Suchergebnisse

The president does not only determine the chief direction of foreign policy, but leads it as well. To that end, he has also put a Foreign Minister in control in addition to the three "power ministers" (Defense, Interior, Civil Defense). The president names & dismisses, after consulting with the Premier, the Foreign Minister. Under Putin, the importance of the president's foreign policy advisor increased, as he had received the position of deputy leader of the presidential administration through his own administration. Also increasing its political weight in foreign policy to a similar degree was another Yeltsin-established administrative office: Security Advisor. The advisor for foreign policy has little political relevance to this office. The Foreign Minister is responsible for the operational implementation of foreign policy. Whatever possibilities he has to shape policy depends upon his personality & the latitude the president allows. The most important task the two parliamentary chambers, the national Duma & Federation Council, have in the decision-making process of foreign policy is the ratification of international agreements. In this process, the two international relations committees are bound together. C. Houle

International audience ; Les armées au service de l'administration de Rome et de ses provinces constituent le thème central de cet ouvrage consacré aux beneficiarii, des soldats libérés des corvées militaires à proprement parler et choisis pour être mis au service personnel des officiers, procurateurs, préfets et gouverneurs provinciaux. Cette étude s'appuie sur l'ensemble des sources littéraires, épigraphiques, papyrologiques et archéologiques, du ier s. a.C. au vie s. p.C., et s'attache à illustrer les multiples fonctions exercées par des bénéficiaires, dans toutes les régions de l'Empire. Débutant par une réflexion méthodologique sur l'exploitation des sources, elle aborde des questions telles que le pouvoir personnel et la position hiérarchique, les carrières et les promotions, la relation avec les communautés civiles, la religion et la politique, le milieu socio-économique, l'alphabétisation, le fonctionnement et l'évolution de l'administration provinciale (organisation de la police, de la justice, du contrôle des finances, des communications et du transfert de l'information). L'effort de cerner la nature et le rôle des beneficiarii s'ouvre ainsi sur un champ d'investigation qui déborde largement les limites des camps et de la vie militaire pour s'inscrire au cœur de l'étude de l'administration des provinces de l'Empire romain.

International audience ; Les armées au service de l'administration de Rome et de ses provinces constituent le thème central de cet ouvrage consacré aux beneficiarii, des soldats libérés des corvées militaires à proprement parler et choisis pour être mis au service personnel des officiers, procurateurs, préfets et gouverneurs provinciaux. Cette étude s'appuie sur l'ensemble des sources littéraires, épigraphiques, papyrologiques et archéologiques, du ier s. a.C. au vie s. p.C., et s'attache à illustrer les multiples fonctions exercées par des bénéficiaires, dans toutes les régions de l'Empire. Débutant par une réflexion méthodologique sur l'exploitation des sources, elle aborde des questions telles que le pouvoir personnel et la position hiérarchique, les carrières et les promotions, la relation avec les communautés civiles, la religion et la politique, le milieu socio-économique, l'alphabétisation, le fonctionnement et l'évolution de l'administration provinciale (organisation de la police, de la justice, du contrôle des finances, des communications et du transfert de l'information). L'effort de cerner la nature et le rôle des beneficiarii s'ouvre ainsi sur un champ d'investigation qui déborde largement les limites des camps et de la vie militaire pour s'inscrire au cœur de l'étude de l'administration des provinces de l'Empire romain.

Offers a historical analysis of the federal government's urban policies, particularly those enacted 1930s-1960s, to argue for their profound effect on race relations & racial equality in the US. Despite their stated intentions, such policies actually served to perpetuate racial discrimination & segregation, particularly for blacks. During the New Deal in the 1930s, Democrats strove to appeal to blacks anxious to achieve social equality & political representation; today, blacks often feel betrayed by the Democrats, & their participation in the New Deal coalition seems to have been of little long-term effect. It is argued that the failure of Democratic efforts rests on the policies of the federal government, particularly in the arenas of housing & urban development, which maintained segregation & discrimination on the basis of race in the cities, thwarting liberal promises of support for civil rights. Even after the passage of the 1968 Federal Fair Housing Act, racial segregation & discrimination remained stalwart; reasons for this lack of effectiveness are explored. It is concluded that affirmative action policies alone will be inadequate for ameliorating this situation in the future. K. H. Stewart

The economic logic of the current international economy does not predict the "eclipse of the state". Economic globalization does restrict state power, but transnational capital needs capable states as much or more than does domestically oriented business. National success in the current global political economy has been associated not with minimal states but with states that are capable, active, and engaged. Pressure for eclipse flows from the conjunction between transnational economic forces and the political hegemony of an Anglo-American ideology that, in J. P. Nettl's words, "simply leaves no room for any valid notion of the state". Even this combination of economic and political pressure is unlikely to eclipse the state, but it is likely to put public institutions on the defensive, eclipsing any possibility of the "embedded liberalism" described by John Ruggie. A "leaner, meaner" state is the likely outcome. The possibility of a more progressive alternative outcome would depend in part on whether current zero-sum visions of the relation between the state and civil society can be replaced by a more synergistic view.

In 1866, theAtlantic Monthlypublished a fictional case study of an army surgeon who had lost all of his limbs during the Civil War. Written anonymously by American neurologist Silas Weir Mitchell, "The Case of George Dedlow" describes not only the series of wounds and infections which led to the amputation of all four of the soldier's arms and legs but also the after-effects of amputation. Reduced to what he terms "a useless torso, more like some strange larval creature than anything of human shape," Dedlow finds that in disarticulating his body, amputation articulates anatomical norms. His observation of his own uniquely altered state qualifies him to speak in universal terms about the relationship between sentience and selfhood: "I have dictated these pages," he says, "not to shock my readers, but to possess them with facts in regard to the relation of the mind to the body" (1866:5). As such, the story explores the meaning of embodiment, finding in a fragmented anatomy the opportunity to piece together a more complete understanding of how the body functions—physically and metaphysically—as a whole.

In accordance with the trend of globalization, especially following the collapse of the socialist regimes of Eastern Europe, democracy is today becoming an important factor of international relations as well as a subject of intense debates in the Third World and in Muslim countries. Almost all governments in the world, even authoritarian governments, use the attribute "democratic" to characterize their regimes and their aspirations. Yet not all governments in Muslim countries as well as not all Muslim intellectuals support democracy. Unlike the Islamic international debate on democracy, all Muslim intellectuals in Indonesia, as far as I am able to ascertain, accept democracy and even support it as a system which must be implemented in a Muslim society. They also understand democracy as covering certain universal values, especially equality, freedom and pluralism. In the light of this theological perspective, Muslim intellectuals also respond to the basic concept of Pancasila Democracy and to the process of democratization in Indonesia. In this process they have a strategic role, because they are leaders of the Muslim community which is one of the most influential sectors of civil society in Indonesia. (Author)

THE CENTRAL ARGUMENT OF THIS ARTICLE IS THAT THE INTRODUCTION OF DEMOCRACY AND THE TRANSITION TO A MARKET ECONOMY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES IS PRODUCING CONTRADICTORY AND EVEN PERVERSE EFFECTS ON THESE SOCIETIES. THESE EFFECTS ARE ENLARGING THE MICRO-MACRO PARADOX OF POLITICS AND INDUCING POLITICAL INSTABILITY. INSTEAD OF FOCUSING ON THE ECONOMIC PROBLEMS OR INSTITUTIONALIZING DEMOCRACY ONLY, IT IS ARGUED, ONE SHOULD ELABORATE MORE FULLY THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN DEMOCRATIC DECISION-MAKING, SOCIETAL NEEDS AN WANTS TO CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE PUBLIC ORGANIZATION OF POLICY-MAKING. IN THIS ARTICLE AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO CONCEPTUALIZE THESE RELATIONS BY USING THE PRINCIPAL /AGENT APPROACH. IN ADDITION VARIOUS MODELS OF WELFARE CAPITALISM AND PUBLIC SECTOR MANAGEMENT ARE DISCUSSED AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR EAST EUROPEAN COUNTRIES. THE MAIN CONCLUSION IS THAT THE MODEL OF THE "MIXED ECONOMY" IS NOT ONLY APPROPRIATE, BUT ALSO THAT IT CONTRIBUTES TO A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF THE PRESENT PROBLEMS OF DEMOCRATIZATION IN THIS PART OF THE WORLD. IN PARTICULAR THE ROLE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPAL AND THE POSITION OF PUBLIC AGENTS APPEAR TO CRUCIAL.

A rediscovery of the long-forgotten republican version of liberal political theory has arresting implications for the theory and practice of international relations. Republican liberalism has a theory of security that is superior to realism, because it addresses not only threats of war from other states but also the threat of despotism at home. In this view, a Hobson's choice between anarchy and hierarchy is not necessary because an intermediary structure, here dubbed "negarchy," is also available. The American Union from 1787 until 1861 is a historical example. This Philadelphian system was not a real state since, for example, the union did not enjoy a monopoly of legitimate violence. Yet neither was it a state system, since the American states lacked sufficient autonomy. While it shared some features with the Westphalian system such as balance of power, it differed fundamentally. Its origins owed something to particular conditions of time and place, and the American Civil War ended this system. Yet close analysis indicates that it may have surprising relevance for the future of contemporary issues such as the European Union and nuclear governance.

Although many proponents of civil service reform question the principles of classical American public administration and specifically reject its neutral competence model of federal service, the principle of neutrality continues to be an important belief of federal career executives. This finding is based on an analysis of responses to a survey of 1,045 high-level (SES and GM-15) careerists and 242 political appointees from 15 federal organizations undertaken in November and December of 1987. As expected, Reagan political appointees profess slightly more support for the neutrality principle than their career subordinates. Still, careerist support for the principle is high and relatively uniform across organizations. The highest levels of the career bureaucracy, the Senior Executive Service, seem slightly more likely than their GM-15 subordinates to profess support for neutrality. Finally, support for this principle does not seem to improve career-noncareer relations, which instead appear to turn on the goal congruity of the organization and presidential policy. The attachment of career executives to the neutrality principle cannot be ignored by those who seek to reform the federal service.

A l'instar de leurs voisins balkaniques, les Turcs ont assisté avec beaucoup d'intérêt et d'appréhension à la désintégration de la Yougoslavie à la suite d'une série de violentes guerres civiles. La politique turque à l'égard de la crise yougoslave est passée du soutien à l'intégrité territoriale de la Yougoslavie à la reconnaissance des quatre républiques sécessionnistes, la Slovénie, la Croatie, la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Macédoine. Les principaux facteurs qui ont façonné la réponse turque ont été le souci d'Ankara de stabilité dans la région, la présence d'une forte population musulmane en Bosnie et, à l'ère de l'après-guerre froide, l'orientation nouvelle vers une politique étrangère plus engagée. La montée d'un nationalisme serbe agressif pose à la Turquie le problème le plus important en matière de sécurité dans les Balkans pour les années à venir. Alors que la Turquie a développé ses liens de coopération politique et économique avec l'Albanie et la Bulgarie, ses relations avec la Grèce restent tendues — un facteur qui constitue un obstacle majeur en vue d'une approche commune des problèmes de sécurité dans les Balkans.

A review essay on books by: Thomas Sowell, Preferential Policies (New York: William Morrow, 1990); Shelby Steele, The Content of Our Character (New York: Saint Martin's Press, 1990); & Walter E. Williams, The State against Blacks (New York: McGraw Hill, New Press, 1983 [see listings in IRPS No. 68]). Suggesting that Booker T. Washington is the ideological forefather of the three authors, analyzed is his contention that if black people face difficulties in the struggle of life, they are of their own making. Washington is then compared with Sowell, Steele, & Williams, who, it is argued, have written books that validate the US "bootstraps" idea of success, which stands in opposition to the philosophy of affirmative action. It is contended that the authors have nothing new to say about race relations or how the government should proceed in this area of national concern. In A False Vision of Black Problems, Williams argues that the civil rights struggle has been won. Any vision that includes discrimination yields a set of policies harmful to the long-run interests of blacks.

This article explores various dimensions of the issue of transition to democracy in East Central Europe, focusing on the question of how past experiences shape the process of political change and on the limits of democratization in the region. The first part reviews scholarly debates on the relationship between the political crisis and processes of democratization in the region, arguing that new analytical categories are needed to account for different dimensions of the current transition process. The second part proposes a new framework for analysing changing relations between the party–state and society across time and in different state-socialist societies. The third part examines some recent political developments in countries of the region in order to identify those factors that may contribute to or impede a possibility of the transition to democracy in these countries. It concludes that in all East Central European countries the rapid collapse of party–states and the multidimensional social, political and economic crisis has initiated a parallel process of diminution of power of both the state and civil society, which may significantly endanger the transition to a democratic political order.