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ISO standards belong to the field of soft law and are binding as voluntary standards. The article proposes a political sociology for their construction and implementation. It is therefore necessary to identify the regulatory plasticity of ISO standards: these texts, which are incorporated in a continuum of legislation, allow for multiple catches and broad interpretations. Their drafting format continues to work on this normative lability. Following the crowd path of biopolitics and the potential for pragmatic sociology that is attentive to information formats, the article concludes on the dual political ownership of ISO standards: both an attempt to cover all social practices and a rather loose power of constraint, precisely because of the extensive wrapping targeted. ; International audience ; ISO standards belong to the field of soft law and are binding as voluntary standards. The article proposes a political sociology for their construction and implementation. It is therefore necessary to identify the regulatory plasticity of ISO standards: these texts, which are incorporated in a continuum of legislation, allow for multiple catches and broad interpretations. Their drafting format continues to work on this normative lability. Following the crowd path of biopolitics and the potential for pragmatic sociology that is attentive to information formats, the article concludes on the dual political ownership of ISO standards: both an attempt to cover all social practices and a rather loose power of constraint, precisely because of the extensive wrapping targeted. ; Les normes ISO appartiennent au domaine de la soft law et s'imposent comme des normes d'application volontaire. L'article propose une sociologie politique de leur construction et de leur mise en pratique. Il s'agit donc de cerner la plasticité réglementaire des normes ISO : inscrits dans un continuum normatif, ces textes permettent des prises multiples et des acceptions larges. Leur format de rédaction travaille continûment cette labilité normative. En ...

International audience The agricultural square measures of Asian country are the underprivileged within the provision of the health care facilities. The expenditures in health sectors square measures overall regressive in rural Asian country likewise as at provincial and regional levels. The poor in the Asian country isn't solely empty monetary resources however additionally lack access to secondary and tertiary health care services. The health system in the Asian country shows that the tehsil/ district headquarters hospitals (secondary health care facilities) solely exists in tehsil/ city and dominion jurisdiction. Individuals living in rural and remote areas principally depend upon primary health care facilities, like Basic Health Unit, Lady Health Worker Clinic, provided by the general public sector. However, attributable to absentees and an enormous variety of non-functional primary health care facilities, the poor tends to consult the personal doctor. Even just in case of emergency, transport price is that the main hurdle for the poor to access the secondary and tertiary health facilities. Moreover, the patient himself/herself or the accompanied family head/member should lose the chance price attributable to travel and waiting time. Of these on top of mentioned factors contribute to the regressive nature of expenditure within the General Hospitals and Clinics. With this background, the study has been doled out to live the incidence of state payment on health in Asian country at provincial, each rural and concrete level. The study explores the inequalities in resource distribution and repair provision against the Govt. health expenditures. Quantitative research method utilized to collect the primary research data. Whereas, Multan city was selected as a case study for this research. Data were collected through survey research techniques with the help of semi-structured interview schedules. The sample size was selected through simple random sampling comprised of 150 doctors and 300 patients. It is found that ...

International audience Based on a comparative study in five countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Turkey) since the 1970s, this article studies the methods of designation of Islamist parties. While these are perceived as the representatives of religious conservatism, their names draw on lexical repertoires that are related to two forms of reformism, the Islamism of Nahda and nationalist developmentalism. Their names set out the quest for a development model whose authenticity would rely on a dual desire to implement Islamic norms at the national level and to respond to the demands of local populations. The article shows, however, how, in the absence of such an authentic model, four words from the reformist lexical repertoire (justice, development, freedom and renaissance) are used as "correcting principles". We thus contribute to explaining how the pragmatism of political Islam is practiced according to a three-prong logic, legalism, electoral affirmation and political distinction. ; Cet article interroge les modalités de nomination des partis islamistes autorisés à participer aux élections dans cinq pays (Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, Égypte et Turquie). Tandis que ceux-ci sont perçus comme les représentants d'un conservatisme religieux, leurs noms puisent dans des répertoires lexicaux forgés par deux formes de réformisme, l'islamisme de la Nahda et le développementalisme nationaliste. Ces noms énoncent la quête d'un modèle de développement dont l'authenticité s'appuierait sur une double volonté de concrétiser des normes islamiques à l'échelle nationale et de répondre aux revendications des populations locales. L'article montre néanmoins comment, en l'absence d'un tel modèle authentique, quatre mots issus du répertoire lexical réformiste (justice, développement, liberté et renaissance) sont employés comme des « principes correcteurs ». Il contribue ainsi à expliquer comment le pragmatisme de l'islam politique se pratique selon un triptyque de logiques légaliste, d'affirmation électorale et de distinction ...

Since Daniel Gaxia's work (1978), it is considered that representative democracy is confronted with a 'hidden cens' which leads a majority of citizens to abstain from effective political participation even though nothing in law prevents them from participating. Following the development of participatory procedures, several authors have shown that this 'hidden cens' also applies to participatory or deliberative democracy. The purpose of this article is to question the effectiveness of these self-censorship mechanisms when looking at citizen participation from institutionalised political processes to research processes, at a time when the institutions are increasingly asking researchers to open up their teams to representatives of civil society. It is therefore necessary, on the basis of a quantitative study of the 9 297 research projects of FP7 and a qualitative study of fifteen collaborative environmental projects, to show that participation in the present case faces a double hidden participatory cens: due to the selection of citizens and civil society organisations involved, but also due to the modalities of such participation and its impact on the functioning of the research projects themselves ; International audience Since Gaxie's seminal work (1978), representative democracy is usually said to be bound to a "cens caché" which leads a majority of citizens to refrain any political participation although nothing, in law, prevent them from actingdoing it. Following the participatory designs' rise, a set of actors have demonstrate that this "cens caché" applies also to deliberative or participatory democracy. The stake of this paper is to question the efficiency of those self censorhip when not studying citizens' participation in the frame of institutionalized procedures anymore but in the frame of research process, at a time when institutions ask more and more often the researchers to open their teams to civil society. We will show that this participation, in practice, comes up against a double participatory ...

The report of the Committee of Inquiry "Compensation for biodiversity damage: building a consensus" is worth looking at the multiple facets of ecological compensation through the hearing of countless actors. The report identifies 35 recommendations for securing the sequence "avoid — reduce — compensate" (ERC) and for greater coherence in the space and time of compensatory measures. Reading the findings of the Committee of Inquiry reveals the complexity of the applicable law and the need to continue to reform it. However, it must be stated that the proposals of a legal nature do not call for major changes to the law in force. ; International audience ; The report of the Committee of Inquiry "Compensation for biodiversity damage: building a consensus" is worth looking at the multiple facets of ecological compensation through the hearing of countless actors. The report identifies 35 recommendations for securing the sequence "avoid — reduce — compensate" (ERC) and for greater coherence in the space and time of compensatory measures. Reading the findings of the Committee of Inquiry reveals the complexity of the applicable law and the need to continue to reform it. However, it must be stated that the proposals of a legal nature do not call for major changes to the law in force. ; Le rapport de la commission d'enquête « Compensation des atteintes à la biodiversité : construire le consensus » présente l'intérêt de faire un tour d'horizon des multiples facettes de la compensation écologique grâce à l'audition d'innombrables acteurs. Le rapport identifie trente-cinq recommandations au service de la sécurisation de la séquence « éviter - réduire - compenser » (ERC) et d'une plus grande cohérence dans l'espace et dans le temps des mesures compensatoires. La lecture des conclusions de la commission d'enquête dévoile la complexité du droit applicable ainsi que le besoin de continuer à le réformer. Toutefois, force est de constater que les propositions d'ordre juridique n'invitent pas à modifier en profondeur le droit en ...

This article aims to present the steps and methods for collecting data from colleges with autistic spectrum disorders (ASD) enrolled in Ulis (Localised School Inclusion Unit) College and following part of their teaching in the ordinary classroom. The study aims to better understand the nature and sequence of social interactions in the classroom between colleges with TSA and their teachers. The first part of the article provides a number of contextual elements (Law of 2005, modalities of schooling for students with AST, existing research on socio-cognitive specificities and schooling of students with AST). Our data collection approach, described in the second part of the article, takes into account these contextual elements as well as the methods used by other researchers in this field. An analysis of all these data resulted in a system consisting of four preliminary steps (sample compilation, collection of consents, selection and preparation of data collection methods, verification of the compliance of the draft with the Law on Computing, Files and Freedoms) and several methods of collecting data involving four sources of information (filmed observation, interview, examination of files, standardised test). ; International audience ; This article aims to present the steps and methods for collecting data from colleges with autistic spectrum disorders (ASD) enrolled in Ulis (Localised School Inclusion Unit) College and following part of their teaching in the ordinary classroom. The study aims to better understand the nature and sequence of social interactions in the classroom between colleges with TSA and their teachers. The first part of the article provides a number of contextual elements (Law of 2005, modalities of schooling for students with AST, existing research on socio-cognitive specificities and schooling of students with AST). Our data collection approach, described in the second part of the article, takes into account these contextual elements as well as the methods used by other researchers in this ...

Lawyers traditionally oppose openings towards other social sciences. The challenge is simple: preserve the autonomy of the law, which relates both to the subject studied and to the way in which it is studied and to those who study it. In the 21st s, however, while interdisciplinarity, multidisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity are encouraged throughout universities, the isolation of knowledge and the work of legal faculties may appear to be less and less justified. In this study, consideration should be given to the possibility and appropriateness of receiving in law lessons and methods specific, in particular, to economics, sociology or anthropology. ; International audience Lawyers are traditionally opposed to openings towards other social sciences. The challenge is simple: to preserve the autonomy of law, which relates to the subject matter as well as how to study it and those who study it. However, today, while everywhere interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary are encouraged, the isolation of the law may appear less and less justified. This study will propose some reflections concerning the practical and epistemological legitimacy and relevance of the interdisciplinarity. ; Lawyers traditionally oppose openings towards other social sciences. The challenge is simple: preserve the autonomy of the law, which relates both to the subject studied and to the way in which it is studied and to those who study it. In the 21st s, however, while interdisciplinarity, multidisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity are encouraged throughout universities, the isolation of knowledge and the work of legal faculties may appear to be less and less justified. In this study, consideration should be given to the possibility and appropriateness of receiving in law lessons and methods specific, in particular, to economics, sociology or anthropology. ; Les juristes s'opposent traditionnellement aux ouvertures en direction des autres sciences sociales. L'enjeu est simple : préserver l'autonomie du droit, laquelle se ...

Why and how did the long-awaited reform momentum of the French decentralisation law of 16 December 2010 come so quickly into tension, and sometimes at a different front, with the shared representations of the change it initially provoked? The analysis will focus on the position taken by local elected representatives in these controversy: by changing local areas, local elected representatives are afraid of 'losing the face' in local political players; by changing the era, they fear that their municipality will lose its soul and collective identity. These two narrative lines provide valuable insights into the addictive paths that guide the representation of politics and change in local public action. ; International audience ; Why and how did the long-awaited reform momentum of the French decentralisation law of 16 December 2010 come so quickly into tension, and sometimes at a different front, with the shared representations of the change it initially provoked? The analysis will focus on the position taken by local elected representatives in these controversy: by changing local areas, local elected representatives are afraid of 'losing the face' in local political players; by changing the era, they fear that their municipality will lose its soul and collective identity. These two narrative lines provide valuable insights into the addictive paths that guide the representation of politics and change in local public action. ; Pourquoi et comment l'élan réformateur tant attendu de la loi française de décentralisation du 16 décembre 2010 s'est-il si rapidement trouvé en tension, et parfois en décalage frontal, avec les représentations partagées du changement qu'il a pu suscitées initialement ? L'analyse portera essentiellement sur la prise de position des élus locaux dans ces controverses : en changeant d'aire, les élus locaux redoutent de " perdre la face " dans les joutes politiques locales ; en changeant d'ère, ils craignent que leur commune perde son âme et son identité collective. Ces deux lignes narratives ...

Judges, all judges — national and European, ordinary and constitutional — shape countries' daily relations with integration through the economy (European Union) and human rights (European Convention). They are those who, on a daily basis, in the fringes of the legal systems, must succeed in keeping the Cape Town of coherence. Consistency of their competences as defined by their reference system; consistency of their case-law, which can no longer ignore those of other courts. The judges show quite well in the end — with variations in time specific to each judicial culture — that the dual European commitment of States (1) is not a challenge, let alone a renunciation of their traditional office, it is merely a new formulation of the latter. (2) ; International audience ; Judges, all judges — national and European, ordinary and constitutional — shape countries' daily relations with integration through the economy (European Union) and human rights (European Convention). They are those who, on a daily basis, in the fringes of the legal systems, must succeed in keeping the Cape Town of coherence. Consistency of their competences as defined by their reference system; consistency of their case-law, which can no longer ignore those of other courts. The judges show quite well in the end — with variations in time specific to each judicial culture — that the dual European commitment of States (1) is not a challenge, let alone a renunciation of their traditional office, it is merely a new formulation of the latter. (2) ; Les juges, tous les juges — nationaux et européens, ordinaires et constitutionnels — façonnent jour après jour les relations des États à l'intégration par l'économie (Union européenne) et par les droits de l'homme (Convention européenne). Ils sont ceux qui, au quotidien, dans l'enlacement des ordres juridiques, doivent arriver à garder le Cap de la cohérence. Cohérence de leurs compétences telles que définies par leur système de référence ; cohérence de leurs jurisprudences qui ne peut (plus) ignorer celles ...

online have this address http://www.espacepolitique.org The potential and real Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of small island areas, more than others, gives rise to appetite from their neighbours or metropolises, who see it as an economic asset that may be overvalued but nevertheless attractive. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea allows for ever greater ownership of maritime areas by coastal states. The paradoxical consequence of its functioning is a benefit for the richest nations when it was originally designed to favour, at their request, the poorest states. Maritime border demands are growing across the world's oceans and seas. However, for small island states, the potential of EEZs is not strong enough to engage in energy-intensive negotiations and political tensions, while their internal political and economic situation is fragile. Moreover, they do not have the necessary technical capabilities and military navies to effectively monitor their EEZ. For the time being, the territorial sea area is sufficient for the development of coastlines and tourism, which, in terms of employment and income, is overall the world's leading sector of activity in most small island states. ; International audience The potential and real Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of small insular spaces, is more than others, highly coveted by neighbouring states or by their home countries which consider it an economic asset, probably overestimated, but attractive nevertheless. The United Nations Convention on the law of sea allows an ever growing appropriation of maritime domains by coastal states. Paradoxically, its operating results in benefiting the richest nations whereas it was created at first and on their request, to help the poorest states. The maritime border claims are increasing on all the world oceans and seas. However, for the small island developing states, the EEZ potential is not attractive enough as to engage negociations that can reveal tedious and arouse political tensions when their own internal ...

Die Beiträge zu diesem Band analysieren die komplexe Beziehung zwischen religiösen Traditionen, Gruppen und Ideen einerseits und (Neo-)Nationalismen andererseits – und zwar auf konzeptueller Ebene wie für konkrete Kontexte. Dabei beleuchten sie diese Relation in historischer, soziologischer und ethischer Perspektive und tragen so zu den Diskursen über (Neo-)Nationalismus, Populismus und Öffentliche Theologie bei. Der erste Teil reflektiert Religion und Nationalismen in einer globalisierten Welt, der zweite verortet die Konzepte in Kontexten, der dritte versammelt unterschiedliche Fallstudien und der letzte Teil schließt mit ethischen und politischen Perspektiven ab. Mit Beiträgen von José Casanova, Mark Juergensmeyer, Hans Joas, Maureen A. Eger, Siniša Malešević, Ulf Hedetoft, Hans-Richard Reuter, Sonja Angelika Strube, Rik Pinxten, Thijl Sunier, Teija Tiilikainen, Cora Alexa Døving, Adrian Pabst, Rolf Schieder, Frank Mathwig, Philippe Portier, Raffaella Perin, István Povedák, Kristina Stoeckl, Dino Abazović, Philip S. Gorski, Robert Vosloo, Marcia Pally, Christian Polke und Torsten Meireis.

"Offering a comprehensive overview of the current situation in the country, The handbook of contemporary Cambodia provides a broad coverage of social, cultural, political and economic development within both rural and urban contexts during the last decade. A detailed introduction places Cambodia within its global and regional frame, and the handbook is then divided into five thematic sections: Political and Economic Tensions, Rural Developments, Urban Conflicts, Social Processes, Cultural Currents. The first section looks at the major political implications and tensions that have occurred in Cambodia, as well as the changing parameters of its economic profile. The handbook then highlights the major developments that are unfolding within the rural sphere, before moving on to consider how cities in Cambodia, and particularly Phnom Penh, have become primary sites of change. The fourth section covers the major processes that have shaped social understandings of the country, and how Cambodians have come to understand themselves in relation to each other and the outside world. Section five analyses the cultural dimensions of Cambodia's current experience, and how identity comes into contact with and responds to other cultural themes. Bringing together a team of leading scholars on Cambodia, the handbook presents an understanding of how sociocultural and political economic processes in the country have evolved"--