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An initial analysis was made of the relationship between political voting in Belgium in 1974, & SC & religion. The vote (N=968) was broken down into political party, SC, region (Wallonia, Flanders, & Brussels) & religion (practicing Catholics, nonpracticing Catholics, & non-Catholics). For each, the degree of 'fragmentation' (D. Rae & M. Taylor, THE ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGES, New Haven & London: Yale U Press, 1970) was calculated; it measures the probability that any pair of individuals belongs to 2 different categories. The most homogeneous electorate is that of the liberal party in Wallonia & Brussels & that of the PSB in Flanders; the most heterogeneous in Wallonia is that of the Socialist- Christians. The Socialist-Christian party is the least fragmented overall. Also calculated was the 'index of relative party preference' (A. Lijphart, THE POLITICS OF ACCOMMODATION, Berkeley & Los Angeles: U of California Press, 1968), which indicates whether the percentage of the proportion of votes that a social category accords to a party is superior or inferior to the percentage of that category, in relation to the entire population; it is a measure of the political strength of a party. The strength of the parties is quite homogeneous throughout Belgium. 4 Tables. Modified HA.

This paper investigates the proposition that rapid urbanization produces significant changes in the kinds, volume, and intensity of demand making aimed at local and national governments, leading to political system "overload" and pressure for major shifts in resource allocation. Drawing upon data gathered among low-income migrants to Mexico City and other Latin American cities, the paper analyzes the process through which objective needs are converted into demands upon government. The findings indicate that there are often major lags in the process of demand creation among cityward migrants, and that many kinds of felt needs are viewed by migrants as needs to be satisfied primarily through individual rather than governmental action.Data are presented on the incidence of demand making among the migrant population and the substantive nature of the demands they make upon government. Strategies used in attempting to influence government decisions are described, and the attitudes and perceptions underlying the migrant's preference among alternative strategies are analyzed. The long-term propensity of migrants and their offspring to engage in demand making with regard to broad social and economic issues rather than individual or community-related needs is assessed.

Relating the notion of political community to those of discrimination and legitimacy — and, consequently, setting up a typology which will contrast communities by the criteria they use to distinguish members from non-members and by the location they give to legitimacy, placed either in a ruler or in a process — will be made easier if we consider first of all certain striking similarities which exist between the most private of social groups, the family, and the most public, the state, similarities which probably facilitate the transfer of the ideological constructs formed in infancy and childhood into the political expectancies and assumptions of adulthood. Let us distinguish communities defined through the brothers from communities defined through the father: communities centered around a leader from those centered on themselves. These contrasts will suggest to us a natural/ artificial continuum along which political communities can be ranked, those most resembling the family in their ideas about legitimate authority and legitimate membership being closer to the 'natural' end of the continuum. I will explain later the reasons for this distinction between 'natural' and 'artificial', but I must at the outset make it absolutely clear that the use of these terms does not in any way imply an evaluative preference on my part.

The distinction between scientific judgment & the judgment of scientists has been increasingly blurred. Generalizations from social sciences lead to the popularization of unproved or unprovable social theory. Social scientists' acceptance of antiscientific frames of mind threatens the theoretical gains of a previous generation. An interest in human psychology has turned to a poetic, human mythology. Science & moral judgment are valuable in intellectual activity but not in social science. Scientists influenced by supportive values must free themselves from extrascientific influences. Applied social humanities attempts analysis to support or change the preferences of individuals for different kinds of behavior patterns. The meaning of life, quality of life, academic questions, & policy issues would be the concern in social humanities. An intellectual basis for new institutions to replace the depleted spiritual & judgmental resources would develop a core of research to form a learning tradition. Applied social humanists would be consultants with professional ethics similar to priests & psychiatrists. They would lecture, give seminars, & groups of social humanists, audiences & clients would form schools to provide cultural ferment centers. Religions cannot be manufactured, but a basis can be formed for the functional equivalent of religion. Modified HA.

Under what conditions can an increase in total community wealth be considered an unambiguous increase in community welfare? Economists frequently turn to the Pareto criteria which is commonly interpreted to imply that an increase in at least one person's wealth, leaving all others' wealth unchanged, will increase the welfare of the group as a whole. Thus, economic growth was generally favored on strict welfare grounds. Externalities that arise due to feelings of charity & malevolence have become an increasing concern of economists attempting to broaden the scope of theory to include phenomena not generally considered important to the analysis of impersonal market transactions. The purpose here was to extend the theory of 2nd party preferences by developing a comparative static model that included an individual's relative position as a good in his utility function. If relative economic position is indeed a "good" (ie, if it has value to individuals) then increasing wealth of some without decreasing the wealth of others cannot be considered an increase in welfare. However, if 2 factors occur--(1) a form of the compensation principle, or (2) individuals do not get negative utility from decreases in relative position--then the traditional analysis is valid. 1 Figure. AA.

In a series of related surveys carried out in Romania during the late 1960's, labor turnover was studied as a latent act. In each case, the stochastically selected sample included a control group of 'innovators'. 5 factors--magnitude, individual motivation, relationship to job satisfaction, expressed motivation, & the relationship of turnover & the functional structure of the enterprise--were studied as latent feelings developed, before the potential act was committed. A significant number of workers either have no preference where they work or would like to work in another enterprise. Potential turnover is age-dependent; the young most anticipate leaving while the old least anticipate it. Marital status & Ur/Ru residence were also factors. Job satisfaction & potential turnover is not a linear relationship; satisfaction alone is not enough to hold a worker to a position. Justification, the express motivations for possible job turnover, indicated that money, distance to work, & a better regime were the chief stated reasons for dissatisfaction. The innovative & the young workers showed some variation in overall pattern. The level of latent turnover was higher than estimated by management--evidence of the communication barriers between worker & supervisors. The inability to synchronize industrial expansion & new manpower training is another systematic factor of labor turnover. 7 Tables. S. Lupton.

The Cultural Revolution left two major legacies to China. First, basic social, economic, and organizational policies were undecided. Second, political power belonged to a shaky coalition of political forces, with widely divergent interests and policy preferences. Since 1969, China has sought to cope with these two legacies. But as Chinese leaders tried to formulate specific policies that could attract general support, conflict within the coalition mounted, resulting in the purge of important central and provincial leaders. The outcome of these two processes—the redefinition of policy and the re-allocation of power—constitutes the Thermidorean reaction to the Cultural Revolution. Policy has drifted rightward, and ultraleftism has been condemned. Many victims of the Cultural Revolution have been restored to office, while many of those associated with Red Guard radicalism and military participation in politics, particularly Ch'en Po-ta and Lin Piao, have been purged. Although most outstanding policy questions have by now been resolved, at least temporarily, the problem of the fragmentation of political power in China remains. Power still belongs to a heterogeneous coalition, which could easily fall apart in the event of an international crisis or the death of Mao.

We find that the introduction of two weeks of paid paternity leave in Spain in 2007 led to delays in subsequent fertility. Following a regression discontinuity design and using rich administrative data, we show that parents who were (just) entitled to the new paternity leave took longer to have another child compared to (just) ineligible parents. We also show that older eligible couples were less likely to have an additional child within the following six years after the introduction of the reform. We provide evidence in support of two potentially complementary channels behind the negative effects on subsequent fertility. First, fathers' increasing involvement in childcare led to higher labor force attachment among mothers. This may have raised the opportunity cost of an additional child. We also find that men reported lower desired fertility after the reform, possibly due to their increased awareness of the costs of childrearing, or to a shift in preferences from child quantity to quality. ; Farré acknowledges the financial support by Fundación Ramon Areces (CISP15A33179), the Government of Catalonia (grant SGR2014-325), and the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (grant ECO2014-59959-P-P). González acknowledges the financial support of ICREA Academia and the ERC (CoG-2017-770958).

We analyze the conduct of fiscal policy in a financially integrated union in the presence of financial frictions. Frictions create a wedge between the return to investment and the union interest rate. This leads to an over-spending externality. While the social cost of spending is the return to investment, governments care mostly about the (depressed) interest rate they face. In other words, the crowding out effects of public spending are partly "exported" to the rest of the union. We argue that it may be hard for the union to deal with this externality through the design of fiscal rules, which are bound to be shaped by the preferences of the median country and not by efficiency considerations. We also analyze how this overspending externality - and the unions ability to deal with it effectively changes when the union is financially integrated with the rest of the world. Finally, we extend our model by introducing a zero lower bound on interest rates and show that, it financial frictions are severe enough, the union is pushed into a liquidity trap and the direction of the spending externality is reversed. At such times, fiscal rules that are appropriate during normal times might backre.

This work proposes an efficient example-based photorealistic style transfer algorithm for video. Given a source unprocessed video and a reference image color graded by an artist, we describe an automatic algorithm to transfer the visual style of the reference onto the source footage. Our approach builds upon the color transfer methods based on the statistical properties of images. These methods are fast and of low-complexity, therefore suitable for real-time implementations. Our contribution is to adapt those methods to be used for unprocessed video from cinema cameras, and optionally to incorporate regions of interest previously selected by the user, affecting the final color transfer. The resulting videos are free from artifacts and provide an excellent approximation to the intended look, bringing savings in pre-production, shooting and post-production time. Results are free of spatio-temporal artifacts and the method outperforms diverse state-of-the-art methods according to observer preference experiments. ; This work has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 761544 (project HDR4EU) and under grant agreement number 780470 (project SAUCE), and by the Spanish government and FEDER Fund, grant ref. PGC2018-099651-B-I00 (MCIU/AEI/FEDER, UE).

Existing research indicates that supranational identification in the European Union (EU) is associated with greater individual acceptance of international migration, pointing to a cosmopolitan logic in European identity. At the same time, social identity theory suggests a communitarian logic, as citizens who self-identify as Europeans should positively distinguish members of the European community and exhibit a higher acceptance of migrants from other EU member states than of other types of migrants. The goal of this article is to test which of these two logics prevails in European identifiers' migration attitudes. For this purpose, we develop a set of multilevel regression models of recent Eurobarometer data (2014-2017) to explore the effects of European identification on individual preference for internal migrants in the EU. The paper's main contribution is to show that adding a cosmopolitan layer of identification to the pre-existing national identities does not preclude the logic of identity demarcation in supranational communities. Instead, these processes become more complex. As illustrated by the case of perceptions of migrants from different origins, European identification entails both cosmopolitan and communitarian effects for individual attitudes. These findings challenge the prevailing normative understanding of European identity as inherently inclusive.

In this paper I study the causal relationship between fertility and female labor supply using census data from 14 Latin American countries and the U.S. over the span of three decades (1980, 1990 and 2000). Parental preferences for a gender-balanced family (mixed-sex children) is exploited as a source of exogenous variation in fertility. Although OLS estimates suggest a statistically signi cant negative relationship in the 39 censuses used, instrumental variables approach fails to identify a causal e ect in most of them. The average e ect of moving from a family with two children to more than two is statistically zero for the group of compliers. Considering a pool of married women from Latin America over the span of three decades, a negative causal e ect is found. In any case, despite having a highly accurate rst-stage and indirect evidence consistent with the internal validity of the instrument, the analysis of the quality of the instrument reveals a weak explanatory power of sibling sex composition on fertility. The noisy and imprecise IV estimates for Latin America in the second-stage can be attributed to the problem of weak instruments. ; Centro de Estudios Distributivos, Laborales y Sociales (CEDLAS)

Language context (native vs. foreign) affects people's choices and preferences in a wide variety of situations. However, emotional reactions are a key component driving people's choices in those situations. In six studies, we test whether foreign language context modifies biases and the use of heuristics not directly caused by emotional reactions. We fail to find evidence that foreign language context modifies the extent to which people suffer from outcome bias (Experiment 1a & 1b) and the use of the representativeness heuristic (Experiment 2a & 2b). Furthermore, foreign language context does not modulate decision-making in those scenarios even when emotion is brought into the context (Experiment 1c & 2c). Foreign language context shapes decision-making, but the scope of its effects might be limited to decision-making tendencies in which emotion plays a causal role. ; This study was funded by the Agencia Estatal de InvestigacioÂn (AEI, National Research Agency) and Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER, European Regional Development Fund) under projects PSI2017-84539-P and PSI2014-52181-P, the Catalan Government (2017 SGR 268), and the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme for research, technological development and demonstration under grant agreement no. 613465ÐAThEME. Marc-LluõÂs Vives was supported by a grant from the Spanish Government (BES-2015-071581).

The National Weather Service (NWS) is the governmental agency responsible for providing freely available weather forecasts, warnings, watches, and advisories for the protection of life and property. The point-and-click (PnC) forecast webpage is a primary channel through which NWS directly disseminates everyday and hazardous weather forecast information in graphical and textual formats, with a unique forecast for every 2.5 x 2.5 km grid over land in the United States. Because the PnC webpage provides important - and, at times, potentially life-saving - weather information to its millions of users, it is important that the webpage effectively communicates forecast information. This report details a multi-method research project funded by the NWS that (a) assessed the information provided on the PnC webpage from its users' perspectives and (b) designed and evaluated ways to improve how hazardous weather forecast information is communicated on the PnC webpage. Our research revealed a wealth of empirical data about PnC webpage users' uses of, perceptions of, and preferences for the information as well as ways to improve the webpage information to better serve its users. From the results, we identified 13 overarching, key findings as well as important areas for future research.

It is observed that the essential concerns in the econ's of outdoor recreation differ little from those of econ concerns generally. Econ'ts working in this area face the problem of the efficiency of allocation of resources between outdoor recreation facilities & programs on the one hand, & goods & services in general on the other. The pricing system fails to function as a resource-allocator in recreation services. However, the use of fees as a means of rationing scarce resources & as manag tools to redistribute the load among all facilities more appropriately is considered necessary. The question of 'distributive' justice is discussed, ie, the distribution of recreational opportunities among the various segments of the pop. It is in this area that the creative integration of the contributions of econ'ts, soc psychol'ts & sociol'ts is needed in order to introduce the concept of consumer preferences meaningfully into the planning of recreational facilities & programs. While the provision of recreational facilities may be viewed primarily as a local public responsibility, the serious question of local fiscal capability & of state & federal responsibility must be raised. A policy of incentives & restraints might be created which would present more efficient & equitable provisions for recreational services. There is great need for careful stock-taking. Modified HA.