Suchergebnisse

During the German occupation of the Netherlands Dutch civilian prisons and jails were routinely used by German organisations such as the Sicherheitsdienst for the internment of political prisoners and occasionally Jewish citizens. Dutch prison staff functioned as the guards of these prisoners, but also as intermediaries between political prisoners and their supporters outside. Their complex position makes prison staff an excellent case study to better understand the position of Dutch citizens in general, and especially civil servants, between the extremes of resistance and collaboration.Tijdens de bezetting maakten Duitse organisaties zoals de Sicherheitsdienst stelselmatig gebruik van Nederlandse gevangenissen en huizen van bewaring voor de internering van politieke (verzets-) gevangenen, en incidenteel ook voor joodse burgers. Het Nederlandse gevangenispersoneel deed enerzijds dienst als bewakers van deze gevangenen, maar faciliteerde anderzijds clandestiene contacten tussen gevangenen en de buitenwereld. Hun gecompliceerde positie maakt gevangenispersoneel tot een interessante casus voor de bestudering van zowel het Nederlandse ambtenarenapparaat, als van de meerderheid van de Nederlandse burgers, die in de oorlogsjaren laveerden tussen collaboratie en verzet.

"The destruction of the Armenians of the Ottoman Empire in 1915-16 was a brutal mass crime that prefigured other genocides in the 20th century. By various estimates, more than a million Armenians were killed and the survivors were scattered across the world. Although it is now a century old, the issue of what most of the world calls the Armenian Genocide of 1915 has not been consigned to history. It is a live and divisive political issue that mobilizes Armenians across the world, touches the identity and politics of modern Turkey, and has consumed the attention of U.S. politicians for years. In Great Catastrophe, the eminent scholar and reporter Thomas de Waal looks at the changing narratives and politics of the Armenian Genocide and tells the story of recent efforts by courageous Armenians, Kurds, and Turks to come to terms with the disaster as Turkey enters a new post-Kemalist era. The story of what happened to the Armenians in 1915-16 is well-known. Here we are told the much less well-known story of what happened to Armenians, Kurds, and Turks in its aftermath. First Armenians were divided between the Soviet Union and a worldwide diaspora, with different generations and communities of Armenians constructing new identities, while bitter intra-Armenian quarrels sometimes broke out into violence. In Turkey, the Armenian issue was initially forgotten and suppressed, only to return to the political agenda in the context of the Cold War, an outbreak of Armenian terrorism in the 1970s and the growth of modern 'identity politics' in the age of genocide-consciousness. In the last decade, Turkey has begun to confront its taboos and finally face up to the Armenian issue. New, more sophisticated histories are being written of the deportations of 1915, now with the collaboration of Turkish scholars. In Turkey itself there has been an astonishing revival of oral history, with tens of thousands of people coming out of the shadows to reveal a long-suppressed Armenian identity. However, a normalization process between the Armenian and Turkish states broke down in 2010. Drawing on archival sources, reportage and moving personal stories, de Waal tells the full story of Armenian-Turkish relations since the Genocide in all its extraordinary twists and turns. He strips away the propaganda to look both at the realities of a terrible historical crime and also the divisive 'politics of genocide' it produced. The book throws light not only on our understanding of Armenian-Turkis ...

Pós-graduação em Ciências da Motricidade - IBRC ; With the regulation of Physical Education as profession, and the creation of Federal Council of Physical Education and the Regional Councils by law 9696/98, some discussions exalted the academic and legal field as regards the liability of the professional intervention in the Fights and Martial Arts (F/MA). Judicially, some Brazilian States have failed, through the Council, to force the coach to have a training in Physical Education. Contradictorily, there are disciplines related to Fights and Martial Arts in their bachelor's degree programs, which, in the other hand, shows a discrepancy between the space of intervention and space of training. This present Thesis has as a main objective to highlight the process of formation and the structural interrelationships which constitute a professional social space of the technician function of Fights and Martial Arts in Brazil and has the specific objectives to show how is institutionalized the profession of technician in F/MA in Brazil, trying to elucidate how is the training process of these technicians in Brazil, highlighting the strategies of F/MA technicians for their maintenance in a professional field. This thesis is a sociological study where we used literature data by conceptual review, documentary survey regarding the inclusion of Fights and Martial Arts in the Physical Education training in Brazil and semistructured interviews with technicians. Data were triangulated and analyzed using the theoretical framework of Pierre Bourdieu. It was concluded that a) there is a field of institutionalized occupation of the post of technician F/MA in Brazil; (b) the technician of F/MA is formed by the vocation where training in Physical Education is harnessed to F/MA, due to reproduction of the training model of military schools; c) being recognized as a professional technician is a social category of perception, for that, technicians use exclusion techniques, discrediting of debt capital, and strategies of valuation; d) the conflicts by the monopoly between sports field, the field of F/MA and academic field of Physical Education create a pseudo field that allowed to be formed by an apparent state of inertia towards the sports and also the F/MA and the Physical Education, associated with interests of agents and their struggle for power. Therefore, to appropriate the discourse of Physical Education, technicians of F/MA, ended up creating a problem for themselves, because they attempt to assert an expertise that do not have, trying to allow an autonomy that do not have and at the same time they judge not to be their credentialism, a responsibility of the competence organ that accredits Physical Education. ; Com a regulamentação da profissão Educação Física e a criação do Conselho Federal de Educação Física e dos Conselhos Regionais mediante a lei 9696/98, acaloraram-se as discussões no campo acadêmico e jurídico no que se refere à responsabilidade da intervenção profissional nas Lutas e Artes Marciais (L/AM). Judicialmente, alguns Estados brasileiros não conseguiram, através do Conselho, obrigar o técnico a possuir uma formação em Educação Física. Incongruentemente observa-se em seus cursos de bacharelado, disciplinas relacionadas às L/AM, o que, por sua vez comprova uma divergência entre o espaço da intervenção e o espaço da formação. A presente Tese tem como objetivo geral evidenciar o processo de formação e as inter-relações estruturais que constituem um espaço social profissional do cargo de técnico de L/AM no Brasil e como objetivos específicos, demonstrar como se institucionaliza a profissão de técnico L/AM no Brasil, elucidar como se constitui o processo de formação profissional dos técnicos de L/AM no Brasil e esclarecer quais as estratégias dos técnicos de L/AM para a sua manutenção em um campo profissional. A presente Tese é um estudo sociológico onde foram utilizados dados de levantamento bibliográfico, mediante revisão conceitual, levantamento documental referente à inserção das L/AM na formação em Educação Física no Brasil e entrevista semiestruturada com os técnicos. Os dados foram triangulados e analisados mediante referencial teórico de Pierre Bourdieu. Concluiu-se que: (a) não há um campo da profissão institucionalizado do cargo de técnico de L/AM no Brasil; (b) o técnico de L/AM é formado pelo treinamento vocacional e a formação profissional em Educação Física se atrela às L/AM, devido à reprodução do modelo de formação das escolas militares; (c) ser reconhecido como um técnico profissional é uma categoria social de percepção, para tal, utilizam-se de técnicas de exclusão, descrédito do capital alheio e estratégias de valoração; (d) os embates pelo monopólio entre campo esportivo, campo das L/AM e campo acadêmico da Educação Física criam um pseudocampo que se deixou formar pela aparente inércia do Estado para com os esportes, com as L/AM e a Educação Física, associado aos interesses dos agentes e em suas lutas por poder. Portanto, no sentido de apropriarem-se do discurso da Educação Física, os técnicos de L/AM, acabaram criando um problema para si, pois, tentam afirmar uma expertise que não possuem, tentando autorizar uma autonomia que não têm e, ao mesmo tempo julgam não ser de competência do órgão que credencia a Educação Física, seu credencialismo.

<p>O objetivo do estudo apresentado neste artigo foi analisar como se configurou o processo de luta dos Assistentes Sociais no tocante à jornada semanal de trinta horas, tendo por base as transformações globais impulsionadas pela reorganização capitalista que incide no campo de trabalho, acirrando as relações de exploração e de precarização. Trata-se de um estudo de caráter teórico que se fundamenta na produção de autores que vêm discutindo a temática em questão. Para tal, buscou-se ancoragem no método dialético, que permite compreender a problemática como parte da totalidade histórica da vida material na qual se constitui e se reproduz. A abordagem das questões pertinentes foi realizada em articulação com o cenário histórico de referência, com as transformações sociais decorrentes da crise estrutural do sistema mundial do capital, em sua fase contemporanea, e com as soluções encaminhadas pela ordem hegemônica para combater a crise, as quais vêm impondo novas exigências aos trabalhadores, incluindo, aqui, os assistentes sociais. A partir da pesquisa, conclui-se que a aprovação da Lei das 30 horas – Lei nº 12.317/2010 - foi possibilitada graças à articulação política das entidades representativas em conjunto com os profissionais, porém, constata-se que há outras lutas a serem travadas por melhores condições de trabalho e de vida</p>

The relationship of trust or distrust that binds citizens to politics is nurtured by a range of factors, which depend on the social position of citizens, the undermining of their interests by public policies, and their normative perception of the political world. Using qualitative material provided by discussion groups of somewhat politicized French citizens, this paper identifies the common arguments for political trust and mistrust. What the members of the discussion groups say expresses a relationship to politics that has been built up endogenously with a highly normative dimension, and which demonstrates an argumentative capacity based on various principles. ; Le rapport de confiance ou de défiance unissant les citoyens à la politique se nourrit d'une variété de facteurs relatifs à la position sociale des citoyens, à la mise en cause de leurs intérêts par les politiques publiques comme à leur perception normative de l'univers politiques. En se fondant sur un matériel qualitatif composé de groupes de discussion réunissant des citoyens français faiblement politisés, cette contribution vise à cerner les motifs argumentatifs de la confiance et de la défiance politique. Leurs propos expriment un rapport au politique construit de façon endogène, à dimension fortement normative et manifestant une capacité argumentative fondée sur différents types de principes.

The relationship of trust or distrust that binds citizens to politics is nurtured by a range of factors, which depend on the social position of citizens, the undermining of their interests by public policies, and their normative perception of the political world. Using qualitative material provided by discussion groups of somewhat politicized French citizens, this paper identifies the common arguments for political trust and mistrust. What the members of the discussion groups say expresses a relationship to politics that has been built up endogenously with a highly normative dimension, and which demonstrates an argumentative capacity based on various principles. ; Le rapport de confiance ou de défiance unissant les citoyens à la politique se nourrit d'une variété de facteurs relatifs à la position sociale des citoyens, à la mise en cause de leurs intérêts par les politiques publiques comme à leur perception normative de l'univers politiques. En se fondant sur un matériel qualitatif composé de groupes de discussion réunissant des citoyens français faiblement politisés, cette contribution vise à cerner les motifs argumentatifs de la confiance et de la défiance politique. Leurs propos expriment un rapport au politique construit de façon endogène, à dimension fortement normative et manifestant une capacité argumentative fondée sur différents types de principes.

The relationship of trust or distrust that binds citizens to politics is nurtured by a range of factors, which depend on the social position of citizens, the undermining of their interests by public policies, and their normative perception of the political world. Using qualitative material provided by discussion groups of somewhat politicized French citizens, this paper identifies the common arguments for political trust and mistrust. What the members of the discussion groups say expresses a relationship to politics that has been built up endogenously with a highly normative dimension, and which demonstrates an argumentative capacity based on various principles. ; Le rapport de confiance ou de défiance unissant les citoyens à la politique se nourrit d'une variété de facteurs relatifs à la position sociale des citoyens, à la mise en cause de leurs intérêts par les politiques publiques comme à leur perception normative de l'univers politiques. En se fondant sur un matériel qualitatif composé de groupes de discussion réunissant des citoyens français faiblement politisés, cette contribution vise à cerner les motifs argumentatifs de la confiance et de la défiance politique. Leurs propos expriment un rapport au politique construit de façon endogène, à dimension fortement normative et manifestant une capacité argumentative fondée sur différents types de principes.

The relationship of trust or distrust that binds citizens to politics is nurtured by a range of factors, which depend on the social position of citizens, the undermining of their interests by public policies, and their normative perception of the political world. Using qualitative material provided by discussion groups of somewhat politicized French citizens, this paper identifies the common arguments for political trust and mistrust. What the members of the discussion groups say expresses a relationship to politics that has been built up endogenously with a highly normative dimension, and which demonstrates an argumentative capacity based on various principles. ; Le rapport de confiance ou de défiance unissant les citoyens à la politique se nourrit d'une variété de facteurs relatifs à la position sociale des citoyens, à la mise en cause de leurs intérêts par les politiques publiques comme à leur perception normative de l'univers politiques. En se fondant sur un matériel qualitatif composé de groupes de discussion réunissant des citoyens français faiblement politisés, cette contribution vise à cerner les motifs argumentatifs de la confiance et de la défiance politique. Leurs propos expriment un rapport au politique construit de façon endogène, à dimension fortement normative et manifestant une capacité argumentative fondée sur différents types de principes.

The relationship of trust or distrust that binds citizens to politics is nurtured by a range of factors, which depend on the social position of citizens, the undermining of their interests by public policies, and their normative perception of the political world. Using qualitative material provided by discussion groups of somewhat politicized French citizens, this paper identifies the common arguments for political trust and mistrust. What the members of the discussion groups say expresses a relationship to politics that has been built up endogenously with a highly normative dimension, and which demonstrates an argumentative capacity based on various principles. ; Le rapport de confiance ou de défiance unissant les citoyens à la politique se nourrit d'une variété de facteurs relatifs à la position sociale des citoyens, à la mise en cause de leurs intérêts par les politiques publiques comme à leur perception normative de l'univers politiques. En se fondant sur un matériel qualitatif composé de groupes de discussion réunissant des citoyens français faiblement politisés, cette contribution vise à cerner les motifs argumentatifs de la confiance et de la défiance politique. Leurs propos expriment un rapport au politique construit de façon endogène, à dimension fortement normative et manifestant une capacité argumentative fondée sur différents types de principes.

A violência urbana tem sido uma questão bastante discutida pelos meios de comunicação, o que pode ser constatado a partir da verificação da quantidade de notícias que aparecem sobre os mais diferentes atos considerados "violentos". Por isso, este artigo procura realizar uma reflexão acerca da violência urbana e da forma como esta tem sido retratada pela imprensa escrita, tendo como ponto de partida análise das notícias sobre práticas violentas ocorridas no meio urbano e veiculadas pelo jornal Folha de São Paulo durante o ano de 1996.

En este artículo se presentan los principales resultados de un estudio sobre los hijos e hijas de la inmigración en el País Vasco. Concretamente nos detenemos en las aspiraciones y expectativas que se generan en el seno familiar, tanto desde el punto de vista de los progenitores como desde sus descendientes con respecto a su futuro. A partir de una metodología mixta, abordamos las opiniones y percepciones de los miembros de las familias de ascendencia extranjera en relación a aquellos elementos que intervienen en una trayectoria educativa encaminada al éxito como garante de una movilidad social ascendente. El análisis muestra que el capital social y cultural son considerados por las familias elementos para lograr una mayor integración económica y social. Los progenitores afirman por medio de sus discursos la importancia de la educación, el conocimiento del euskera y una red social fuerte compuesta por personas autóctonas.
Recibido: 18 mayo 2020Aceptado: 16 noviembre 2020

International audience ; This paper is about arts and control. More precisely, it aims at answering the following question: what are the uses of budget in arts and cultural organizations? It is based on the case of four performing arts. organizations. Our study leads us to conclude that budget appears as a planning and monitoring tool, as well as a basis for negotiation with external stakeholders. ; L'objet de cette communication est de répondre à la question suivante : quels sont les modes d'utilisation du budget dans les organisations artistiques et culturelles du spectacle vivant ? Cette question s'inscrit dans le cadre de la problématique du contrôle de la création artistique, problématique ici traitée sous l'angle des modes d'utilisation du budget. Les diverses fonctions du budget sont explorées, d'un point de vue théorique d'abord, au travers de l'observation de quatre scènes de spectacle vivant ensuite. A l'issue de cette recherche, le budget apparaît comme un outil de planification et de suivi, mais aussi comme un support pour la négociation avec les partenaires.

International audience ; This paper is about arts and control. More precisely, it aims at answering the following question: what are the uses of budget in arts and cultural organizations? It is based on the case of four performing arts. organizations. Our study leads us to conclude that budget appears as a planning and monitoring tool, as well as a basis for negotiation with external stakeholders. ; L'objet de cette communication est de répondre à la question suivante : quels sont les modes d'utilisation du budget dans les organisations artistiques et culturelles du spectacle vivant ? Cette question s'inscrit dans le cadre de la problématique du contrôle de la création artistique, problématique ici traitée sous l'angle des modes d'utilisation du budget. Les diverses fonctions du budget sont explorées, d'un point de vue théorique d'abord, au travers de l'observation de quatre scènes de spectacle vivant ensuite. A l'issue de cette recherche, le budget apparaît comme un outil de planification et de suivi, mais aussi comme un support pour la négociation avec les partenaires.

International audience ; This paper is about arts and control. More precisely, it aims at answering the following question: what are the uses of budget in arts and cultural organizations? It is based on the case of four performing arts. organizations. Our study leads us to conclude that budget appears as a planning and monitoring tool, as well as a basis for negotiation with external stakeholders. ; L'objet de cette communication est de répondre à la question suivante : quels sont les modes d'utilisation du budget dans les organisations artistiques et culturelles du spectacle vivant ? Cette question s'inscrit dans le cadre de la problématique du contrôle de la création artistique, problématique ici traitée sous l'angle des modes d'utilisation du budget. Les diverses fonctions du budget sont explorées, d'un point de vue théorique d'abord, au travers de l'observation de quatre scènes de spectacle vivant ensuite. A l'issue de cette recherche, le budget apparaît comme un outil de planification et de suivi, mais aussi comme un support pour la négociation avec les partenaires.