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The political incorporation and municipal segregation of classes and status groups in the metropolis tend to divorce fiscal resources from public needs and to create and perpetuate inequality among urban residents in the United States. An investigation of data collected for a large number of metropolitan areas in 1960 reveals a number of variables associated with inequality in the distribution of fiscal resources among municipalities in metropolitan areas. The level of income inequality among municipal governments in metropolitan areas varies directly with: location in the South; age, size and density of the metropolis; nonwhite concentration; family income inequality; residential segregation among social classes; housing segregation by quality; and governmental fragmentation. The data provide support for the argument that governmental inequality occupies a central position in the urban stratification system.

Both developed and developing countries have experienced a huge globalization of their economies and an increase in within-country income inequality. We survey the literature on the globalization-inequality relationship. The extension of the North-South Heckscher-Ohlin-Samuelson (HOS) approach by relaxing certain simplifying assumptions makes it possible to generate most of the observed facts. Production segmentation and offshoring increase inequality in developed and developing countries. Firm heterogeneity generates intra-skill group inequality. Globalization causes changes in technologies and in institutions that can foster inequality. Most of these mechanisms combine globalization with technological or/and institutional changes, which reconcile the three major explanations for the rise in inequality.

Chapter 1: Introduction: Understanding Comedy as a Cultural Industry -- Chapter 2 : Comedy, Diversity, and the Hegemonic Comedian -- Chapter 3: Exploring Inequality in Comedy in the East Midlands and Challenging Inequality -- Chapter 4: COVID-19, Precarity and Comedy -- Chapter 5: Conclusion: The Future of Comedy.

Abstract.I argue in this paper that there are certain similarities between Catharine MacKinnon, on the one hand, and Mary Wollstonecraft and Jean Jacques Rousseau, on the other, in the conception of inequality and its origins. All three make two important claims that characterize their accounts of inequality: first, that inequality is not natural, and second, that the differences which are alleged to justify inequality are in fact produced by the inequality. These two claims distinguish one way of arguing for equality. I contrast this with another way of arguing for equality, one which acknowledges natural differences.Résumé.Dans ce texte, je soutiens qu'il y a des similarités entre les conceptions de l'inégalité et de ses origines de Catharine MacKinnon d'une part et de Rousseau et Wollstonecraft d'autre part. Tous trois soutiennent deux thèses importantes qui caractérisent leur conception de l'inégalité : premièrement, l'inégalité n'est pas naturelle; deuxièmement, les différences qui sont invoquées pour justifier l'inégalité sont en fait le produit de cette inégalité. Ces deux positions sont distinctives d'une ligne d'argumentation défendant l'égalité. Je contraste cette ligne d'argumentation avec une seconde façon de défendre l'égalité qui diffère de la première en ce qu'elle reconnaît les différences naturelles.

PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to examine the nature and extent of gender and spatial inequalities in educational attainment in Ghana.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses the education Gini coefficient, computed on the basis of years of schooling of individuals, to assess education inequality in Ghana.FindingsThe paper finds evidence of gender and spatial inequality in education in Ghana. In particular, the three northern regions have lower education attainment as well as higher education Gini coefficients compared to the rest of the country. The paper finds evidence of intra‐gender and intra‐spatial inequalities in education attainment in Ghana, with females contributing proportionately more to the within‐inequality component of the education Gini. The paper also finds a positive correlation between poverty incidence and education inequality.Research limitations/implicationsThe research finds a positive correlation between poverty incidence and education inequality but requires an econometric analysis to make inferences regarding causality.Practical implicationsThe findings call for the design and implementation of policies not only to address between‐gender and spatial inequities in education in Ghana, but also to tackle within‐gender and within‐spatial inequalities. The positive correlation between poverty incidence and education inequality implies the need to create greater equity in educational opportunities across the country.Social implicationsThe need for changes in attitudes, values and cultural practices that put girls at a disadvantage when it comes to education.Originality/valueOne important and new finding of the paper is the existence of intra‐gender and intra‐spatial inequalities in education attainment in Ghana, with females contributing proportionately more to the within‐inequality component of the education Gini.

The emerging literature on experimental methods in connection with economic inequality has shed fresh light on how to think about inequality, how important issues of equality are in comparison with other economic objectives and how individuals incorporate criteria of equality and fairness into their own decisions

This article explores the consequences of public and private spending on education at all levels, looking at skills and income inequality. We use data for 22 affluent democracies from 1960 or 1995 (depending on data availability) to 2017. High levels of public education spending consistently lower income inequality, both measured as wage dispersion and as the education premium. In contrast, higher levels of private education spending are associated with both higher wage dispersion and a higher education premium. We show that this effect works in part through differential skills acquisition. Public education spending raises the math scores of 15-years old students at the mean and at the 25th percentile, but private education spending has no effect on skills at these levels. We find the same pattern among skills of adults; public education spending raises skills at the 25th percentile and the mean; private spending has no effect. Finally, we also show that higher levels of adult skills indeed depress the education premium.

To study the consequences of an economic change on income
distribution we rank distributions of income at different points in time
and quantify the degree of income inequalities. Changes in income
distribution can be ascertained either through drawing the Lorenz curves
or through estimating different inequality indices, such as Gini
Coefficient, coefficient of variation, standard deviation of logs of in•
comes, Theil's Index and Atkinson's Index. Ranking the distributions of
income through Lorenz curves is, of course, possible only as long as
they do not intersect. Moreover, when Lorenz curves do not intersect
each other, all inequality measures rank income distributions uniformly.
However, if the Lorenz curves do intersect each other. different
inequality measures may rank income distributions differently and thus
the direction of change cannot be determined unambiguously. For this
reason , the use of a single measure would be misleading. Accordingly ,
the use of a 'package' of inequality measures becomes essential.

In Elite Networks, Vuk Vukovic offers a different perspective on the long-run origins of inequality by introducing the concept of elite networks and examining their impact on the distribution of power and incomes. Calling upon historical arguments and direct empirical evidence, Vukovic contends that true causes of inequality lie in the misuse of political power. Offering a unique contribution to the field, this book argues that to lower inequality and prevent incentives of elite network formation, we must first and foremost lower centralized political power and re-empower citizens and the community by rebuilding trust and relying on the democratic trial-and-error mechanism.

The literature on economic problems connected with measuring and modelling of welfare and inequality has grown rapidly within the last decade. Since this literature is scattered throughout a great number of journals on economics, economic theory, econometrics, and statistics, it is difficult to get an adequate picture of the present state of the art. This book offers a representative cross-section of the latest results of research on the subject. The book is divided into four parts: I. Measurement of Inequality and Poverty II. Taxation and Redistribution III. Models and Measurement of Welfare IV. Models and Measurement Related to Welfare and Inequality