Suchergebnisse

A review essay on books by (1) Jang Jip Choi, Hang-guk Minjujuui Mueosi Munjeinga ([What is the Problem in the Korean Democracy?] Seoul: Saengkak eui Namu, 2008); (2) Jang Jip Choi, Chan Pyo Park and Sang Hoon Park, Otteon Minjujuui Inga ([What Kind of Democracy? [Seoul: Humanitas, 2007); (3) Jin Mon Chung, Han-gukui Jenngdang Jeongchiwa Daetongnyeongje Minjujuui ([Party Politics in Korea and Presidential Democracy] Seoul: Ingansarang, 2008); (4) Young Tae Jung, Han-guk Sahoe-ui Byeonhwa wa Jindo Jeongdang ([Changes in Korean Society and The Progressive Political Party] Incheon: Inha University Press, 2006) & (5) Won Taek Kang, Daetongnyeongje, Naegakjewa Iwon Jipjeongbuje ([Presidential System, Parliamentary System and Dual Executive System] Seoul: Ingansarang, 2006).

This article analyzes the interaction between stakeholders in the clean development mechanism (CDM) in Brazil and assesses the impacts this market mechanism has had on institutions and on the climate change policy discourse in Brazil. Brazil ranks as the third largest host country for CDM projects, even though it has maintained a strong commitment to the environmental integrity of the CDM system. Despite its positive experience with the CDM, the government is opposing the inclusion of tradable carbon credits for reduced deforestation in the post-2012 climate regime.The main benefits of the CDM for Brazil have been its contribution to diversifying the energy system and to creating human and institutional capacity for carbon governance. These are important assets as Brazil develops its own national policies to tackle climate change.

By now arguments about the varieties of international order abound in International Relations. These disputes include arguments about the security mechanisms, institutions, and practices that sustain international orders, including balance of power and alliances, hegemony, security regimes based on regional or global institutions, public, private, and hybrid security networks, as well as different kinds of security communities. The way these orders coexist across time and space, however, has not been adequately theorised. In this article we seek to show (A) that, while analytically and normatively distinct, radically different orders, and in particular the security systems of governance on which they are based (such as balance of power and security community), often coexist or overlap in political discourse and practice. (B) We will attempt to demonstrate that the overlap of security governance systems may have important theoretical and empirical consequences: First, theoretically our argument sees 'balance of power' and 'security community' not only as analytically distinct structures of security orders, but focuses on them specifically as mechanisms based on a distinct mixture of practices. Second, this move opens up the possibility of a complex (perhaps, as John Ruggie called it, a 'multiperspectival') vision of regional security governance. Third, our argument may be able to inform new empirical research on the overlap of several security governance systems and the practices on which they are based. Finally, our argument can affect how we think about the boundaries of regions: Beyond the traditional geographical/geopolitical notion of regional boundaries and the social or cognitive notion of boundaries defined with reference to identity, our focus on overlapping mechanisms conceives of a 'practical' notion of boundaries according to which regions' boundaries are determined by the practices that constitute regions. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers a study of the changing role of the state in Denmark under the condition of the overall transformation from government to governance with particular emphasis on the corresponding transition from process accountability to performance accountability. It is argued that although new modes of governance have been introduced, and new interpretations of accountability have been proliferated, neither conventional modes of governance nor older interpretations of accountability disappear. Thus, what we see is a co‐existence of competing traditions of governance and different and sometimes contradictory interpretations of administrative accountability, which create potential dilemmas and contradictions for the individual civil servant. Employing an interpretative approach to governance and public administration, the article analyses the constitution of competing traditions of governance and interpretations of accountability, and the way in which these competing traditions and interpretations lead to accountability dilemmas for the individual civil servant.

The United States actively impacts the legal and political environments of developing countries through the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA). This new approach to foreign development aid presents both an incredible opportunity to encourage good governance as well as a serious danger of U.S. political agendas manipulating foreign aid to serve partisan interests. The MCA should seek to develop a nonpartisan strategy and focus primarily on pure rule of law, governance, and political freedom indicators and programming in order to maintain its current successes in improving the legal and policy environment of developing countries competing for MCA funding. The direction and mandate of the Millennium Challenge Account is important for several reasons. Although some might consider the U.S. position on foreign aid to be a policy issue, much of law encompasses policy and the two simply cannot be divorced. The United States, in organizing U.S. foreign aid around specific indicators of what it considers "good governance," is necessarily impacting both the political and legal environments of developing countries seeking results-based foreign aid. Preliminary studies have documented the tangible impact of the MCA through the 'MCA Effect." Developing countries are changing domestic laws and policies specifically in order to qualify for MCA funding. MCA funding disbursements, or "Compacts," are also directly influencing governance and the rule of law through various programming mandates. As this paper will demonstrate, it is vital that the MCA develop a non-partisan approach to assessing countries and allocating foreign aid in order to maintain fair and consistent relationships with MCA countries. Past experience has demonstrated a tendency to use foreign aid for purposes of political expediency--such as rewarding political allies or shoring up failed states--rather than for purely development or poverty alleviation purposes. However, because the MCA has been designed to reward good governance regardless of U.S. interests, ...