином, в суспільно-політичному, або ж просто, політичному дискурсі від початку структурується ситуація, в якій «народжується політична продукція», де беруть участь, з одного боку, «конкуруючі агенти», з іншого - «споживачі політичної продукції», з яких найважливішою продукцією є образ держави.Шарами суспільно-політичного дискурсу в розділі визначено офіційно-державний та історично-історіографічний дискурси. Ці дискурси презентують образ держави в контексті національної історії як джерела, на якому за допомогою цілеспрямованої державної політики формується ідентичність держави та впроваджуються в якості мови інституційного спілкування. Образи держави, які створюються в офіційно-державному та історично-історіографічному дискурсах як сукупності етнічних міфів, фреймів, стереотипів, призначених для формування механізмів сприйняття і інтерпретації минулого своєї країни, використовуються в освітній політиці як інструмент формування національної ідентичності із відповідним йому дискурсом ідентичності. Соціокультурний дискурс та відповідний йому образ держави характеризується вираженою плюральністю, концептуальністю, ідеологічною нецензурованістю, мультипарадигмальністю. В соціокультурному дискурсі відбувається концептуалізація образу держави як складової життєвого світу на противагу суспільно-політичному дискурсу, в якому образ держави постає радше як ідеологічно-догматичний конструкт, який тяжіє до однозначності. При цьому в науковому дискурсі в конструюванні образу держави переважає інтелектуально-концептуальна складова, в той час як в медіадискурсі образ держави формується на базі емоційно-забарвлених соціальних уявлень. Останні поширюються у макротекстах, розрахованих на створення відповідних соціальних настроїв, сенсаціонування, мобілізацію різних соціальних груп на різні акції тощо. ; Статтю присвячено проблемі визначення особливостей структурування образу України в суспільно-політичному та соціокультурному дискурсах в різні періоди державної незалежності. Відмінності між образом держави в суспільно-політичному та соціокультурному дискурсах стосуються переважання в суспільно-політичному дискурсі відповідних системних інтенцій та інтересів, себто, переважанням в суспільно-політичному дискурсі прихованих настанов щодо нав'язування громадськості певних ідей, вигідних для представників влади (маніпулятивна складова), яка може реалізовуватись засобами політичної риторики із впливом на громадську свідомість та чуттєво-емоційну складову людини. Соціокультурний дискурс перебуває в зоні наближеності до ознак дискурсу на основі комунікативної раціональності за Габермасом, оскільки є проникним щодо критики та вільнішим (у порівнянні із суспільно-політичним дискурсом) щодо цензурного тиску на суб'єктів комунікації. Таким чином, в суспільно-політичному, або ж просто, політичному дискурсі від початку структурується ситуація, в якій «народжується політична продукція», де беруть участь, з одного боку, «конкуруючі агенти», з іншого - «споживачі політичної продукції», з яких найважливішою продукцією є образ держави.Шарами суспільно-політичного дискурсу в розділі визначено офіційно-державний та історично-історіографічний дискурси. Ці дискурси презентують образ держави в контексті національної історії як джерела, на якому за допомогою цілеспрямованої державної політики формується ідентичність держави та впроваджуються в якості мови інституційного спілкування. Образи держави, які створюються в офіційно-державному та історично-історіографічному дискурсах як сукупності етнічних міфів, фреймів, стереотипів, призначених для формування механізмів сприйняття і інтерпретації минулого своєї країни, використовуються в освітній політиці як інструмент формування національної ідентичності із відповідним йому дискурсом ідентичності. Соціокультурний дискурс та відповідний йому образ держави характеризується вираженою плюральністю, концептуальністю, ідеологічною нецензурованістю, мультипарадигмальністю. В соціокультурному дискурсі відбувається концептуалізація образу держави як складової життєвого світу на противагу суспільно-політичному дискурсу, в якому образ держави постає радше як ідеологічно-догматичний конструкт, який тяжіє до однозначності. При цьому в науковому дискурсі в конструюванні образу держави переважає інтелектуально-концептуальна складова, в той час як в медіадискурсі образ держави формується на базі емоційно-забарвлених соціальних уявлень. Останні поширюються у макротекстах, розрахованих на створення відповідних соціальних настроїв, сенсаціонування, мобілізацію різних соціальних груп на різні акції тощо.

The article considers the notion of the discourse activity subject in its relation to the notion of identity as a complex, multi-faceted and discursive phenomenon, giving the outline of various approaches to its exploration and focusing on the correlation between its individual/personal and the social/collective levels. It has been suggested that identity is constructed in discourse and by discourse in the unity of its social (collective, interactive) and cognitive (individual, personal) levels, thus making the socio-cognitive approach to the study of discourse indispensable for researching identity. Identity is formed in discourse not only as a subjective presentation of self but also as a product of all the communication participants' activities. Consequently, both individual and social levels of identity are discernible due to the thorough linguistic analysis of cognitive, discursive and interactive mechanisms of self- and other-identification. As a complex and multidimensional phenomenon, identity is created by a discourse subject as a manifold of stances taken by him or her in different discourse situations. From this perspective a situational identity is a kind of individual identity which is constructed, confirmed, denied or adjusted by the subject of discourse activity in the process of communicative interaction with other subjects under specific situational conditions. The notion of identity as a self-contradictory and unstable phenomenon remains open to new research, constant renewal and radical transformations. References Baranov, A. G. "Semioticheskaia Lichnost: Kodovyie Perekhody". Rechevaia Deiatelnost. Yazykovoie Soznaniie". Obshchaiushchiiesia Lichnosti, 30–31. Мoskva; Kaluga: Eidos. Barskii, F. I.2008. "Lichnost kak Cherty i kak Narrativ: Vozmozhnosti Urovnevykh Modelei Individualnosti". Metodologiia i Istoriia Psikhologii, 3 (3): 93–105. Burdie, Pier. Nachalo. Сhoses dites. Translated by N.А.Shmatko. Мoskva: Socio-Logos. Gasparov, B. M. Yazyk, Pamiat, Obraz. Lingvistika Yazykovogo Sushchestvovaniia. Мoskva: Novoie Literaturnoie Obozreniie. Giddens, Entoni. 2003. Ustroieniie Obshchestva: Ocherk Teorii Strukturatsyi. Мoskva: Akademicheskii Proekt. Grishaieva, L.I. , 2007. Osobennosti Ispolzovaniia Yazyka i Kulturnaia Identichnost Kommunikantov. Voronezh: VGU. Demiankov, V. Z. "Lichnost, Individualnost i Subiektivnost v Yazyke i Rechi". «Ya», «Subiekt», «Individ» v Paradigmakh Sovremennogo Yazykoznaniia, edited by N. N. Troshun, 9–34. Мoskva: INION RAN. Zakovorotnaia,М.V. 1999. Identichnost Cheloveka. Sotsyalno-Filosofskiie Aspekty. Rostov na Donu: Severo-Kavkazskii Nauchnyi Tsentr Vysshei Shkoly. Karasik, V. I. Yazykovoi Krug: Lichnost, Kontsepty, Diskurs. Volgograd: Peremena. Karasik, V. I. Yazykovaia Kristalizatsyia Smysla. Мoskva: Gnozis. Karaulov, Yu.N. Russkii Yazyk i Yazykovaia Lichnost. Мoskva: Nauka. Kubriakova,Ye.S. "V Poiskakh Sushchnosti Yazyka: Vmesto Vvedeniia". Kognitivnyie Issledovaniia Yazyka, edited by Ye. S. Kubriakova, N. N. Boldyriev, 4: 11–24. Мoskva: Institut Yazykoznaniia RAN; Tambov: ТGU imeni G.R. Derzhavina. Maslova, V. A. 2007. Homo Lingualis v Kulture. Мoskva: Gnozis. Matuzkova,Е.P. Identichnost i Lingvokultura: Metodologiia Izucheniia. Оdessa: КP ОGТ. Petliuchenko,N.V. "Diskursivnyie Portrety Istoricheskikh Kharizmaticheskikh Lichnostei Germanii i Ukrainy". Odeskyi Linhvistychnyi Visnyk,3:190–197. Plotnikova,S.N. "Yazykovaia, Kommunikativnaia i Diskursivnaia Lichnost: k Probleme Razgranicheniia Poniatii". In Lingvistika Diskursa, ed. by S. N. Plotnikova, 5–16. Irkutsk: IGLU. Rikior, Pol. 1999. Germanevtika. Etika. Politika. Moskovskiie Lektsyi i Interviu. Мoskva:Akademiia. Sternin,I.А. 1999. "Kontsept i Yazykovaia Semantika". Sviazi Yazykovykh Edinits v Sisteme i Realizatsyi. Kognitivnyi Aspekt, 2: 69– Tambov. Fuko, Mishel. 2007. Germanevtika Subiekta: Kurs Lektsyi. Sankt Peterburg: Nauka. Shneider, L. B. Professionalnaia Identichnost. Мoskva: МОSU. Erikson, Erik. 1996. Identichnost: Yunost i Krizis. Мoskva: Progress. Abel, J., and Stokoe, E. "Broadcasting the royal role: constructing culturally situated identities in the Princess Diana Panorama interview". British Journal of Social Psychology, 40(3): 417–435. Billig, Michael. Arguing and Thinking: A Rhetorical Approach to Social Psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bucholtz, M., and Hall, K. 2005. "Identity and interaction: a sociocultural linguistic approach". Discourse Studies. London: Sage Publications,7(4–5):585–614. Burke, P. J., and Tully, J. 1977. "The Measurement of Role, Identity". Social Forces, 55:881–897. Davies,, Harré, R. 1990. "Positioning: The discursive production of selves". Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior,20(1):43–63. DeFina,A. 2011. "Discourse and Identity". In Discourse Studies: A Multidisciplinary Introduction, ed. by T.A. van Dijk, 263–282. London: Sage. Erikson, Erik. 1994. Identity and the Life Cycle. New York: W.W. Norton and Co. Gergen, KennethJ. 1991. The Saturated Self: Dilemmas of Identity in Contemporary Life. New York: Basic Books. Gergen, K. J. 1985. "The social constructionist movement in modern psychology". American Psychologist, 40 (3):266– Giddens, Anthony. 1991. Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and society in the Late Modern Age. Cambridge: Polity Press. Habermas,Jürgen. The Theory of Communicative Action: Reason and the rationalization of society. Boston: Beacon Press. Joseph, John. Language and Identity: National, Ethnic, Religious. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. LePage,R., and Tabouret-Keller, A. Acts of Identity: Creole-based: approaches to language and ethnicity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Locke,A., Edwards, D. "Bill and Monica: Memory, emotion and normativity in Clinton's Grand Jury Testimony". British Journal of Social Psychology, 42:239–256. Myers, G. "Stance-taking and public discussion in blogs". Critical Discourse Studies,7 (4): 263–275. Online Etymology Dictionary. www.etymonline.com. Hornby, Albert Sydney. 1995. Oxford Advanced Learner's Encyclopedic Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Potter, J., and Wetherell, M. 1987. Discourse and Social Psychology: Beyond Attitudes and Behavior. London: Sage. Ricœur,P. 1988. "L'identité narrative".Esprit, 7–8:295–304. Tabouret-Keller, A. 1998. "Language and identity". In The Handbook of Sociolinguistics, ed. by F. Coulmas, 315–326. Oxford: Blackwell. Tracy, K., and Naughton, J. "The Identity Work of Questioning in Intellectual Discussion". In Discourse Studies, ed. by T. A. van Dijk, 5:181–207. London: Sage. Turner, John. 1985. "Social Categorization and the self-concept: a social cognitive theory of group behavior". In Advances in Group Processes, ed. by E.Lawer, 2:77–121. ; Розглянуто поняття «суб'єкт дискурсивної діяльності» у взаємозв'язку зі складним і багатогранним дискурсивним явищем ідентичності. Проаналізовано теоретичні підходи до його вивчення з основним фокусом на кореляції між індивідуальним/персональним і соціальним/колективним рівнями ідентичності. Ідентичність доцільно досліджувати за допомогою соціокогнітивного підходу, у межах якого встановлено, що у свідомості кожної людини соціальний (колективний, інтеракційний) рівень ідентичності взаємодіє з когнітивним (індивідуальним, особистісним), що свідчить про їх діалектичний взаємозв'язок. Ідентичність формується в дискурсі й за допомогою дискурсу не лише як особистісна самопрезентація суб'єкта дискурсивної діяльності, а й як продукт взаємодії усіх учасників комунікації. Відповідно, саме завдяки ретельному лінгвістичному аналізу когнітивних, дискурсивних та інтеракційних механізмів само- та взаємоідентифікації у дискурсі уможливлюється виявлення індивідуальних і соціальних характеристик мовця. Ідентичності конструюються способом накопичення позицій суб'єкта дискурсивної діяльності у варіативних соціокультурних контекстах, чим зумовлено соціальну значущість і залежність феномена «суб'єкт дискурсивної діяльності» від ситуативних умов інтеракції. Отже, ідентичності, що формуються в конкретних ситуативних умовах, називають «ситуативними»; це дає можливість стверджувати: формування ідентичності та дискурсивне позиціювання – фундаментально пов'язані процеси, які не існують поза дискурсом і соціальною інтеракцією.

¿Se pueden crear el emprendedores a través de la educación? Los programas de educación para el emprendimiento comenzaron a crecer y a recibir atención de países de todo el mundo desde que se impartió por primera vez en Harvard en 1947. La razón se debió a la interconexión entre emprendimiento y desarrollo económico. La promoción del espíritu emprendedor se vuelve importante debido a la demanda del gobierno, estudiantes, PYMES y grandes empresas (Fayolle, 2007). La mejor herramienta encontrada hasta ahora para predecir el comportamiento es a través de la medición de la intención (Ajzen, 1991). En la literatura emprendedora, muchos estudios se han centrado en la Teoría del Comportamiento Planeado (TCP), que se relaciona con las intenciones empresariales. Varios autores, como Fayolle et al. (2006), han hecho llamamientos para usar esta teoría como un marco común para evaluar la educación emprendedora (EE). Sin embargo, sólo unos pocos estudios han examinado los componentes dentro de la EE que pueden responder a la pregunta "quién enseña (formador), qué (contenido del curso) y cómo (método de enseñanza)" como las variables moderadoras sobre la relación entre la EE y la intención empresarial. Por lo tanto, este estudio pretende llenar el vacío evaluando el efecto moderador de la educación emprendedora, a través de estas variables, hacia la intención y las habilidades de los estudiantes universitarios de pregrado en el contexto de Malasia. Esta investigación utilizará el marco de TCP para entender la conexión entre estos componentes de los programas de educación emprendedora y el impacto en la intención empresarial de los estudiantes. El estudio se realiza en UKM, Malasia. La población de investigación consiste en estudiantes de primer año en todas las disciplinas. Se trata de un curso obligatorio y es la primera vez que se introduce en Malasia. Este estudio utiliza un método cuantitativo longitudinal. Se llevó a cabo la recolección de datos en dos etapas, incluidas las recopilaciones de datos antes y después del curso. Se utilizó una encuesta en línea. El número de encuestados fue de 493 para el pre-curso y 149 para el post-curso. El resultado del estudio mostró que tanto el formador como la participación de un orador invitado moderan la relación entre actitud e intención. El efecto es de intensidad moderada, pero muestra el importante papel que pueden desempeñar estos dos elementos para influir en la intención empresarial entre los estudiantes. Para la comparación entre géneros, los resultados mostraron que los varones exhiben un mayor interés empresarial en el emprendimiento, en comparación con las alumnas. Sin embargo, en cuanto al número de estudiantes en las universidades públicas de Malasia, las alumnas son la mayoría. Los resultados también muestran que el grupo étnico que más se beneficia de la EE es el malayo. Tienen un mayor interés por el espíritu empresarial, a pesar de que este campo ha sido tradicionalmente dominado por los chinos desde el período colonial. Finalmente, como en muchos estudios previos, los resultados mostraron que los estudiantes de la Facultad de Economía y Administración se benefician más en términos de interés hacia el curso. Algunas recomendaciones para el futuro pueden derivarse de esta tesis doctoral. El gobierno debe comenzar a centrarse en las alumnas, ya que su participación en el mercado de trabajo (tasa de actividad) es baja en comparación con el número de mujeres en la población con las estudiantes que acceden a la universidad. Por lo tanto, esta tasa de actividad se espera que aumente en el futuro. Además, los profesores de estos cursos deben recibir una formación especial sobre cómo atraer el interés de los estudiantes, como señalan Soutaris et al. (2007). En cuanto a la estructura del curso, se debe alentar una combinación entre el formador y los empresarios invitados de éxito, para que la parte de inspiración pueda ser transmitida a los estudiantes. ; Can entrepreneurs be created through education? Entrepreneurship education programs started to growth and receive attention from countries all over the world since it was first taught in Harvard in 1947. The reason was due to the interconnection between entrepreneurship and economic development. Promotion of entrepreneurship becomes important due to demand by government, students, SMEs and large companies (Fayolle, 2007). The best tool found so far to predict behavior is through the measurement of intention (Ajzen, 1991). In the entrepreneurship literature, many studies have been focused on the Theory of Planned Behavior, which related to entrepreneurial intentions. Several authors, such as Fayolle et al. (2006), have made calls to use this theory as a common framework to evaluate entrepreneurship education (EE). However, only few studies have looked at the components inside the EE that may answer the question "who teaches (trainer), what (course content) and how (teaching method)" as the moderating variables on the relationship from EE to entrepreneurial intention. Therefore, this study aims to fill in the gap by evaluating the moderated effect of entrepreneurship education, through these variables, toward the intention and skills among the undergraduate university students in the context of Malaysia. This research will use TPB framework to understand the connection between these components of entrepreneurship education programs and the impact on the students' entrepreneurial intention. The study is conducted in UKM, Malaysia. The research population consists of first year students across all disciplines. The status of the course is compulsory and is the first time it is introduced in Malaysia. This study use a longitudinal quantitative method. Twostage data collection was carried-out, including pre- and post-course data collections. An online survey was used. The number of respondents was 493 for the pre-course and 149 for the post-course. The outcome of the study showed that both the trainer and the participation of an invited speaker moderate the relationship between attitude and intention. The effect is moderate in strength, but it showed the important role that can be played by these two elements to influence the entrepreneurial intention among student. For the comparison between genders, the results showed that males exhibit a higher entrepreneurial interest in entrepreneurship, when compared to the female students. However, regarding the number of students in public universities in Malaysia, females students are the majority. The results also show that the ethnic group benefitting the most from EE is the Malay. They have higher interest toward entrepreneurship, even though this field has traditionally been dominated by the Chinese since the colonial period. Finally, as in many previous studies, the results showed that students in the Faculty of Economic and Management benefit the most in term of interest toward the course. Some recommendations for the future may be derived from this dissertation. The government should start focusing on female students, since their participation in the labour market (activity rate) is low when compared to their number of females in the population and the students entering university. Thus, this activity rate is expected to rise in the future. Additionally, the lecturers of this course should be given special training on how to attract students' interest, as pointed out by Soutaris et al. (2007). Regarding the structure of the course, a combination including the lecturer and successful invited entrepreneurs should be encouraged, so the inspiration part can be conveyed to the students.

Erilaisuutta kohtaamassa Korkeastikoulutettujen pohjoismaiden kansalaisten kokemuksia Intiassa Väitöskirjatyössä tarkastellaan Intiassa tilapäisesti työskenteleviä suomalaisia ja tanskalaisia korkeasti koulutettuja henkilöitä ja selvitetään kuinka muuttaminen Mumbain, Delhin ja Bangaloren haasteellisiin miljoonakaupunkeihin vaikuttaa heidän kansalaisuuteensa, suhteessa niin julkiseen valtaan, työmarkkinoihin, ja laajemmin yhteisöihin ja fyysiseen ympäristöön. Käytän Rainer Bauböckin kansalaisuuden kokoelmia teoreettisena viitekehyksenä jolloin kansalaisuuden käsitettä pystytään kompleksisoimaan. Tutkimusongelmaa lähestytään monipuolisten tutkimusmenetelmien kautta: puolistrukturoidulla haastattelumenetelmällä, yksityiskohtaisilla pre- ja postkyselyillä sekä osallistuvan havainnointimenetelmän avulla Bangaloressa, Delhissä ja Mumbaissa vuonna 2009 asuneiden henkilöiden parissa. Tutkimuksessa havaittiin suuta vaihtelua siinä kuinka pohjoismaiset korkeasti koulutetut henkilöt kohtasivat erilaisuutta ja kuinka pohjoismaiden kansalaiset ilmaisevat useita erilaisia kansalaisuuden kokoelmia muuttaessaan Intiaan. Suomalaiset lähetetyt työntekijät pystyvät pitämään oikeutensa sosiaaliturvaan niin kauan kun heidät lähettäneen työnantajan toimisto sijaitsee Suomessa tai lähetty työntekijä pitää pysyvän osoitteensa Suomessa. Matkalla mukana oleva puoliso menettää kuitenkin oikeutensa suomalaiseen sosiaaliturvaan jos hänen pysyvä osoitteensa ei ollut Suomessa tai jos hän otti vastaan töitä Intiassa. Mukana matkustaneet puolisot olivat kuitenkin neuvokkaita sääntöjen kanssa eläessään työstämällä muita mahdollisia merkityksellisiä aktiviteetteja kuten vapaaehtoistyötä tai hyödyntäen aikaa perheen piirissä tai muiden harrastusten parissa. Molemmista maista tulevat kansalaiset ja sukupuolet uskoivat että palatessaan kotimaahan ja tarvitessaan hyvinvointipalveluita he olisivat niihin oikeutettuja vaikka jokaisessa tapauksessa tilanne ei näin olisikaan. Tutkimus osoitti myös että siirtolaisten asenteissa ja suhtautumisessa ihmisiin, sosiaaliseen ja fyysiseen ympäristöön oli vaihtelua niin kansallisuuksien välillä ja sisällä. Siirtolaisille oli erittäin hyödyllistä omata erilaisia voimavaroja. Joissakin tapauksissa korkea koulutus ja tulotaso ja aikaisempi maastamuuttokokemus toimi kuitenkin siirtolaisia vastaan ja vahvisti heidän epävarmuuden kokemuksiaan. Etuoikeutettu asema ja taloudellisten, sosiaalisten, kulttuurillisten ja eroottisten voimavarojen omaaminen voi niin ikään olla hyödyllistä, hyödytöntä tai jopa epäolennaista erilaisuuden kohtaamisen tilanteissa. Kaikki siirtolaiset viittasivat kokeneensa olleensa näkyvästi etnisesti ulkopuolinen, ja länsimainen, mutta osa koki erottuvansa ja tulleensa tuijotetuksi vain erinäköisyydestä johtuen kun taas toiset yhdistivät kokemuksen vaaleaan ihonväriinsä. Toisille kokemus oli vastenmielinen ja sen seurauksena he tuottivat negatiivista stereotypiointia puhuessaan intialaisista ja heidän kansallisuudesta. Muutamat jopa rajoittivat liikkumistaan kaupungissa ja Intiassa yleensä sen seurauksena. Niin ikään molemmat työsuhteessa oleva kuin mukaan lähtenyt puoliso ovat riippuvaisia lähettävän yrityksen tuesta, erityisesti kokemuksen alkuvaiheessa. Lähettävät yritykset voidaankin jakaa kolmeen kategoriaan: "kädestä kiinnipitävät", "vapaat kädet" ja "vain vähän kokemusta ulkomaan komennuksista omaavat" yritykset. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat erojen yritysten välillä selittyvän ainakin osaksi yrityksen koon ja tyypin mukaan ja erityisesti sillä kuinka paljon kokemusta yrityksellä on ulkomaan komennusten suhteen. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat että siirtolaisten tapa osallistua intialaiseen yhteiskuntaan liittyi vähemmän heidän virallisiin suhteisiinsa pohjoismaiseen hyvinvointivaltioon ja enemmän heidän etuoikeutettuun asemaan, heidän suhteensa lähettävään yritykseen ja asemaansa perheessä ja kuinka he päättivät kohdata matkan aikana kokemansa haasteet. Tulokset ehdottavat että tarkempaa huomiota tulisi kiinnittää siihen miten maastamuutto vaikuttaa pohjoismaiseen universalismin ideologiaan. Lisäksi tutkimustulokset osoittavat sosiaalipolittisen tutkimuksen tarpeen liittyen teollisen kansalaisuuden käsitteeseen liikkuvien korkeastikoulutettujen kansalaisten näkökulmasta. ; The thesis is a study of how Danish and Finnish citizens encounter difference in their relationships to the state, state institutions and the labour market, to members of different human communities, and to the broader social and physical environment, while being temporarily located in India. I investigate how diversely the migrants' social citizenship is affected by the move to Mumbai, Delhi and Bangalore all of which have been recognized as some of the most challenging cities for expatriates. I use a constellation framework, developed by Professor Rainer Bauböck, in order to capture the complex nature of social citizenship. The results of the study are based on semi-structured interviews, participant observation and pre- and post-interview questionnaires with eight people from Denmark and eight from Finland (seven men and nine women) who were living in Bangalore, Delhi and Mumbai in 2009. I found a wide variation in how the Nordic highly skilled migrants encounter difference and that they had very different citizenship constellations. Finnish workers who are posted abroad outside of the EU retain their right to basic social security as long as they either remain employed by the Finnish office, or keep their permanent address in Finland. Any accompanying female partners however, lose their rights if they did not have their permanent address in Finland or if they undertake paid work in the destination country. The accompanying partners were highly resourceful in circumventing the rules and finding fulfilling activities, which included paid work, voluntary work, spending quality time with family and taking up leisure activities. Both nationalities and genders stated they believed that if they needed welfare support when they returned home, they would get it, even though this was not the case for all. I also found that the migrants' attitudes and responses to people and the social and physical environments changes in various ways among the same and different nationalities. It was important for the migrants to have different forms of capital at their disposal. In some cases however, being highly educated, having large disposable incomes and having previous migration experience also worked against them and compounded their feelings of uncertainty. Being in a position of privilege and possessing economic, social, cultural and erotic capital can thus be advantageous, disadvantageous and irrelevant when encountering difference. All of the migrants made reference to being a visibly ethnic other, and 'Western' in appearance, but while some of them attributed being stared at in public to simply looking different, others felt singled out because they were white. This was offensive for some and they subsequently engaged in negative stereotyping when they made references to Indian people and society. A couple also restricted their movements around the city and in India in general. Lastly, for the employee and perhaps to an even greater extent their accompanying partners, the sending company or organization plays a crucial role in providing social support, particularly in the early stages of secondment. In the words of the migrants employer were divided into three different categories: "hold your hand" employers, "hands off" employers and those with little experience with international secondment. My findings suggest that these differences can depend on the size and type of employer, the employees position in the company, and also on the company's previous experiences with secondment or expatriation. The study shows that the new ways that the migrants participated in society in India, was less defined by their formal relationships to the Nordic welfare state, and more by their position of privilege, their relationships to the sending company, the role they performed within the family and how they chose to confront the challenges they faced during the migration period. The findings suggest that closer consideration needs to be given to how decisions to take a different path in one's life course, namely migrate, impacts the Nordic model of universalism. Furthermore, it highlights the urgent need for social policy researchers to pay closer attention to the phenomenon of industrial citizenship among mobile highly skilled populations.

Vilniaus universitetasSocialinio darbo katedraUniversiteto g. 9/1 – 309 kab.LT-01513 VilniusEl. paštas: donatai@gmail.com
Straipsnio tikslas – išnagrinėti ir atskleisti tyrėjo subjektyvaus patyrimo episteminę reikšmę ir jo panaudojimo lauko tyrimuose galimybes. Šios temos nagrinėjimas svarbus, nes leidžia kritiškiau įvertinti lauko tyrimus, visapusiškiau traktuoti jų duomenis ir siekti didesnio jų validumo. Rengiant medžiagą straipsniui buvo taikomi mokslinės literatūros, metodinių pavyzdžių ir asmeninės patirties analizės metodai. Prieita prie išvados, kad atliekant tokio pobūdžio tyrimus svarbu fiksuoti ne tik tai, kas vyksta tyrėjo išorėje (t. y. tiriamoje erdvėje), bet ir tai, kas vyksta tyrėjo viduje, ir šiuos vidinius vyksmus traktuoti kaip intensyvių ir daugiamačių tyrėjo ir tiriamųjų sąveikų padarinius.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: lauko tyrimas, etnografinis tyrimas, stebėjimas dalyvaujant, reflektyvumas, tyrėjo savianalizė.The Epistemic Singnificance of Researcher's Subjective Experience in Fieldwork Donata Petružytė
Summary The key feature of fieldwork is the researcher's immersion in the culture (i.e. the group or community) being investigated. For this reason, fieldwork requires an exceptionally deep and personal involvement and is, therefore, emotionally costly to the researcher. This article is specifically aimed at drawing readers' attention to subjective experiences of the fieldworker, which are rarely discussed in the scientific literature. In essence, the objective of this article is to reveal the epistemological significance of a researcher's subjective experience and to investigate the possibilities of its application to fieldwork. The primary methods of data collection for this article were analysis, synthesis, and interpretation of scientific literature and methodological illustrations. In addition, the author's personal experience in fieldwork was also analysed (namely, her research about waste-gatherer communities in Lithuanian landfills, which was conducted in cooperation with Mindaugas Survila, the director and cameraman of the 2011 documentary "Field of Magic"). The author believes that the aforementioned topic deserves thorough research because of its potential to aid the critical evaluation of fieldwork, to allow a more versatile data interpretation, and to improve the validity of gathered data. On the one hand, the theoretical aspects of the problem are only briefly examined in this article. On the other hand, the practical strategies of encouraging social and psychological reflectivity are discussed extensively and personal experience is analysed meticulously. Despite the fact that this article deals with fieldwork in particular, some of its findings might be useful for qualitative research in general. It must be acknowledged that the social setting of the field has an inevitable impact on the ethnographer. The summary of the author's personal reflections, ethnographic research, and methodological literature reveals five types of such impact: physiological, cognitive, social, emotional, and ethical. In each individual case, the combination of levels of influence and their intensity depend on three factors: research characteristics (duration, intensity of data collection, cultural proximity / distance between researchers and participants), the researcher's personal qualities and experience, and the peculiarities of the social milieu being investigated. It is evident, that only through constant effort of reflection the pitfall of unconscious social conditioning can be avoided. Otherwise it might lie unnoticed and lead to gross misrepresentations of social reality. Naturally, researchers themselves also have a powerful effect on their group of research subjects as their sudden entrance in the field abruptly interrupts the course of habitual activities of these subjects. Research subjects also have particular expectations the researcher and their own attitudes based on individual experience or common sense. Consequently, it is extremely important for the researcher to master the art of identifying and negotiating these expectations and common sense notions in order to properly steer the process of entering the field. The level of mastery determines the type of data accessible to the researcher and how readily available it is. Generally speaking, there are several crucial aspects of the ethnographer's influence on research subjects. Firstly, there is a number of primary characteristics of identity, determining the researcher's personality and the conduct of research, which are beyond one's control. Namely, they are gender, age, and ethnic background, which are associated with specific social norms. Secondly, there are a few factors that the scientist can control. They include his or her outlook, behaviour, and social skills. Despite being less fundamental, the latter are sometimes useful in mitigating the negative effects of the former. Accordingly, controllable and uncontrollable factors interact with the expectations of research subjects to create a particular image of the scientist. A dedicated role is fairly quickly assigned to the researcher, but it may be transformed in the course of the fieldwork. As each given role allows for a specific amount of social power, and the researcher's power translates into freedom of inquiry, the fieldworker's scientific endeavour is enhanced by attainment of powerful roles and limited by reception of powerless roles. Although the former statement has become fieldworkers' common sense, a mere recognition of the fact does not suffice. In order to thoughtfully and efficiently handle the research process, fieldworkers need to delve deeply into the everyday interaction among their social roles, psychological characteristics, subjects' expectations and dispositions about them and their research. Scientists must also evaluate their level of coping with all the tasks and how it advances or hinders data collection. It is clearly evident that knowledge about social life, as generated during fieldwork, has little to do with the controlled setting of a lab. Its life-like character is marked with intimate, long-term, complicated, and multidimensional relationship between the research parties. Hence, it is important to register not only the flow of events in the field that are external to the researcher, but also his or her inner processes and to treat them as a product of multifaceted interaction between the fieldworker and natives of the field. It is quite apparent that because of a multitude of reciprocal effects between ethnographers and the field, researchers cannot be regarded as infallible and objective means of research. Henceforth, regular efforts by the researcher to analyse this complicated relationship from one's point of view are mandatory. These efforts might provide a fruitful insight into research development and data interpretation. In conclusion, reflecting should be a vital part of every ethnographer's research, because it would bring a handful of improvements. Firstly, the proper reflection on processes within the field and the self-analysis might lead to an increased observational acuteness. This would account for richer data and more in-depth information about the research object. Secondly, regular self-analysis would allow the fieldworker to be more involved in the research process and improve his or her ability to make strategic moves. Thirdly, acute reflection could shed more light on the context of data and the procedure of their collection. Furthermore, this would lead to a both more apt attribution of meaning during data interpretation and an improved validity of data. As a bonus, self-analysis may relieve the emotional burden put on the researcher by the difficulties of fieldwork and encourage the fieldworker's personal development. Finally, deep reflection might also serve the educational purpose for both authors and readers alike, since it enriches research reports with detailed accounts of the fieldwork peculiarities. Key words: field research, ethnographic research, participant observation, reflectivity, researcher's self-analysis

The crisis of authority in the U.S.S.R. (1988 - July 1991).
After a preliminary reference to the ideological options open to Mikhail Gorbachev, initiator of the break-up of Stalinism, and the mistrust which be inspires, both among some of his opponents as well as among right-wing conservatives, the author considers the recent evolution of the Soviet Union, from the monopoly of Party rule to the difficult birth of a pluralistic regime.
He first raises the question of the Party's attitude to perestroika. Article 6 of the Constitution of 1977, which aknowledges the leading role of the Party, was reluctantly annulled by Gorbachev, but annuled it was, thus leaving the way open for pluralism. Condemnation of factionalism within the body of the Party has not prevented the emergence of various "tendencies" (particularly the democratic Platform and the marxist Platform) which find official expression. Similarly, political and social groupings, independent of authority, began to proliferate : from groupings moved by a common principle, for example tne Safeguarding of the national heritage, or the defense of the environment, they rapidly became popular fronts, lending the system a de facto pluralism which would only later enjoy a de jure existence.
This spontaneous development took shape first of all in the Baltic countries, and then with increasing momentum spread to all the republics. In parallel with this, the communist Party leadership initiated a reform of the political system, which found expression in the semi-free elections of March 1989, marked by the defeat of various party and State notables. This was the beginning of a multi-party system, there having been two major opposing tendencies during the campaign for the regional elections in the spring of 1990 : the democratic Russia bloc (liberal) and the patriotic Russian bloc (conservative), surrounded by a multiplicity of organizations of the most diverse and constantly evolving tendencies. The charge levelled against them is that they have no autonomous ideas or initiative, and have only one single programme : mass rejection of the Party apparatus. Some observers are of the opinion that a deep schism will develop within the CPSU, and that this will give rise to a real multi-party system. The first stage of this development has just begun, with the movement for democratic reforms, which was launched in July 1991 by frontline reformers.
The other major problem which arises is that of the preservation or the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The authority of the Center is in question, and already six republics have decided to leave the union, proclaiming their sovereignty loud and long (the three Baltic states, Armenia, Georgia and Moldavia). But although the right of scission is officially acknowledged, its implementation is a vast battleground (see the law of 3rd April 1990). The upsurge of centrifugal forces has led the republics, one after the other,
to proclame their sovereignty (primacy of republican laws over federal laws, economic autonomy, ownership of the soil and mineral deposits, etc.) or their outright indépendance. Autonomous Republics and territories followed suit, opposing the authorities of the republics to which they belonged. Inter-ethnic conflict broke out all over.
The dispute over federal authority led to a "way over laws", setting the Centre at odd with republics resolved to insist on recognition of their rights (ownership of all the ressources found on their territory, freedom to exploit these resources, etc.). In this context, the question of finance and the budget had pride of place, together with that of material and technological supplies. The entire supply system was disorganized, with the republics refusing to carry out the orders of the State, or to deliver consumers' goods outside of their frontiers, in order to avoid a worsening of their own shortages. The Soviet government tried to combat the supply problems, at least in part, by setting up commodity markets. A series of economic programms was worked out, including V. Pavlov's anti-crisis plan (April 1991) which was adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but it is not entirely clear how the economic responsabilities will be apportioned among the Central authorities, the republics and the lower-rank administrative bodies, and what will be the share of the state and private sectors. Also, it is not known how he proposes to overcome the present crisis, and how long this will take.
Another major source of discord is the army and the police. The republics demand the right to raise armed forces, and to assume the responsability for maintaning order within their territory. Certain of them, who have been the victims of attacks by the special forces of the Ministry of Interior, the OMON, have organized militias and defense groups, wich are virtually republican armies in embryo.
In the end, there was an overriding necessity for redefining the Union, and the first version of the new Union Treaty was adopted by referendum on the 17th March 1991. A slightly modified version of it was published on the 19th June, but neither the one nor the other gives a very clear idea of the respective areas of competence and the common areas of competence of the Centre and the constituent republics of the Union (and still less of the fate in store for secessionist republics). On the other hand, one can be sure that the Treaty will be the source of innumerable controversies and disputes, especially on the particularly explosive issue of the budget, taxation and the distribution of ressources. In the final part, the author ventures some thoughts on the future. He sets perestroika in the continuing context of the history of the Russian empire, recalling that the demands made (individual freedoms and democracy, self-determination and decolonization) were already those of the protagonists of the Russian democratic revolution of February-March 1917, which was "taken over" by the Bolshevik coup d'Etat. Now that the empire has fallen victim to its contradictions and weaknesses, and finally disintegrated, what will take its place ? The cure prescribed by the Union Treaty seems ill-adapted to the task, and several outcomes are possible : a resolute commitment to the way of democracy and decolonization, a return to an authoritarian régime but one establishing a market economy, the option of passivity while waiting for a solution "which will come of itself, or a return to thorough-going, tough dictatorship accompanied by a blood bath. If Gorbachev does not once more take his courage in both hands, and proceeds to decolonize the empire, however slow and piecemeal the process, others will do it for him. And in that case, we may fear the worst.

A symposium on trends in legal learning covering the following country & area studies: (1) 'The Arab-Islamic World,' by Mohamed Sami Abdel-Hamid & Yassin Mohamed Tageldin, outlines the general theory of law in the Middle East, the subject-matter of legal sci, the relationship between the 'is' & the 'ought' (ethical & rational standards), & deals with the question by what intellectual process ought one to interpret & apply the law? The subject-matter of the history of law is reviewed. The relationship between law & society is discussed re both law & the nat'l society & law & internat'l society. The relationship between the law & men is defined in terms of human rights, rights of minorities, & law & the knowledge of man. It is concluded that trends of legal sci in the ArabIslamic world are not always in the same direction & indeed frequently run counter to one another as a result of the crisis through which Islamic civilization is passing; & it is almost impossible to predict which of the trends analyzed will prevail in the near or distant future. (2) 'Japan,' by Junichi Aomi, emphasizes the civil law background of the Japanese legal system. Post-war legislative reforms & developments in their org'al aspects are discussed. The primary sources of law are still considered to consist mainly of codes & other statuatory enactments of the Diet. Re legal thinking, the influence of the conceptualistic Sch's is strong. Lately, however, the value of value judgments & empirical inquiry into the realities of soc life is coming to the fore. The pluralism of Japanese legal philosophy is examined: natural law doctrine, Marxism, modern analytic philosophy, & neo-Kantian philosophy. Comparative studies of law are reviewed. The sudden outburst of lego-sociol'al literature following the end of the war is evaluated, which resulted in the conducting of empirical res on the efficacy of legislative reforms. The development of legal history in post-war Japan is characterized. (3) 'Mexico,' by Hector Fix Zamudio, draws attention to the fact that legal res in Mexico is predominantly personal & individualistic, due to the lack of a res instit dealing with the legal disciplines. There is an almost total absence of investigation into the techniques of legal res, analysis of instruments of sci'fic study & legal methodology. There has been a recent trend towards the application of the mathematical logic technique to legal res. The general theory of law is outlined re its axiological & juridical features & its general & formal logic aspects, including the influence of neo-Thomist thought & neo-Kantianism. Res trends in the history of law in Mexico are reviewed, which show a trend to isolated study of legal instit's & absence of a real historiography. Law & society is discussed re the adaptation of legal norms (too much value is placed in the normative virtue of the law & no serious investigation has been attempted re the appropriateness of specific provisions vis-a-vis the society they must govern), & law & democratic process. The relationship between law & man is examined re human rights, criminal law (many prominent works are cited here), & the law of civil procedure. Comparative law developments are then treated, & problems of the harmonization of internal & internat'l legal provisions concerning human rights. (4) 'Italy,' by Massimo Severo Giannini, points out that most Italian jurists belong to 1 or 2 tendencies: one Sch thinks that the jurist should know other disciplines, but refrain from making use of them in his legal work; the other Sch holds that the jurist must necessarily undertake work in the other disciplines as well. The methodology of Italian legal sci is highly individual. Legal sci in Italy has by no means adopted one single position on the factors of the legal phenomenon which are either determining or conditioning. The subject-matter of the history of Italian law is reviewed. The relationship between law & man is discussed in terms of the protection of the human personality, human rights, ethnic minorities, & law & the knowledge of man. Finally, re comparative law, the attitude of legal sci has been more reserved, since it is felt that a legal instit has no independent life but exists only in so far as it finds its place in a complex of other legal instit's. (5) 'Hungary,' by Zoltan Peteri, states that in the socialist system of soc sci's, legal studies are studied as a consolidated branch under the heading of legal & admin'ive sci's. There is no formal separation between legal & pol'al sci's. The state & law as soc phenomena constitute the main theme of res in legal & admin'ive studies & cover both their ideological & instit'al aspects. The central task is to examine how phenomena connected with the State & law are conditioned by society & the economy, & how these in turn react upon soc life. The point of departure is MarxismLeninism. The need to study soc practice has recently been emphasized. Studies in the history of law are limited to the sphere of statute law & do not extend to the history of any natural laws. Re law & society, res is mainly concerned with issues connected with the bourgeois & socialist interpretation of constitutionality, theoretical generalizations from experience gained in socialist constitutional evolution, & the outlining of perspectives of continued development. Res on soc or legal anthrop is not conducted in Hungary. The value of the study of comparative law is just beginning to be recognized. (6) 'United States of America,' by Max Rheinstein, stresses that in the US scholarly & practical concern about law are inextricably intertwined. The amount of legal writing is enormous, & its subject-matter is conceived broadly. Amer legal scholars are concerned with both the law as it is & the law as it ought to be. Legal scholars exert considerable influence not only upon the course of case law but also on that of legislation. The main trend is the exploration of the relationship between the facts of soc life & the law. The good society, for the elaboration of which the legal scholars regard themselves responsible, is the democratic society of active citizens having equal rights & opportunities in free, but controlled enterprise. The task of strengthening & extending the fundamental human & civil rights of all persons has occupied a prominent place. Legal scholars have also been firm in maintaining freedom of opinion, of information, of expression, of the press & of MM. The principle that internal law has to be in accord with internat'l law has also long been recognized in the US. It is traced how the transition to new methods was initiated by the writings of O. W. Holmes, R. Pound, Cardozo, T. Arnold, K. N. Llewellyn, which stressed study of society & use of the results. In conclusion the close relations which exist between law & sociol are detailed. E. Weiman.

This paper aims to discuss how institutional racism plays a part in the continued criminalisation of cannabis in the United Kingdom. I will start with a short history of usage and attitudes toward cannabis in the United Kingdom, mainly England. I will then assess the relationship that the criminal justice system has with cannabis and its users, and delve into how racial bias operates within law enforcement, using stop and search as a point of focus. This paper will explore how these biases lead to a disproportionate application of the law on certain groups of people. It will be argued while using Canada as point of comparison, that cannabis is being used in the United Kingdom as a political tool to favour voters of certain demographics, and that while more research is needed to fully assess the effects of cannabis, the reasoning behind maintaining cannabis' status as a dangerous substance is both absurdly hypocritical and entirely no longer necessary. Medicinal, recreational, and the law The United Kingdom first listed cannabis as a prohibited drug in 1928 by adding it to the Dangerous Drugs Act 1920 in accordance with the International Opium Convention 1912. For an immeasurable amount of time the cannabis plant has been used recreationally, medicinally, and industrially across the planet, including many former British colonies and overseas territories.[1] The Misuse of Drugs Act currently lists cannabis and cannabis derivatives as Class B controlled drugs.[2] This classification means that it is a criminal offence in the United Kingdom to possess, grow, or supply cannabis to others. Section 6 of the act outlines the cultivation of any species of cannabis plant as a specific offence. Cannabis related offences are punishable through schedule 4 of the act. On indictment production or supplying of cannabis could result in up to fourteen years in prison, whilst possession alone, up to five years in prison, (an unlimited fine, or both). In 2004 cannabis was moved from Class B to Class C, which holds less prison time for possession while retaining the same fourteen years penalty for production and supply.[3] This was done after the Advisory Council claimed that even though cannabis was harmful, it was not as harmful as other Class B drugs; amphetamines, methylamphetamine, barbiturates, and codeine.[4] Another driving point was to take the pressure off arrests for possession of small amounts of cannabis to shift the focus of law enforcement toward other more dangerous drugs and crime.[5] This reclassification only stood for five years as cannabis returned to Class B in 2009 against the advice of the Advisory Council.[6] Currently in the United Kingdom a person can get a warning or Penalty Notice for Disorder (PND) for possession of small amounts instead of being arrested.[7] The United Kingdom was once the world's largest exporter of cannabis for medical and scientific use, producing around 95,000 kilograms of cannabis in the year 2016.[8] In 2015, that production was at 41,706 kilograms.[9] For a country so determined to prohibit the use and supply of cannabis within its borders, it is quite ironic that businesses are being licensed for production for export, and that production doubled in that year. Law and Enforcement: stop and search and racial bias Canada, having legalised recreational cannabis in October 2018, will be used as a point of comparison to explore the UK's complex legal and political relationship with cannabis. While recreational cannabis is still considered illegal in most of the world, many countries seem to not strictly enforce their laws. In pre-legalised Canada, cannabis use became increasingly socially acceptable. The enforcement of possession laws became less and less important to society, which was reflected in the prioritisation used by the police.[10] While unregulated sales remained illegal post the legalisation of medical cannabis in 2001, there still existed brick and mortar dispensaries where the public was able to purchase cannabis illegally. For the most part, law enforcement would leave them to their business unless they suspected a connection to gang violence, sale to minors, or other crime. It was common to see them reopen after being raided and shutdown.[11] Law enforcement in the United Kingdom has a lot of say about the way that perpetrators of cannabis-related crimes are dealt with. The Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) in the UK released an official policing guideline for cannabis possession for personal use in 2009 following the substance's return to a Class B status in the UK.[12] This document outlines whether a warning or PND should be issued in place of an arrest and explains the 'escalation policy' used to determine which of the three the perpetrator will receive. To determine the severity of the possession they look at 'aggravating factors' such as whether they were caught in a public place, whether a young person is involved or could be exposed to drug use, and repeat offences.[13] This document states the purpose of these 'aggravating factors' as 'The circumstances of the offence form part of the consideration in determining whether an arrest can be made and justified'.[14] So in theory as per this document an adult over the age of 18 with no prior history caught in possession of cannabis for personal use and not falling under any of the aggravating factors should be let off with a warning (which would not show up on a standard criminal record check) even though it is a Class B illicit drug. There are two important points regarding these guidelines. The first is that even though cannabis at this point had returned to Class B status, it was not being treated the same as other Class B substances – it is now being treated more leniently by law enforcement in comparison to other Class B substances. These more forgiving rules send a message to the public that even though cannabis was moved back to Class B status, it is accepted to be not as 'sinister' as the others. It begs the question of whether moving the drug back to Class B even had any bearing or real practical purpose. Herein lies an interesting unsynchronized relationship between the statute regarding the legality of cannabis and the approaches taken by law enforcement. Law enforcement is seemingly doing a better job than legislature at keeping up with public opinion by relaxing their approaches. Secondly, while they cover England, Wales, and Northern Ireland in a uniform manner, they are just that: guidelines. Each local policing authority has the prerogative of deciding how they may deal with a case of cannabis possession.[15] What is evident is that this prerogative is used, to varying degrees. Some policing authorities, such as Durham, have made public statements in which they have announced they will not be targeting individuals for possession for personal use.[16] An article in the Canterbury Journal interviews a resident that describes the city as 'weed central', indicating the city even has its own cannabis club (the Canterbury Cannabis Collective) that lobbies politicians at Westminster.[17] It would suffice to say that being affiliated with this cannabis club would be enough to fulfil the 'reasonable belief' that law enforcement needs to target someone. They are lobbying openly for the legalisation of cannabis, which indicates that law enforcement is largely just allowing it to happen. So, if the people want recreational cannabis legalised (or are indifferent to it), and law enforcement has begun acknowledging that it is not a priority for them to police, why has Westminster not caught up? Interestingly, in the same article another interviewee who is opposed to legalisation said she thinks, 'it'll increase the number of people smoking it by making it socially acceptable, like areas of Canada where people started smoking it openly and regularly once it had been legalised.'[18] This is statistically not true. According to Statistics Canada, self-reported cannabis use amongst Canadians rose from 14.9% before legalisation to 16.8% after legalisation. However, most of that difference of 1.9% could simply be accounted for by less hesitation to admit usage once it was not a criminal offence since results are self-reported. Additionally, respondents were to only report on whether they used in the three months prior to being surveyed.[19] So this is evidence of some apparent misconceptions about legalisation, and while a lax attitude from law enforcement may make cannabis users in those areas very happy, it is arguable that this prerogative in law enforcement's hands is a detriment to equal treatment of perpetrators of the same crime from different backgrounds. There are many facets to consider when discussing the United Kingdom's relationship to cannabis. For one, it is not a plant native to the country and its use was introduced during the colonial period mostly through the Indian subcontinent.[20] In South Asia, cannabis was widely used medicinally and recreationally and is considered in Hindu Ayurveda to be one of five sacred plants that relieve anxiety.[21] While many may think of cannabis in the context of a relaxed Caribbean stereotype (or even particularly Jamaican), the plant was first introduced to the Caribbean through the movement of Indian indentured workers brought there by the British regime.[22] The origins of this plant are culturally and socially connected to (but not exclusively) two racial groups, people of South Asian and of African descent. Its history plays a part in the way that it is viewed socially. It is no secret that both of these racial groups have faced tribulations at the hands of British colonialism, the legacy of which still lingers. One of these tribulations that has spilt into our modern existence is the entrenched racism that plagues the criminal justice system in the United Kingdom, of which law enforcement plays a huge part. The demonisation of dark skin leads to a disproportionate treatment of people of colour by law enforcement, and a disproportionate number of arrests and convictions. Crimes involving cannabis are one of the ways in which this disproportionality is manifested, but it is in no way the only one. Stop and Search, and the Macpherson Report The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, which in 1999 generated the Macpherson Report, followed the racially motivated murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993.[23] It was an important conversation-starter on the processes used when investigating a racially charged crime, in this case the murder of a black British teenager by a group of white youths. Under 'stop and search' police officers can search you if they have 'reasonable grounds' to suspect you are carrying illegal drugs (or similar), or without reasonable grounds if it was approved by a senior officer.[24] According to the Home Office, as of the 2011 census, persons of black ethnicity comprise about 4% of the population of the UK, yet the Ministry of Justice reports that they are involved in about 20% of all drug stop and searches as well as prosecutions for cannabis.[25] With people of black ethnicity there is also a higher number of prosecutions than there are stop and searches in comparison with people of white ethnicity. The racial element of these statistics is clear. If only 4% of the population is represented by black ethnicity, why are they involved in 20% of the searches? There is no correlation to suggest people of black ethnicity consume more cannabis in the UK. According to statistics on drug misuse available through the UK Government's website, in the 2018/2019 findings of adults aged 16 to 59, 8% of the white respondents versus 6.7% of the 'Black or Black British' respondents reported use of cannabis in the previous year.[26] Stop and search gives individual police officers the power to use their own judgement to decide whether a person may be involved in a crime of some sort without seeing a crime being committed (in this case, in possession or planning to supply illicit drugs). Stop and search methods have been thoroughly scrutinised and continuously reformed as many do believe that they are not effective or an efficient use of law enforcement's time and resources.[27] The idea of law enforcement being able to search anyone they feel necessary could lead to a gross misuse of power. Figure 1[28] Figure 1 illustrates the bias that exists within this system of law enforcement. The dotted flat line represents the likelihood of a person of white ethnicity being stopped within the years 2014-2016. Every non-white group surveyed had a higher probability of being involved in a stop and search. The black community does not consume more cannabis, and therefore should not be any more likely than someone of white ethnicity to be in possession of cannabis. Yet black individuals are still 6.5 times more likely to be stopped. According to the same data bank, people of black ethnicity used all surveyed drugs (powder cocaine, ecstasy, hallucinogens, amphetamines, mephedrone, ketamine and cannabis) less commonly than those of white ethnicity.[29] The obvious link: racial bias. By this logic, police officers are, even unconsciously, under the impression that a black person is more likely to be involved in something illegal. The result of that is that the black population are being disproportionally affected by the law – a gross miscarriage of justice. We as citizens may want to believe that these statistics are an improvement, that the racial bias in the United Kingdom is a work in positive progress. However, 'figures for 1997/98 show that "black people were, on average, five times more likely to be stopped and searched by the police than white people." Black people are also "more likely to be arrested than white or other ethnic groups."'[30] Many of these statistics are also based on self-identified ethnicity, where as to clearly see a bias or prejudice, one must know what others assume that person's ethnicity to be. What they identify themselves as, may be a useful indicator of how others view them, but it does not necessarily facilitate an understanding of the exact impact of racial identity on law enforcement. The Macpherson Report is arguably one of the most important modern documents outlining the racial biases within the UK's criminal justice system. What it found was astonishing evidence exposing racial bias within the response and investigation of the death of Stephen Lawrence. No police officer on the scene performed any form of first aid after finding him, nor did they check his vitals to see if he was still alive.[31] The victim's parents reported being treated unprofessionally with insensitivity and were deprived of information regarding the case which they were entitled to. There was evidence suggesting that the perpetrators were not arrested for the crime, because they were white even though they were suspects with sufficient evidence to procure a warrant. In general, they found that there was a lack of enthusiasm to find the murderers of a black man by white suspects.[32] While murder is beyond the scope of this essay, the findings of this report solidify the notion that in multiple ways people of black ethnicity are victims to the institutional racism present in the criminal justice system. Cannabis and politics The current Prime Minister of Canada Justin Trudeau and his Liberal Party's political crusade to legalise recreational cannabis use in Canada sat on two very important points: to make it harder for minors to access cannabis, and to tackle gang violence associated with cannabis sales.[33] Legalisation of cannabis was just one of the ways in which Justin Trudeau managed to rally two unlikely voter demographics: people of colour, and young voters between the age of 18-25. This won him two consecutive federal elections, while remaining at the time relatively appealing to the older voters.[34] With the changing demographic in Canada, rallying these voters was, and remains, a key political tool to holding power. He, like his father, former Prime Minister the late Pierre Elliott Trudeau, prized multiculturalism in his political platform – a concept very important to the Canadian identity and society. The Canadian Multiculturalism Act is a law passed in 1985 by the late Trudeau outlining all the ways in which it is expected that multiculturalism is to be upheld by the federal government. This includes, but is not limited to, 'ensur[ing] that all individuals receive equal treatment and equal protection under the law, while respecting and valuing their diversity.'[35] This policy of upholding diversity is part of the Canadian constitution. The closest comparable statute existing in the United Kingdom is the Equality Act 2010. This piece of legislation covers a wider breadth of demographical information that may lead to discrimination, including, but not limited to, race, religion, gender, and age. Section 1 of the Act outlines the duty that public figures such as ministers, courts, police, and councils have toward socio-economic inequalities: An authority to which this section applies must, when making decisions of a strategic nature about how to exercise its functions, have due regard to the desirability of exercising them in a way that is designed to reduce the inequalities of outcome which result from socio-economic disadvantage.[36] What is compelling is that Section 3 states that any breach of section 1 'does not confer a cause of action at private law,'[37] which limits how these public bodies are held accountable for breaching the Act and is realistically mostly just applicable to employers' relations with employees. The purpose of this act reads like a guide on what your legal options are if you feel that you were wrongly discriminated in the workplace by any of the protected demographics. The purpose of the Canadian Multiculturalism Act is to focus much more on the acts and efforts that are expected of the Federal Government to uphold the integrity of diversity by recognising differences and adopting practices to accommodate them. This also includes promoting the use of languages other than English and French, the two official languages.[38] The entrenchment of this Act into the Canadian constitution, and the language used within it, shows just how important it is to Canadian society, run by a liberal government, as it holds everyone, including federal bodies, accountable for nurturing diversity in Canada. Whether or not it always plays out that way is beyond the scope of this paper. There is a political connection with the way in which cannabis is 'officially' viewed versus the way that it is socially viewed when comparing Canada and the United Kingdom. Dalhousie University in Halifax published a study suggesting that 68% of Canadians (another 6.9% were indifferent) supported the legalisation of recreational marijuana in September 2017.[39] In a poll by YouGov for the Conservative Drug Policy Reform Group in the UK, 48% supported legalisation while only 24% opposed.[40] If that was not enough, a government survey found in 2017/2018 that 30% of adults aged 16 to 64 have tried cannabis at least once.[41] If the majority of the country is supportive or indifferent to the legalisation of recreational cannabis, why are the two governments approaching the idea so differently? This puts into question the strength of democracy in the United Kingdom as well, since the existing legislation does not reflect public opinion. In 2019 three Members of Parliament from three parties visited Canada in order to evaluate the legal cannabis sector first-hand. Not surprisingly, the Liberal Democrat and Labour MPs later declared that they would support a change in 'cannabis legislation in the next five to ten years'. Only the Conservative MP did not show support for cannabis legalisation following the visit.[42] The Conservative Party of the UK has historically maintained that cannabis should remain an illegal substance.[43] There have also been allegations of racism linked to the Conservative Party and its leaders. One such point is the commentary on Enoch Powell's 'Rivers of Blood' speech in 1968 which, riddled with racist undertones, was aimed against the 1968 Race Relations Bill.[44] This bill made it illegal to refuse employment, public services, or housing to any person based on colour, race, or ethnic origin.[45] More recently, the current Prime Minister Boris Johnson has been quoted numerous times making racist comments. An article for the Guardian mentions that in articles written by Johnson before becoming Prime Minister he has referred to black people as 'piccaninnies with watermelon smiles' as well as claiming that the police were 'cowed' by the Macpherson Report.[46] While these claims were not made while he was in office, they are a glimpse into the rhetoric that has been accepted by the Conservative Party. An NHS study suggested that while around 10% of cannabis users may develop an addiction to cannabis, 32% of tobacco users and 15% of alcohol users will become addicted to tobacco and alcohol, respectively. There is also no recorded case of death caused by cannabis in the United Kingdom.[47] Alcoholchange.org has compiled statistics from the government showing that 24% of adults in England and Scotland regularly drink more than what is considered low-risk[48]; they found that in 2016 there were 9,214 alcohol-related deaths.[49] The Office for National Statistics found that 14.7% of adults over 18 years of age smoked cigarettes in the UK in 2018. In the same year there were 77,800 deaths attributed to smoking tobacco in the UK.[50] So, on the basis of death and addiction, cannabis seems to be relatively low risk compared to two substances that are legal and regulated. Yet, it is health concerns that are repeatedly cited when officials are asked about why there has been no significant movement toward legalisation of cannabis.[51] Conclusion: A long road to legalisation There is a worldwide shift happening in terms of social views of cannabis use. In Canada, while cannabis was still illegal it was clearly not a major concern of law enforcement, and there seems to be a similar attitude in the United Kingdom where other forms of crime take a greater importance. There is a complex web of connection between institutionalised racism, parliament, law enforcement, and politics regarding cannabis. There is a visible lag when it comes to legislation and law enforcement being up to date with social attitudes and there is clearly a disconnect between them. It seems even law enforcement does not stand on the same side of legalisation as current legislation. They seem to be shifting toward polled public attitudes that possession of cannabis and personal recreational use should not be criminalised. Talking about the impact of a law moves far past the wording of the provision or the sentencing for the crime. Law enforcement is a key piece of the system that perpetuates this racial oppression. Even with the public support for cannabis legalisation, changing social attitude, and the prevalence of usage it does not necessarily look like the English Parliament will be pushing any bills forward to make that a reality anytime soon, especially not under a Conservative government. By looking at two multicultural countries we are able to see how political differences impact the legality of cannabis. The uses of cannabis in many other countries are tied to cultural significance as well as social tolerance such as in India, mentioned previously. Cannabis is not the problem; it is the connection to organised crime and violence which can be tackled through government regulation. This has been shown in the data gathered by statistics Canada showing that in every province and territory, legalisation has brought at minimum a 26% decrease in police reported cannabis offences.[52] It is important that we continue to question the legitimacy of the claims the government makes about why they refuse to legalise and regulate cannabis as well as the institutionalised racism involved. There is evidence to suggest that the government has been using cannabis as a proverbial 'garden tool' to weed-out groups that they choose to target, or they believe are less important, and there is plenty of evidence showing that it is the black community that received the short end of that stick. All should be equal before the law, but this is virtually impossible to uphold when the law is represented through people, because people make judgements based on their inherent biases. There is no one statistic, statute, or study that will conclusively prove that politicians through the ages have used cannabis to paint a target on the backs of the black community, but there is evidence of it everywhere. With the information that we do have in consideration, cannabis is no more dangerous to human health than alcohol and tobacco. Continuing to demonise cannabis and insist that it should have no place in the UK's society is hypocritical. Based on the attitudes of the public, as well as law enforcement, its criminal status is also completely unnecessary. There are better things for the justice system to be focusing on, and worse things to be keeping out of society. [1] Mohamed Ben Amar, 'Cannabinoids in Medicine: A Review of Their Therapeutic Potential' (2006) 105 Journal of Ethnopharmacology 1. [2] Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, Schedule 2 Part II. [3] ibid Schedule 4. [4] Patrick McCrystal and Kerry Winning, 'Cannabis Reclassification: What is the Message to the Next Generation of Cannabis Users?' (2009) 15 Child Care in Practice 57. [5] 'Cannabis Reclassification' (Press Releases, 28 January 2005) accessed 20 April 2020. [6] McCrystal and Winning (n 4). [7] Simon Byrne, 'ACPO Guidance on Cannabis Possession for Personal Use: Revised Intervention Framework' (Association of Chief Police Officers, 28 January 2009). [8] '420: Seven Charts on How Cannabis Use Has Changed' (BBC News, 20 April 2019) accessed 12 March 2020. [9] 'Comments on the Reported Statistics on Narcotic Drugs' (International Narcotics Control Board, 18 October 2012) accessed 28 April 2020. [10] Marc I D'Eon, 'Police Enforcement of Cannabis Possession Laws in Canada: Changes in Implementation by Street-Level Bureaucrats' (Master's thesis, University of Saskatchewan 2017) accessed 28 April 2020. [11] Zach Dubinsky and Lisa Mayor, 'Who's Really behind Toronto's Chain of Illegal Pot Shops That Won't Quit?' (CBC News, 19 July 2019) accessed 28 April 2020; Robert Benzie, 'Trudeau urges police to "enforce the law" on marijuana' (The Star, 3 December 2016) accessed 4 May 2020. [12] Byrne (n 7). [13] ibid 4. [14] ibid 9. [15] Tom Harper, 'Police "Going Soft" on Cannabis Users' (The Times, 6 April 2019) accessed 2 May 2020. [16] Damian Gayle, 'Durham Police Stop Targeting Pot Smokers and Small-Scale Growers' (The Guardian, 22 July 2015) accessed 25 April 2020. [17] Pub Spy, 'Canterbury is "weed central" so why don't we just legalise it, say potheads' (The Canterbury Journal, 2 March 2018) accessed 28 April 2020. [18] ibid. [19] Michelle Rotermann, 'What has changed since cannabis was legalized?' (Statistics Canada, 19 February 2020) accessed 28 April 2020. [20] Leslie L Iversen, The Science of Marijuana (OUP 2008). [21] Chris Conrad, Hemp for Health: The Medicinal and Nutritional Uses of Cannabis Sativa (Healing Arts Press 1997). [22] Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith, Drugs and Security in the Caribbean: Sovereignty under Siege (Pennyslvania State UP 1997). [23] William MacPherson, The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry (The Stationery Office 1999). [24] Government Digital Service, 'Police Powers to Stop and Search: Your Rights' (GOV.UK, February 23, 2017) accessed 28 April 2020. [25] Benzie (n 11). [26] 'Drug Misuse: Findings from the 2018 to 2019 Crime Survey for England and Wales' (Home Office, 19 September 2019), 18. Available at . See Figure 3.1 'Proportion of 16 to 59 Year Olds Reporting Use of Illicit Drugs in the Last Year by Personal Characteristics'. [27] 'Stop and Search: How successful is the police tactic?' (BBC News, 4 April 2018) accessed 28 April 2020. [28] Jodie Hargreaves, Chris Linehan, and Chris McKee, 'Police powers and procedures, England and Wales, year ending 31 March 2016' (Home Office, 27 October 2016), 26. [29] 'Stop and Search…' (n 28). [30] MacPherson (n 23). [31] ibid. [32] ibid. [33] Benzie (n 11). [34] 'Youth Voter Turnout in Canada' (Publication No. 2016-104-E, Library of Parliament, Canada, 13 October 2016). Available at . [35] Canadian Multiculturalism Act 1985 s3(1)(e). [36] Equality Act 2010 s1(1). [37] ibid s3. [38] ibid s3(1)(i). [39] Sylvain Charlebois and Simon Somogyi, 'Marijuana-infused food and Canadian consumers' willingness to consider recreational marijuana as a food ingredient' (September 2017) accessed 28 April 2020. [40] Elena Mazneva, 'U.K. Legalizing Cannabis Supported by Near-Majority of Voters' (Bloomberg, 14 July 2019) accessed 28 April 2020. [41] 'Drug Misuse: Findings from the 2017/18 Crime Survey for England and Wales' (Home Office, July 2018). Available at . [42] Emily Ledger, 'Cannabis Policy of the Political Parties – the Conservatives' (The Cannabis Exchange, 30 November 2019) accessed 26 April 2020. [43] ibid. [44] Michael Savage, 'Fifty Years on, what is the legacy of Enoch Powell's "rivers of blood" speech?' (The Guardian, 15 April 2018) accessed 26 April 2020. [45] Race Relations Act 1968. [46] Frances Perraudin, 'New controversial comments uncovered in Historical Boris Johnson articles' (The Guardian, 9 December 2019) accessed 27 April 2020. [47] Maria Correa, 'How Close Is the UK to Legalising Cannabis?' (The Lawyer Portal, 8 January 2019) accessed 26 April 2020. [48] 'Alcohol Statistics' (Alcohol Change UK, 2 March 2020) accessed 27 April 2020. [49] Melissa Bennett, 'Dataset: Alcohol-related deaths in the UK' (ONS, 7 November 2017) accessed 26 April 2020. [50] Danielle Cornish and others, 'Adult smoking habits in the UK: 2018' (ONS, 2 July 2019) accessed 26 April 2020. [51] Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs, 'Cannabis: Classification and Public Health' (Home Office, April 2008) accessed 27 April 2020. [52] Gregory Moreau, 'Police-reported cannabis offences in Canada, 2018: Before and after legalization' (Statistics Canada, 24 July 2019) accessed 27 April 2020.

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.

El Departamento Archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina es una región que cuenta con una dotación de recursos naturales, una comunidad étnica rica en cultura e identidad, y una localización estratégica, que le permite estar bien posicionada para competir en el Siglo XXI. Después de algunos años de iniciado el proceso de apertura, y de cambios sistemáticos de su modelo económico, aún padece de problemas fundamentales en el medio ambiente competitivo colombiano que deben ser resueltos de manera decidida y oportuna. Siendo el único departamento Insular necesita explorar y diversificar su base exportadora. Desarrollar el recurso humano avanzado, superar sus deficiencias de infraestructura y mejorar sus condiciones internas para atraer inversión extranjera directa y desarrollar capacidades estratégicas que le permita ser un territorio competitivo. Sin embargo lo más importante y significativo, será el desarrollo de una actitud más agresiva hacia el aprendizaje, el desarrollo de capacidades y la modernización institucional para enfrentar los retos de desarrollo sostenible que le demanda su condición de Reserva de Biosfera. La dependencia de las islas a su modelo tradicional de comercio y turismo, está cambiando, no obstante mientras las exportaciones son casi inexistentes, su naturaleza no refleja un significativo conocimiento nuevo por reorientar su modelo económico, exponiéndose a riesgos asociados al deterioro de su capital natural y una dependencia absoluta a la importación. El estudio presentado a continuación ha mostrado que mientras el volumen absoluto del comercio nacional se ha incrementado, la composición de las exportaciones desaparece, desaprovechando una serie de oportunidades posibles en el territorio. En otras palabras, el archipiélago no ha aprendido a incursionar en mercados sofisticados con productos sofisticados que protejan su capital natural y patrimonio étnico, como elemento diferenciador en el país. Las razones del estancamiento y la inexistencia de la exportación, es la confianza o dependencia que se tiene en las fuentes tradicionales de su modelo económico, no permitiéndole desarrollar ventaja competitiva. Cada vez es más difícil competir si no se cuenta con capacidades estratégicas, ventajas competitivas y un sistema de apoyo de categoría mundial al interno del territorio. En efecto, las capacidades del tejido empresarial de las islas, para desarrollar y mantener estrategias agresivas, se ven limitadas por las restricciones y falencias que encuentran en su medio ambiente competitivo. El tejido empresarial insular continúa adoptando tácticas basadas en las ventajas comparativas que están siendo lesionadas por otras regiones competidoras, que cuentan con iguales ventajas naturales y estrategias similares. Para motivar a las empresas a desarrollar estrategias más sofisticadas, el sector privado y el sector público deben trabajar unidos para mejorar el medio ambiente competitivo y facilitar la creación de ventajas competitivas sustentables o sostenibles, que se basen en el conocimiento y en el continuo mejoramiento. Es imperativo desarrollar objetivos nacionales en torno a los acuerdos de integración comercial sin contemplar las competencias y capacidades locales de aquellos territorios que por su ubicación tienen proximidad con los territorios pactados; esto debería ser una prioridad de aprovechamiento del estado colombiano de utilizar las ventajas comparativas que le da la condición de contar con territorios fronterizos que faciliten procesos de articulación. Por otro lado, las políticas de estado cambian en periodos cortos y no permiten lograr una alineación a largo plazo, omitiendo que fenómenos como la apertura económica demandará competencia internas de adaptación, y las empresas no contaran con la capacidad de elegir opciones estratégicas y desarrollar las capacidades necesaria para defender y expandir su mercados, un ejercicio visible en la balanza comercial de las islas las cuales analizamos en el presente estudio donde se exploraron sus capacidades estratégicas para sostener o realizar una articulación con el Caribe Occidental como zona fronteriza del territorio colombiano, en el marco de los acuerdos existentes. El análisis permitió no solo identificar su capacidad, sino las condiciones de comercio exterior que se están obviando desde el gobierno central en este tipo de estrategias económicas. Para el departamento Insular, como para el país es urgente tomar decisiones que le permitan al sector productivo de las islas competir sosteniblemente, y visibilizar los riesgos a los que podría estar expuesta el modelo económico actual del archipiélago y el poco aprovechamiento que se tiene de las vocaciones locales para generar capacidades que le permita esa sostenibilidad. Es aquí donde lo más importante y necesario es estructurar un proceso en el cual el gobierno y el sector privado trabajen unidos con el objetivo de desarrollar y definir las prioridades locales y al mismo tiempo, garantizar que el sector privado se comprometa a alinear un proceso de desarrollo común y focalizado a las condiciones y capacidades del territorio. Como territorio fronterizo, llego de particularidades por su condición insular, requiere de un mayor entendimiento de las fortalezas competitivas que posee, y de sus debilidades, para hacer clara la selección de una política de comercio y articulación local asertiva. Estas condiciones facilitarán en el largo plazo no solo definir las estrategias que le permitan al sector privado invertir en ventajas sostenibles y fortalecer su capacidad para atender a los consumidores más sofisticados del mundo, sino para responder a las condiciones que la insularidad le establece. El estudio que se presenta, examina en detalle sectores específicos de la economía en las islas y los sitúa en un contexto más amplio de competitividad y capacidades estrategias existentes o posibles de desarrollo, para el aprovechamiento de los acuerdos con países y territorios vecinos. El territorio insular hoy se enfrenta a grandes retos que requieren de grandes decisiones que lo empoderen de un modelo económico decidido y no impuesto, donde es importante tener presente que la competitividad no es algo estático, es un proceso continuo de mejoramiento y de innovación que requiere objetivos precisos, amplios insumos (recursos naturales, recursos humanos, capital, infraestructura), claras estrategias y un medio ambiente que permita adoptar con rapidez aquellas innovaciones que estén basadas en el conocimiento y que se determinen para un proceso de ajuste ; Abstract: The Archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina is a region that has natural resources, an ethnic community rich in culture and identity, and a strategic location that allows it to be well positioned to compete in the 21st Century. After a few years of initiating the process of opening up and systematic changes in its economic model, it still suffers from fundamental problems in the competitive Colombian environment that must be resolved in a decisive and timely manner. Being the only insular department, it needs to explore and diversify its export base. Develop the advanced human resource, overcome its infrastructure deficiencies and improve its internal conditions to attract foreign direct investment and develop strategic capabilities that allow it to be a competitive territory. However, the most important and significant will be the development of a more aggressive attitude towards learning, capacity building and institutional modernization to face the challenges of sustainable development that demands its status as a Biosphere Reserve. The dependence of the islands on their traditional model of trade and tourism is changing, yet while exports are almost non-existent, their nature does not reflect significant new knowledge by reorienting their economic model, exposing themselves to risks associated with the deterioration of their natural capital And an absolute dependency on imports. The study presented below has shown that while the absolute volume of domestic trade has increased, the composition of exports disappears, missing a number of possible opportunities in the territory. In other words, the archipelago has not learned to venture into sophisticated markets with sophisticated products that protect its natural capital and ethnic heritage as a differentiating element in the country. The reasons for the stagnation and the non-existence of the export are the confidence or dependence that one has in the traditional sources of his economic model, not allowing him to develop competitive advantage. It is becoming increasingly difficult to compete without strategic capabilities, competitive advant ages and a world-class support system within the territory. In fact, the capacity of the islands' business fabric to develop and maintain aggressive strategies is limited by the restrictions and shortcomings they encounter in their competitive environment. The insular business fabric continues to adopt tactics based on the comparative advantages being hurt by other competing regions, which have the same natural advantages and similar strategies. To motivate companies to develop more sophisticated strategies, the private sector and the public sector must work together to improve the competitive environment and facilitate the creation of sustainable or sustainable competitive advantages based on knowledge and continuous improvement. It is imperative to develop national objectives around trade integration agreements without considering the local competencies and capacities of those territories that, because of their location, are close to the agreed territories; This should be a priority for the Colombian state to use the comparative advantages provided by the condition of having border territories that facilitate articulation processes. On the other hand, state policies change over short periods and do not allow for long-term alignment, omitting that phenomena such as economic openness will require internal adaptive competition, and companies will not have the ability to choose strategic options and develop The necessary capacities to defend and expand their markets, a visible exercise in the trade balance of the islands, which we analyzed in the present study where their strategic capacities were explored to support or articulate with the Western Caribbean as a border area of the Colombian territory, Framework of existing agreements. The analysis allowed not only to identify its capacity, but the foreign trade conditions that are being ignored from the central government in this type of economic strategies. For the Insular Department, as for the country, it is urgent to make decisions that allow the productive sector of the islands to compete sustainably, and to make visible the risks to which the current economic model of the archipelago could be exposed and the little use made of the Local vocations to generate capacities that allow this sustainability. This is where the most important and necessary thing is to structure a process in which the government and the private sector work together with the objective of developing and defining local priorities and, at the same time, ensuring that the private sector is committed to aligning a process of Common development and focused on the conditions and capabilities of the territory. As a frontier territory, it comes from particularities because of its island condition, it requires a greater understanding of the competitive strengths it possesses, and of its weaknesses, to make clear the selection of an assertive local trade and articulation policy. These conditions will facilitate in the long term not only to define the strategies that allow the private sector to invest in sustainable advantages and strengthen their capacity to serve the most sophisticated consumers in the world, but to respond to the conditions that insularity establishes. This study examines in detail specific sectors of the economy in the islands and places them in a broader context of competitiveness and existing or potential development strategies for the exploitation of the agreements with neighboring countries and territories. The island territory today faces major challenges that require major decisions that will empower it with a decided and untaxed economic model, where it is important to keep in mind that competitiveness is not static, it is an ongoing process of improvement and innovation that requires (Natural resources, human resources, capital, infrastructure), clear strategies and an environment that allows rapid adoption of those innovations that are based on knowledge and that is determined for a process of adjustment ; Maestría