Abstract This article offers an overview of the political, economic, and cultural aspects of Hungarian–Mexican relations during the last 15 years of the Cold War. After a more than 30-year interruption, the normalization of diplomatic relations (1974) was made possible by a change in the foreign policy orientation of Mexico, in the context of improving East–West relations, in particular an improvement of US–Hungarian relations. Both sides planned to intensify ties, and signed various documents to this end, but the early impetus soon deflated. This investigation explores the development of the bilateral nexus and the complex reasons behind its low intensity, related to the asymmetries between the two countries as well as to the differences between their foreign policy objectives and possibilities of maneuver.
Since the end of the 1990ties, legislators of many States, essentially of Eastern Europe and ex-USSR, requested the assistance of the Commission for Democracy through Law – Venice Commission – and of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights – ODIHR – in order to draft their Laws on Freedom of Religion or Belief and on relations towards religions. Thereby, these two institutions wrote about thirty opinions, each of them commenting a draftlaw according to the criteria of the International Standards of Human Rights, among which the Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief. From their experiences, they edited guidelines (in 2004 and in 2014) directing any legislator wishing to draft a law on Freedom of Religion or Belief conformingly to the Human Rights. This study focuses on the right of religious or belief communities to legal status – especially legal personality –, other privileges and the conditions to obtain them, according to the commented draftlaws. After analysing the working modalities of the legislative assistance by the Venice Commission and the ODIHR, this study discovers and presents the pecularities of the implementation of the International Standards by these institutions to stipulations of draftlaws concerning religions or beliefs, the influence of their work on national legislations and their indirect impact on the International Standards themselves. The background question of this study permits us to state that the support to the right to Freedom of Religion or Belief by Venice Commission and ODIHR assistance to the national legislators drafting of laws is not an imperialism of Western worldviews as it promotes actually the official goals of these instances, i.e. democracy, peace and human rights, thus the manifestation and expression of any worldview, religion or belief in the usual limits of the respect of others. In order to answer that question, this study took into account the religious and cultural context of the States concerned by international legislative assistance, checking on the one hand its link or distance with the international standard of freedom or belief and on the other hand the corelation between a State's history of religions-State relations and its desire or necessity to request international assistance to draft laws on freedom of religion or belief respectuous of international standards. ; (DROI - Sciences juridiques) -- UCL, 2015
Since the end of the 1990ties, legislators of many States, essentially of Eastern Europe and ex-USSR, requested the assistance of the Commission for Democracy through Law – Venice Commission – and of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights – ODIHR – in order to draft their Laws on Freedom of Religion or Belief and on relations towards religions. Thereby, these two institutions wrote about thirty opinions, each of them commenting a draftlaw according to the criteria of the International Standards of Human Rights, among which the Right to Freedom of Religion or Belief. From their experiences, they edited guidelines (in 2004 and in 2014) directing any legislator wishing to draft a law on Freedom of Religion or Belief conformingly to the Human Rights. This study focuses on the right of religious or belief communities to legal status – especially legal personality –, other privileges and the conditions to obtain them, according to the commented draftlaws. After analysing the working modalities of the legislative assistance by the Venice Commission and the ODIHR, this study discovers and presents the pecularities of the implementation of the International Standards by these institutions to stipulations of draftlaws concerning religions or beliefs, the influence of their work on national legislations and their indirect impact on the International Standards themselves. The background question of this study permits us to state that the support to the right to Freedom of Religion or Belief by Venice Commission and ODIHR assistance to the national legislators drafting of laws is not an imperialism of Western worldviews as it promotes actually the official goals of these instances, i.e. democracy, peace and human rights, thus the manifestation and expression of any worldview, religion or belief in the usual limits of the respect of others. In order to answer that question, this study took into account the religious and cultural context of the States concerned by international legislative assistance, checking on the one hand its link or distance with the international standard of freedom or belief and on the other hand the corelation between a State's history of religions-State relations and its desire or necessity to request international assistance to draft laws on freedom of religion or belief respectuous of international standards. ; (DROI - Sciences juridiques) -- UCL, 2015
Abstract After the Nazis rose to power in Germany, post-Habsburg Central Europe became a major site of resistance against Nazi racial theories. So far, historians have treated these voices as isolated cases. My paper focuses on several texts discussing race, racism, and eugenics that were written in Czechoslovakia in the early 1930s. I contextualize these texts and trace their circulation in post-Habsburg spaces, particularly in Yugoslavia and Austria. Mapping the publications of individuals such as Hugo Iltis, Vladislav Růžička, Mirko Kus-Nikolajev, Božo Škerlj, Irene Harand, and Viktor Lebzelter, I demonstrate that these initiatives were entangled and enabled by shared knowledge and networks. Crucially, I argue that Habsburg imperial legacies played a vital role in making these exchanges possible.
The Dominant Naval Power: The Royal Navy, 1721-1917 -- Great Britain and Maritime Law from the Declaration of Paris to the Era of Total War / Andrew Lambert -- Secondary Navies: The Maritime Balance and International Law in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries -- The Long Life of Treaties: The Dutch Republic and Great Britain in the Eighteenth Century / Jaap R. Bruijn -- Denmark-Norway, 1720-1807: Neutral Principles and Practice / Ole Feldbaek -- Navies and Power Struggle in Northern and Eastern Europe, 1721-1814 / Jan Glete -- Secondary Navies with Potential and Aspirations, 1850-1918 -- Prussia, Germany adn Maritime Law from Armed Neutrality to Unlimited Submarine Warfare, 1780-1917 / Rolf Hobson -- The Jeune Ecole: The Strategy of the Weak / Arne Roksund -- The U.S. Navy and the 'Freedom of the Seas,' 1775-1917 / John B. Hattendorf -- Sea Power or Collective Security? The Northern Waters Between the Wars -- The Interwar Years: Naval Disarmament, Collective Security and Preparations for War / Tom Kristiansen -- Naval Armaments Diplomacy in Northern Waters: The Origins of the Anglo-Scandinavian Naval Agreement of 21 December 1938 / Joseph Maiolo -- The Cold War and Beyond, 1945-2000 -- The Superpowers and Secondary Navies in Norther Waters during the Cold War / Eric J. Grove -- Major Coastal State-Small Naval Power: Norway's Cold War Policy and Strategy / Rolf Tamnes -- Coastal Power: The Sea Power of the Coastal State and the Management of Maritime Resources / Jacob Borresen -- The Role of Naval Forces in Northern Waters at the Beginning of a New Century / Roald Gjelsten -- Concluding Remarks / Olav Riste
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In 1972 a hoard of eight fine silver coins was discovered in or near the baptistery of the basilica of St. John in Ayasuluk. It is now conserved at the Ephesus Archaeological Museum in Selçuk. The coins were minted in southern France, southern Italy, and on the island of Rhodes, between ca. 1303 and 1319 or perhaps a little later. Accordingly, a concealment date of ca. 1320 or a bit later is proposed. While the currency which they represent (the gigliato) is well known from other finds of the area, the present hoard is relatively early and from a particularly significant location. This currency found great success in commercial contexts in the eastern Aegean and western Anatolia during the period ca. 1325 – ca. 1370. By contrast, this study reveals two initial phases in the establishment and further dissemination of the gigliato in a concentrated part of western Anatolia, one in 1304 and another before and after ca. 1317. On both occasions the Catalans were instrumental in shaping these processes: initially as conquerors on behalf of the Byzantine emperors; and then, from their new base in Greece, as allies of the Aydınoğulları rulers of Ayasuluk. Additionally, it is proposed that this new gigliato currency might have been minted at Rhodes from the summer of 1319, after which it rapidly reached the Ephesus area in a military context.
Abstract The present study examines the process and international context of Hungarian–Taiwanese bilateral negotiations leading to the opening of the Taipei Trade Office, based on Hungarian archival documents. The process began with the democratization of political life in Taiwan in 1987 and was followed by Taipei's subsequent opening towards Eastern European socialist states. Hungarian politicians were initially cautious about the establishment of relations with the island, as they always had to consider China's political sensitivities and the possible consequences of their actions regarding Sino–Hungarian relations. However, the year 1989 marked a turning point. The Hungarian leadership urged economic cooperation with Taiwan because economic liberalization in Hungary resulted in a financial crisis, and Taiwanese investment and financial assistance could contribute to easing the situation. The Taiwanese side was willing to engage in financial cooperation in exchange for greater international visibility.
In: Proceedings of Scientific Conference "New Challenges related to EU`s Internal Security" (5th ed.), held by Doctoral Schools from Alexandru Ioan Cuza Police Academy, Bucharest, Romania, 2016
The aim of this article is to stress the systematic actions of development of European Studies from the west to the east of Europe in accordance with the European integration process. The process was a natural one, the majority of universities adopting European Studies programs in the previous years of their adhesion to the European Union. Jean Monnet Action was the European program which most stimulated the dissemination of European Studies and the development of specializations.
In the article the author studies the aspects of methodology to research interstate cooperation and international relations due to the need for a theoretical understanding of a complex range of social, political and interethnic processes that took place and continue to occur in the regions and subregions of the European continent. In fact, a new direction in political research (such as regional studies) arose as a consequence of the political science differentiation and the need to study deeply such a historical and political phenomenon as a subregion. Moreover, not the least, the increase of scientific interest in the subregions is conditioned by the further formation of a new system of international relations.The expediency of systematic approach to studying the contemporary history of Czech-Slovak intergovernmental relations has been substantiated. To enhance the reliability of the scientific analysis of the Czech-Slovak intergovernmental relations, it is advisable to apply a systematic approach. It comprises a set of general scientific methodological principles, which are based on considering objects as complex, multilevel systems.The systematic approach also allows determining the role and place of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the new architecture of European security and the cardinal geopolitical changes on the continent. These states, like other post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Ukraine, for years have been not only objects that experienced the influence of global and continental processes of updating and democratization of international relations in their own development, but also became direct active participants - actors of these historically significant changes.Ukrainian historical research is taking important steps to study the system of contemporary interstate relations of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, as well as other foreign countries of Central and Eastern Europe. However, despite some positive achievements made especially since the early 2000s, Ukrainian scholars, as well as their Czech and Slovak counterparts, failed to avoid a number of standard errors and erroneous stereotypes in studying the issues related to some aspects of this research. In view of this, we consider it necessary to express a few important remarks of the theoretical and methodological character ; У статті досліджено питання методології міждержавного співробітництва і міжнародних відносин, зумовлене необхідністю теоретичного осмислення складної палітри соціальних, політичних і міжнаціональних процесів, які мали місце і продовжують відбуватись у регіонах і субрегіонах європейського континенту.Обґрунтовано доцільність системного підходу до вивчення новітньої історії чесько-словацьких міждержавних стосунків. Відзначено, що для підвищення рівня достовірності наукового аналізу чесько-словацьких міждержавних відносин доцільно застосувати системний підхід. Він становить сукупність загальнонаукових методологічних принципів, які ґрунтуються на розгляді об'єктів як складних, багаторівневих систем.
In the article the author studies the aspects of methodology to research interstate cooperation and international relations due to the need for a theoretical understanding of a complex range of social, political and interethnic processes that took place and continue to occur in the regions and subregions of the European continent. In fact, a new direction in political research (such as regional studies) arose as a consequence of the political science differentiation and the need to study deeply such a historical and political phenomenon as a subregion. Moreover, not the least, the increase of scientific interest in the subregions is conditioned by the further formation of a new system of international relations.The expediency of systematic approach to studying the contemporary history of Czech-Slovak intergovernmental relations has been substantiated. To enhance the reliability of the scientific analysis of the Czech-Slovak intergovernmental relations, it is advisable to apply a systematic approach. It comprises a set of general scientific methodological principles, which are based on considering objects as complex, multilevel systems.The systematic approach also allows determining the role and place of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the new architecture of European security and the cardinal geopolitical changes on the continent. These states, like other post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Ukraine, for years have been not only objects that experienced the influence of global and continental processes of updating and democratization of international relations in their own development, but also became direct active participants - actors of these historically significant changes.Ukrainian historical research is taking important steps to study the system of contemporary interstate relations of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, as well as other foreign countries of Central and Eastern Europe. However, despite some positive achievements made especially since the early 2000s, Ukrainian scholars, as well as their Czech and Slovak counterparts, failed to avoid a number of standard errors and erroneous stereotypes in studying the issues related to some aspects of this research. In view of this, we consider it necessary to express a few important remarks of the theoretical and methodological character. ; У статті досліджено питання методології міждержавного співробітництва і міжнародних відносин, зумовлене необхідністю теоретичного осмислення складної палітри соціальних, політичних і міжнаціональних процесів, які мали місце і продовжують відбуватись у регіонах і субрегіонах європейського континенту.Обґрунтовано доцільність системного підходу до вивчення новітньої історії чесько-словацьких міждержавних стосунків. Відзначено, що для підвищення рівня достовірності наукового аналізу чесько-словацьких міждержавних відносин доцільно застосувати системний підхід. Він становить сукупність загальнонаукових методологічних принципів, які ґрунтуються на розгляді об'єктів як складних, багаторівневих систем.
In the article the author studies the aspects of methodology to research interstate cooperation and international relations due to the need for a theoretical understanding of a complex range of social, political and interethnic processes that took place and continue to occur in the regions and subregions of the European continent. In fact, a new direction in political research (such as regional studies) arose as a consequence of the political science differentiation and the need to study deeply such a historical and political phenomenon as a subregion. Moreover, not the least, the increase of scientific interest in the subregions is conditioned by the further formation of a new system of international relations.The expediency of systematic approach to studying the contemporary history of Czech-Slovak intergovernmental relations has been substantiated. To enhance the reliability of the scientific analysis of the Czech-Slovak intergovernmental relations, it is advisable to apply a systematic approach. It comprises a set of general scientific methodological principles, which are based on considering objects as complex, multilevel systems.The systematic approach also allows determining the role and place of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the new architecture of European security and the cardinal geopolitical changes on the continent. These states, like other post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Ukraine, for years have been not only objects that experienced the influence of global and continental processes of updating and democratization of international relations in their own development, but also became direct active participants - actors of these historically significant changes.Ukrainian historical research is taking important steps to study the system of contemporary interstate relations of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, as well as other foreign countries of Central and Eastern Europe. However, despite some positive achievements made especially since the early 2000s, Ukrainian scholars, as well as their Czech and Slovak counterparts, failed to avoid a number of standard errors and erroneous stereotypes in studying the issues related to some aspects of this research. In view of this, we consider it necessary to express a few important remarks of the theoretical and methodological character. ; У статті досліджено питання методології міждержавного співробітництва і міжнародних відносин, зумовлене необхідністю теоретичного осмислення складної палітри соціальних, політичних і міжнаціональних процесів, які мали місце і продовжують відбуватись у регіонах і субрегіонах європейського континенту.Обґрунтовано доцільність системного підходу до вивчення новітньої історії чесько-словацьких міждержавних стосунків. Відзначено, що для підвищення рівня достовірності наукового аналізу чесько-словацьких міждержавних відносин доцільно застосувати системний підхід. Він становить сукупність загальнонаукових методологічних принципів, які ґрунтуються на розгляді об'єктів як складних, багаторівневих систем.
International audience ; National and European legislation over the past 20 yr, and the modernisation or removal of industrial sources, have significantly reduced European ozone precursor emissions. This study quantifies observed and modelled European ozone annual and seasonal linear trends from 158 harmonised rural background monitoring stations over a constant time period of a decade (1996-2005). Mean ozone concentrations are investigated, in addition to the ozone 5th percentiles as a measure of the baseline or background conditions, and the 95th percentiles that are representative of the peak concentration levels. This study aims to characterise and quantify surface European ozone concentrations and trends and assess the impact of the changing anthropogenic emission tracers on the observed and modelled trends. Significant (p<0.1) positive annual trends in ozone mean, 5th and 95th percentiles are observed at 54%, 52% and 45% of sites respectively (85 sites, 82 sites and 71 sites). Spatially, sites in central and north-western Europe tend to display positive annual ozone trends in mean, 5th and 95th percentiles. Significant negative annual trends in ozone mean 5th and 95th percentiles are observed at 11%, 12% and 12% of sites respectively (18 sites, 19 sites and 19 sites) which tend to be located in the eastern and southwestern extremities of Europe. European-averaged annual trends have been calculated from the 158 sites in this study. Overall there is a net positive annual trend in ob-served ozone mean (0.16 +/- 0.02 ppbv yr(-1) (2 sigma error)), 5th (0.13 +/- 0.02 ppbv yr(-1)) and 95th (0.16 +/- 0.03 ppbv yr(-1)) percentiles, representative of positive trends in mean, baseline and peak ozone. Assessing the sensitivity of the derived overall trends to the constituent years shows that the European heatwave year of 2003 has significant positive influence and 1998 the converse effect; demonstrating the masking effect of inter-annual variability on decadal based ozone trends. The European scale 3-D CTM CHIMERE ...
The article looks into the various scholarly (and disciplinary) conceptualizations of the Balkans/Southeastern Europe, which were spawned within the region itself prior to World War II. These regionalist schemes drew heavily on political values and relied on political support, while at the same time seeking to spearhead and legitimize political decisions or reformulate (geo)political visions. The article discusses the political implications of this scholarship with the idea to underscore notions of the Balkans which differed considerably from the one summarily and, in recent years, persistently conceptualized as mirroring the Western (discourse of) Balkanism. Not only were those notions more subtle and differentiated than an 'orientalizing perspective' would make us expect; a remarkable feature of the academic projects discussed here was their counterhegemonic thrust and the assertion that the Balkans are and should be treated as a subject.
