Suchergebnisse

Отмечено, что правительство США уделяет большое внимание пропаганде, осуществляемой как государственными органами, так и большим количеством общественных организаций и отдельных лиц, с целью не только эффективного снижения градуса социального недовольства, но и формирования государственного имиджа США как государства, облеченного особой миссией просветительства, носителя истинной демократии, спасителя государств и народов от тирании. Делается вывод о том, что США при проведении пропагандистских компаний учитывают свой национальный менталитет, т.к. это позволяет с успехом решать внутренние и внешние политические задачи. Основываясь на таких характерных для всех американцев чертах национального характера, как ощущение собственной исключительности (избранности), мессианство, агентивность, индивидуализм, патриотизм, жажда потребительства, США формируют моральную и идеологическую базу, используя пропагандистские приемы убеждения, подтасовки фактов, смещения акцентов. Иными словами, американская система управления для обеспечения своих потребностей, укрепления влияния и проверки надежности создает и распространяет информацию, которую контролирует и дозирует, подчиняя ее своим интересам. Именно правительство США управляет механизмом обработки общественного сознания и населения Америки и в глобальном масштабе воздействует на другие государства. По решению США информацию обрабатывают соответствующим образом, дозируют, облекают в форму, необходимую для формирования общественного мнения, обеспечивающего поддержку действий государства. Практическая значимость работы заключается в возможности использования сформулированных положений, выводов в качестве инструментов для реализации пропагандистских приемов в области государственной политики. Результаты исследования могут содействовать дальнейшему анализу актуальных проблем развития США, а также исследованиям в сфере психологии и политологии ; The USA government attaches a great importance to the promotion carried out by public authorities, as well as a large number of non-governmental organizations and individuals, not only with a view of effective decline of the social discontent degree, but also the formation of US image as a state, clothed with a special mission of enlightenment, support true democracy, savior of nations and peoples from tyranny. Quite rightly it concludes in the fact that the United States consider their national mentality during the promotional companies because this allows successfully to solve internal and external policy objectives. Based on these characteristics for all Americans traits of national character as a feeling of exclusivity (election), messianism, agentivity, individualism, patriotism and the thirst of consumption, the United States formed the moral and ideological basis, using propaganda techniques of persuasion, manipulation of facts, shift in focus. In other words, the American management system for their needs, strengthening of influence and test the reliability creates and distributes the information that is controlled and dosed subordinating for its own interests. The US government, in particular, controls the processing of public consciousness mechanism and the American population, and on a global scale, affecting the other states. According to its decision the information is processed appropriately, dosed, enveloped in a form required for the formation of public opinion, providing support for government action. The practical significance of the work lies in the possibility of using the formulated theses, conclusions as tools for the implementation of promotional techniques in the field of public policy. Results of the study may contribute to the further analysis of actual problems of the US development, as well as research in the field of psychology and political sciences

В конце XIX начале XX Российская империя представляла собой мультиэтническое образование, в котором межэтнические и межрелигиозные противоречия стали одной из причин Первой русской революции, а впоследствии, привели к распаду империи в результате революции 1917 года. Во многом именно национальный вопрос привел в конце XX века к распаду приемника Российской империи Советского Союза и образованию национальных государств. Для уяснения причин краха империи важно изучение межнациональных проблем начала прошлого столетия, когда вызрели и стали для всех очевидными противоречия, приведшие в конце концов к падению самодержавия. Представлен краткий обзор межнациональных отношений в Российской империи в конце XIX начале XX века и вплоть до Первой русской революции. Дана оценка ситуации различных межэтнических противоречий на Дальнем Востоке, в Сибири, на Кавказе, в Финляндии, Прибалтике, Польше и южнорусских провинциях. Исследованы политические взгляды журналиста и публициста, а впоследствии политического деятеля Владимира Жаботинского по национальному вопросу в России в период революции, задачи, которые, по мнению журналиста, стояли в тот момент перед демократической общественностью страны. Проанализированы различные толкования значений национально-культурных автономий и федеративного устройства государства, а также отношение к этим понятиям различных политических сил России периода революции. Сегодня, когда трагические события XX века уже стали историей, можно сделать вывод, что пути решения национального вопроса в России, предложенные В.Е. Жаботинским, во многом правильны, не были услышаны и восприняты властью и российским обществом. ; In the end of the 19th century until the beginning of the 20th century, the Russian Empire represented a multiethnic formation, in which interethnic and interreligious discrepancies became one of the reasons of the First Russian Revolution, and as consequence, they have led to the Empire's disruption due to the results of the Revolution in 1917. Especially the national question had led to the disruption of the Russian Empire's recipient in the 20th centuryof the Soviet Union and formation of national states. In order to understand the Empire's crumbling, it is important to investigate international problems in the beginning of the last century, when obvious and evident discrepancies emerged, at last, leading to the fall of the autocracy. This article represents a short overview of international relations in the Russian Empire in the end of the 19th until the beginning of the 20th century up to the Russian Revolution. This work evaluates the situation of several international discrepancies in the Far East, Siberia, Caucasus, Finland, the Baltic, Poland, and south-Russian provinces. Furthermore, this work observes political views of the journalist and publicist, and later political activist Vladimir Jabotinsky concerning the national question in Russia in the revolutionary period, tasks, which according to the journalist's opinion, faced at that moment the nation's democratic society. The article deals with several different national-cultural autonomy definitions and federal institutions of the government, as well as the relation to these understandings of political powers of Russia during the revolutionary period. Today, when the tragic events of the 20th century became history, one can conclude that the approaches towards the national question in Russia, suggested by V.E.Jabotinsky, were largely appropriate, however, unfortunately, were not recognised and accepted in the Russian society.

В статье предпринята попытка рассмотреть роль СМИ на местных выборах как основного участника предвыборной кампании. Описывается нынешнее положение СМИ в Кыргызстане, а также некоторые недостатки в процессе осуществления избирательной кампании, так как важность СМИ в избирательном процессе определяется тем, что они выступают одним из гарантов стабильности страны на политической арене. Тема исследования актуальна для современного кыргызского общества. Одна из приоритетных задач СМИ в таких условиях правильное и полноценное информирование населения о ходе предвыборной кампании как со стороны кандидатов, так и со стороны электоральной ситуации. Отсутствие коммуникационных механизмов создает ряд проблем, таких как использование «грязных» технологий в выборном процессе, дестабилизация политической системы, что может привести к формированию отрицательного отношения граждан к самому институту выборов, потере доверия и уважения к выборному законодательству, а также снижению явки избирателей. СМИ выполняют важные политические функции: участвуют в электоральной социализации граждан, выступают каналом распространения политической информации, в частности информации о выборах, инструментом формирования политического общественного мнения. Средства массовой информации, вовлеченные в политику, не могут быть нейтральными и выступают проводниками избранных политических идей, установок, ценностей, обслуживают на выборах различные партии, экономически и политически сильные группы. Такова концептуальная база исследования места и роли СМИ на выборах в Кыргызстане. Автором использован современный подход к технологии исследования, а также комплексный мониторинг в сфере исследования роли СМИ на местных выборах. Библиогр. 5 назв. ; This article attempts to examine the role of the media in the local elections as the main party of the election campaign. It describes the current state of the media, as well as some shortcomings in its implementation in the election campaign, as well as the importance of media in the electoral process by the fact that it acts as one of the guarantors of the stability of the country's political arena. The chosen research topic is relevant to the current state of Kyrgyz society. One of the priority tasks of the media in such circumstances is to precisely provide correct and complete information to the public about the course of the election campaign, as well as by the candidates and by the electoral situation. No such communication mechanisms will create a number of problems such as the use of "dirty" technologies in the electoral process or the destabilization of the political system which can lead to the formation of a negative attitude among citizens to the very institution of elections, a loss of confidence and respect for the electoral law, as well as lower voter turnout. Media have important political functions: to participate in the electoral socialization of citizens who advocate a political channel for the dissemination of information, in particular about the elections, the political instrument of formation of public opinion. The media involved in the policy cannot be neutral and act as conductors of elected political ideas, attitudes, values, and serve toward the election of parties and economically and politically powerful groups. This is the conceptual framework of research space and the role of media in elections in Kyrgyzstan. The author used a modern approach to the study of technology and at the same time comprehensive monitoring used in studies of the role of mass media in the industry. Refs 5.

Статья является попыткой проанализировать и дать научную оценку событиям политической истории России начала XX в., происходящим, на взгляд авторов, под влиянием ряда объективных факторов. Региональный аспект статьи (на примере Царицынского и других южных уездов Саратовской губернии и казачьих станиц Волго-Донского междуречья) направлен на поиск общих закономерностей процесса формирования общественно-политических движений, ставящих своей целью изменение существующего строя в России периода Первой русской революции. Авторы пытаются систематизировать обширный материал, позволяющий определить основные причины массового революционного движения, характер и социальный состав политических групп, их влияние на изменения общественно-политической жизни региона. Особое внимание уделяется деятельности российской социал-демократической партии, укреплению позиций которой способствовали тяжелое экономическое положение рабочих и репрессивная политика правительства, направленная на обуздание революционного движения. В современных условиях социально-политической нестабильности во многих регионах мира, провоцируемой по-литтехнологиями цветных революций, представляется весьма актуальным обращение к истории Первой российской революции 1905-1907 годов, 110-летие которой прошло незамеченным историческим сообществом. Несмотря на поражение, революция имела огромное значение для зарождения гражданского общества в России. Именно в результате массовых выступлений различных социальных слоев российского общества были сделаны первые шаги по формированию конституционализма и парламентаризма в России. В крестьянском Волго-Донском регионе с промышленно развитым городом Царицыном сконцентрировались и ярко проявились все противоречия феодально-капиталистической российской действительности, вылившиеся в мощный социальный взрыв, ставший подготовкой Революции 1917 г. ; The article is an attempt to analyze and provide scientific assessment of the events of the political history of Russia in the early XX century, which took place, in the opinion of the authors, under influence by a number of objective factors. The regional specific of the article (in the example of the southern districts of the Saratov province and Cossack areas of the Volga-Don interfluve) aims to search for the general laws of the formation of social and political movements that aim to change the existing system in Russia during the First Russian Revolution. The authors attempt to systematize the vast amount of material, which allows to identify the main causes of the mass revolutionary movement, character and social composition of the political groups and their impact on changes in the socio-political life of the region. Particular attention is paid to the activities of the Russian Social-Democratic Party, which position was strengthened by difficult economic plight of the workers and repressive government policies aimed at curbing the revolutionary movement. In modern conditions of social and political instability in many regions of the world, provoked by political technologies of "orange" revolution, it is highly relevant to study history of the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907, which the 110th anniversary passed unnoticed. Despite the defeat, the revolution was of great importance for the emergence of civil society in Russia. As a result of mass protests of various social strata of Russian society, the first steps towards the formation of constitutionalism and parlia-mentarianism in Russia were made. In predominantly peasant Volga-Don region with high industrialized city Tsaritsyn all the contradictions of feudal-capitalist Russia's reality were focused and were clearly manifested, that turned into a powerful social explosion, which became the preparation of the 1917 Revolution.

Настоящая работа посвящена общественно-политическим воззрениям видного государственного деятеля и реформатора отечественной системы образования конца XIX -начала XX вв., графа Павла Николаевича Игнатьева, возглавлявшего с 1915 по 1917 гг. министерство народного просвещения Российской империи, чей огромный вклад в становление и развитие крупномасштабных реформ, начиная от средней школы и заканчивая высшими учебными заведениями, еще, на взгляд автора, достаточно не оценен. В этой связи автором поставлена цель показать исторический характер реформ графа Игнатьева, которые стали судьбоносными для отечественного образования в последующие годы. В данной статье на основе новых архивных и научно-теоретических данных, отдельные из которых впервые вводятся в научный оборот, предпринята авторская попытка реконструировать общественнополитические взгляды графа Игнатьева, сущность которых была направлена на формирование новой системы отечественного образования, призванной окончательно оформить его институциализацию. Вместе с тем в работе важное место уделено и рассмотрению личности самого графа Игнатьева как вдохновителя и организатора уникальной реформы народного образования от начального до университетского. В работе сделан акцент на тот факт, что в условиях капиталистической модернизации начала ХХ в. и научно-технического прогресса в России все более актуальной становилась потребность государства в подготовке высокообразованных, квалифицированных работников, способных к самостоятельной деятельности и проявлению инициативы. Существовавшая в этот период система образования не могла в полной мере обеспечить решения вновь возникающих перед обществом задач. Следовательно, требовалась реорганизация образовательной системы. ; This research is devoted to political views of the prominent statesman and reformer of a domestic education system of the end of the XIX beginning of the XX centuries, the count Pavel N. Ignatyev heading from 1915 to 1917 the ministry of national education of the Russian Empire, whose huge contribution to formation and development of large-scale reforms, beginning from high school and finishing with higher educational institutions, still, in the author's opinion, is rather unvalued. In this regard the author set the object to stand on historical hind legs of reforms Ignatyev's column which became fatal for domestic education in the next years. In this article on the basis of new contemporary and scientific-theoretical records, separate from which are for the first time introduced into scientific circulation, an author's attempt to reconstruct political views Ignatyev's column which essence was directed on formation of new system of domestic education, urged to issue finally its institutionalizing is made. In a place with that in work the important place is given also to consideration of the identity of the count Ignatyev as inspirer and the organizer of unique reform of national education from initial to university. In work the emphasis on that fact is placed that in the conditions of capitalist modernization of the beginning of the XX century and scientific and technical progress in Russia more and more actual was a need of the state for training of the highly educated, skilled workers capable to independent activity and manifestation of an initiative. The education system existing during this period couldn't provide fully the solution of the tasks which are again arising before society. Therefore, reorganization of educational system was required.

Each organization as a socio-economic system is exposed to the factors of external and internal environment; the organizational culture (OC) of the company is in its turn the product of the interrelation between the external and internal environment of an enterprise, so any impact will determine further formation and development of OC. The factors of both external and internal environment can have a positive or negative trend to a change. The problems of the research into the essence of OC and the innovation potential are tackled in many papers of both domestic and foreign authors, but no relationship was identified between the structure and the factors of OC and innovation potential. Therefore, in our opinion, the issue of identifying the factors influence presents a problem. Its defining will make it possible to forecast a positive or a negative trend in the change of the organizational structure that will determine the capacity to enhance the innovation potential of an enterprise. The purpose of writing this article was to study the influence of factors of external and internal environment of the organization on the components of OC and the innovation potential of an enterprise. To explore the problems studied for the article we structured in detail the concepts and elements that OC contains, and also defined the structure of the innovation potential, its components. Comparison of the structures of OC and innovation potential demonstrated the presence of common and interrelated elements. A deeper analysis was conducted by defining the main factors of OC. The results of the analysis allowed determining the place of OC in the structure of the innovation potential of an enterprise. Thus, the following conclusions can be made. First, the structure of OC and the innovation potential contains a shared item, which is microclimate that implies conditions that can facilitate the development of innovation in the organization. Second, the factors of OC for the most part form the structure of the innovation potential: personality of the founder – management style, system of communication; the size of the organization determines its structure, the presence of various technological premises, the possibility of free movement of the personnel and organization of work. Third, production technology, adopted by the organization, determines the level of its innovation potential. The flexibility of OC allows more intensive using and adapting innovation technologies at an enterprise. The scientific novelty of the research. For the first time we formulated a definition of OC as a model of key elements, genuinely correct and the one that is passed on to the new members of the team as a certain dogma. The practical value of the work lies in summarizing and comparing the basic elements of OC and the innovation potential and identifying common peculiarities that makes it possible to define the role of formation and development of organizational culture in improving the innovation of an enterprise. Further objectives are defined as the analysis of influence factors on the Ukrainian enterprises, identification of problems and development of plans to eliminate them or warn about them.

Обоснованы методологические подходы к формированию и развитию земельных отношений в процессе перехода предприятий АПК к ориентированному землепользованию, как к производственной системе, поддерживающей экологическую безопасность почв, продовольствия, экосистем и людей. По мнению автора, данные подходы зависят от экологических процессов, биологического разнообразия, природных циклов, характерных для местных условий, избегая использования средств химизации. В статье отмечается, что использование земельных ресурсов человечеством совершается не локально, изолированно, а системно. Производительные свойства земли и условия природной среды на соответствующей территории органически взаимоувязаны и объединены на основе принципа единства территории. Данный принцип определяет благоприятные или неблагоприятные природно-климатические условия, как возможность рационального и комплексного использования земельных ресурсов. Земля в процессе производства выступает в качестве объекта социально-экономических взаимосвязей, собственности, хозяйствования и пользования. Эта закономерность присутствует практически во всех сферах и областях производственной деятельности, но более интенсивно проявляется в аграрном секторе экономики. Автор считает, что исследовать данное обстоятельство необходимо в проекции к аграрной сфере. Приведены мнения современных ученых-аграриев о сложившейся системе земельных отношений. По мнению автора, при формировании методологического подхода к развитию системы земельных отношений в аграрной сфере на региональном уровне есть реальная возможность вследствие неравномерности факторов природно-экономических среды привносить немаловажные коррективы в земельные отношения на уровне субъектов федерации, что не противоречит Конституции РФ. Кроме политической направленности властей отдельно взятого региона, имеется еще достаточно объективных причин, оказывающих серьезное влияние на уровень развития земельных отношений на уровне субъекта РФ. ; The methodological approaches to the formation and development of land relations in the transition process of the agricultural enterprises oriented to the use of land as a production system that supports environmental safety soil, food, ecosystems and people are discussed. According to the author, these approaches depend on ecological processes, biological diversity, natural cycles typical for local conditions, avoiding the use of chemicals. It is emphasized that the use of land resources by mankind is not done locally, in isolation, but systematically. Productive properties of land and the conditions of the natural environment on the relevant territory are organically interconnected and united on the basis of the principle of the unity of the territory. This principle determines favorable or unfavorable natural-climatic conditions as a possibility of rational and integrated use of land resources. The land in the production process acts as an object of social-economic relations, ownership, management and use. This pattern is present in almost all spheres of industrial activity, but more intensively in agricultural sector. The author believes that explore this fact necessary in the projection of the agrarian sphere. In the author's opinion, in the formation of the methodological approach to the development of the system of land relations in agrarian sphere at the regional level there is a real possibility due to the irregularity of factors of natural-economic environment to bring important adjustments in land relations at the level of the Russian Federation constituent entities; and that does not contradict the Russian Constitution. In addition to the political orientation of the authorities of a given region, there are still quite objective reasons having a serious impact on the level of development of land relations on the level of a Russian Federation constituent entity.

Продолжающийся кризис в жилищно-коммунальной сфере обусловливает необходимость ускорения ее интеграции в рыночное пространство. Автор предлагает применить кластерные инициативы, которые, по его мнению, обеспечат решение жилищно-коммунальных проблем с позиций более широкого их видения. В статье приведены результаты применения кластерных инициатив в современной хозяйственной практике и сделана попытка показать преимущества кластерного подхода к развитию жилищно-коммунального хозяйства (ЖКХ). Раскрыта сущность понятия «жилищно-социальный кластер региона» в аспекте развития ЖКХ, обозначены участники кластерного объединения, выделены его составляющие, а также определена цель внедрения кластерной модели управления реформой ЖКХ, суть которой заключается в изменении менталитета поставщиков и потребителей услуг ЖКХ в направлении повышения ответственности подхода к своим обязанностям и соблюдения взаимных интересов на рынке жилищно-коммунальных услуг. Рассмотрены основные положения и принципы формирования жилищно-социального кластера региона, особенности и направления его развития. Приведен авторский подход к разработке стратегии формирования жилищно-социального кластера региона с учетом современных тенденций. Обосновано ведущее значение ряда факторов в создании базовых предпосылок устойчивого функционирования жилищносоциального кластера региона. К таким факторам отнесены: государственное регулирование ценообразования и форм поддержки развития малого предпринимательства, создание системы финансового обеспечения, развитие государственно-частного партнерства, внедрение инновационных технологий. Обоснована роль общественных объединений в формировании жилищно-социального кластера региона. Показаны его конкурентные возможности и недостаточно развитые конкурентные преимущества. ; The ongoing crisis in the housing services and public utilities sphere determines the need to accelerate its integration into the market space. The author proposes to apply the cluster initiatives, which, in his opinion, provide the solution of housing services and public utilities problems in terms of their broader vision. This paper attempts to highlight the benefits of the cluster approach to the development of housing services and public utilities, and identifies the main provisions in the process of its implementation. The essence of the concept of «housing services and social cluster of the region» in terms of housing services and public utilities development is revealed, members of cluster unification are designated, its components are identified, the purpose of introducing the cluster model of housing services and public utilities reform management is determined, which essence is to change the mentality of the producers and consumers of housing services and public utilities in the direction of increasing responsibilities and respect for mutual interests in the market of housing services and public utilities. The main provisions and principles of formation of housing services and social cluster of the region are reviewed, as well as the characteristics and trends of its development. An authorial approach to the development of a strategy of forming a housing services and social cluster in the region in accordance with modern trends is presented. The leading role of several factors in establishing the basic prerequisites for sustainable operation of housing services and social cluster of the region is justified. These factors include governmental regulation of pricing and forms of support to small entrepreneurship development, creation of financial security system, development of public-private partnerships and implementation of innovative technologies. The role of non-governmental organizations and public associations in the formation of housing services and social cluster in the region is substantiated; its competitive abilities and under-developed competitive advantages are shown.

Рассматривается деятельность Иннокентия Георгиевича Сафьянова (1875-1953) русского общественного и политического деятеля в Туве в период революции 1917 г. и Гражданской войны, который сыграл важнейшую роль в становлении тувинской государственности. Во многом благодаря его усилиям в 1921 г. Тува сделала выбор в пользу России, а не Монголии. Проанализировано значение личностного фактора в этнополитических процессах, происходивших в 1917-1921 гг. на территории Урянхайского края. ; History of Tuva, from the earliest times to the end of the 20th century is one of the most interesting themes in Russian history. The most significant for the people living in the territory of Tuva, was the 20th century, with such important events for it as the establishment of a protectorate over the Uriankhai region of the Russian Empire in 1914, the formation of the Tuva People's Republic in 1921 and its entry into the USSR in 1944. The great impact on the history of Tuva had personalities. One of such people was Innokentiy G. Safianov. He was born in 1875 in a family of a Minusinsk merchant who lively traded between the Russians and Tuvinians in the border area. In 1889, he was expelled from school for distributing banned literature and publishing a school newspaper. After that, his father decided to take him into his business, and sent him to Tuva. Innokentiy studied everyday life of Tuva during this period, despite the obstacles in the face of the Manchurians. After his father died in 1913, Innokentiy was elected chairman of the Russian-Uriankhai Zemstvo (region). During this period there was a question of accession of Uriankhai area to Russia, which Mongolia actively resisted. Safianov began to form an opinion that Uriankhai region should be independent of anyone else. In 1916, the tsarist administration sent I. Safianov of Tuva. In Minusinsk for courageous advocacy of his people, being the editor of the local newspaper Minusinsk Sheet, he was arrested at the end of the same year. After the February Revolution, from April to August 1917, Safianov became a commissioner of Minusinsk prison, then Minusinsk head. In November 1917, the Bolsheviks elected Safianov to the Military Revolutionary Executive Committee, in December he became a member of the audit committee of the banks, and was elected to the finance department and the commissioner of prison affairs. In March 1918 he led an expedition to Uriankhai region, which helped to establish Soviet power in Tuva. I.G. Safianov was working hard to sensitise the population about how to arrange their lives in the autonomous and independent state. On August 13, 1921 the All-Tuva Constitutive Hural with representatives of the nine districts of Tuva was established. Safianov opened the work of the congress with a speech. At the congress the question was discussed about the relations of Tuva and the Soviet Russia, Tannu Tuva and Mongolia, the controversial Russian-Tuvan affairs, trade, land issues. The result was the formation of a separate independent state Tuvan People's Republic. I.G. Safianov played an important role in creating the independent state of Tuva and the adoption of the Constitution of Tuva in 1921, made a major contribution into the young state.

Представлен анализ влияния монголо-татарского ига на процесс формирования российской государственности во взглядах видного представителя евразийского движения Н.С. Трубецкого на проблему влияния монголо-татарского ига на процесс становления российской государственности. Работа содержит характеристику евразийского подхода к оценке специфических черт российского типа власти. Автор обосновывает тезис об обусловленности некоторых выводов евразийской историографии социально-политическими установками евразийцев. Русские консерваторы считают, что любая модернизация, не учитывающая цивилизационных особенностей страны, будет либо неэффективной, либо обернется потерей национальной идентичности. ; The article represents the analysis of opinions of a prominent representative of the Eurasian movement, N.S. Trubetsky, on the problem of the nomadic factor on the process of formation of the Russian statehood. The work contains the characteristic of the Eurasian approach to estimation of peculiar features of the Russian type of power. The author proves the thesis about conditionality of some conclusions of the Eurasian historiography by socio-political views of the Eurasians. Trubetsky classifies strengthening of Moscow as a direct consequence of the nomadic factor. He believes that in Moscow princedom the processes of spiritual enthusiasm and strengthening of the bases of statehood progressed most intensively. Also, Moscow was first to become interested in the Byzantine state ideology. As a result, according to the scientist, grand dukes of Moscow gradually became the bearers of the new Russian statehood. Though at the first stage their unifying policy was also an expression of their egoistical interests, the gradual mastering of the nomadic state instinct, traditions of national monarchy of Vladimir princes, adoption of the Byzantine principles of statehood caused transformation of Moscow into the political centre of Russia. Moscow princes mastered the traditions and mechanisms of the political-management system of the Golden Horde so well, that it is incorrect to speak about overthrowing the yoke. According to Trubetsky, the significant historical moment was not the overthrow of Mongols, but the spread of the power of Moscow over a considerable part of the territory of the Horde, in other words, replacement of the khan by the Moscow tsar with transferring the nomadic headquarters to Moscow. It is necessary to recognize N.S. Trubetsky's analysis of the problem of influence of the nomadic Mongolian factor on the national history course as deep enough and well grounded. Later the Eurasian approach to the given problem was developed in the works of a professional historian G.V. Vernadsky in more details. Despite separate disputable points in the arguments of Eurasians, it is necessary to agree with their conclusions, in whole. It is important to consider that the Eurasian ideology of 1920s-1930s represented a socio-political, rather than a historical phenomenon. Eurasians undertook the analysis of separate aspects of the national history for the purpose of substantiation of their ideological and political postulates. Studying of influence of nomads on the process of formation of the Russian statehood should confirm the fact that the historically developed type of the power in Russia corresponds to the doctrine. This aspect of the socio-political heritage of Eurasians specifies the inclination of the political program of the Eurasian ideology to the basic views of the Russian conservatism.

O artigo visa analisar alguns elementos que constituem a cultura política dos Universitários de Salvador. Este segmento da população se destaca pelo papel na vida política do país e por ser a Universidade uma instância notável no processo de formação de quadros políticos. O estudo procura identificar a representação dos jovens sobre o "Espaço Político" a partir das noções relativas a: liberdade, igualdade, tolerância e propensão ao diálogo. O conjunto desses valores foi levantado através de um "survey" baseado numa amostra representativa do universo de estudantes universitários da cidade de Salvador, em 1999 e 2003. Os resultados sugerem a presença de concepção de democracia de base predominantemente social (igualitária) ao mesmo tempo em que novos padrões estão sendo engendrados com base em valores pós-materiais como aqueles relacionados à auto- realização. Palavras-Chave: cultura política, democracia, valores políticos, estudantes universitários, tolerância. THE "DEMOCRATIC CREDO" IN THE UNIVERSITY CONTEXT OF SALVADOR, BRAZIL: freedom, equality, tolerance and openness to dialogue The article's aims to analyze some elements that form college students' political culture, in the university context of Salvador, Brazil. This segment of the population plays a major role in the country's political life, particularly because the university is an important place for political leadership formation. The study observed a set of values that can be related to the concept of democracy. These values are also known as "democratic credo". In addition, it emphasizes the relevance of political ideological issues in the process of youth's choices. It seeks to identify the representation of these values on "political space" in issues such as: freedom, equality, tolerance and openness to dialogue. In 1999 and 2003, surveys based on representative samples were conducted to identify youth's opinions and ultimately their understanding of democratic values. The results suggest that the concept of democracy is predominantly influenced by an egalitarian framework. At the same time, new patterns have evolved and are based on post-material values related to self-achievement. Key Words: political culture, democracy, political values, university students, tolerance. LE "CREDO DÉMOCRATIQUE" DES JEUNES UNIVERSITAIRES DE SALVADOR: la liberté, l`égalité, la tolérance et la tendance au dialogue Cet article présente l'analyse de quelques éléments qui constituent la culture politique des étudiants universitaires de Salvador. Il s'agit d'un segment de la population qui se fait remarquer par le rôle assumé dans la vie politique du pays mais aussi du fait que l'Université soit une instance remarquable dans le processus de formation des cadres politiques. Cette étude cherche à identifier la représentation que se font les jeunes de "l'Espace Politique" à partir des notions concernant: la liberté, l'égalité, la tolérance et la tendance au dialogue. L'ensemble de ces valeurs a été obtenu à partir d'un "survey" réalisé sur un échantillon représentatif de l'univers des étudiants universitaires de la ville de Salvador, en 1999 et en 2003. Les résultats permettent de détecter la présence d'une conception de démocratie de base à prédominance sociale (égalitaire) et que de nouveaux modèles reposant sur des valeurs post-matérielles, comme celles liées à l'autoréalisation, sont en train d'être engendrés. Mots-Clés: culture politique, démocratie, valeurs politiques, etudiants universitaires, tolérance. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Tässä väitöskirjassa tutkitaan, miten yhtäältä henkilökohtaiset ja toisaalta jaetut ideat sekä ajatusmaailmat vaikuttavat ulkopolitiikan tekoon. Väitöstyön viisi itsenäistä tutkimusta tarkastelevat Suomen ulkopolitiikkaa jostain ideationaalisesta näkökulmasta. Vaikka artikkelit käsittelevät Suomen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan eri ajanjaksoja, työ on kiinnostunut erityisesti kylmän sodan loppuvuosista sekä kylmän sodan jälkeisen ajan alusta. Työn keskeinen teoreettinen väite on, että kattavan näkemyksen ideoiden vaikutuksesta ulkopolitiikkaan voidaan saavuttaa vain lähestymistavalla, joka yhdistää ulkopolitiikan analyysin subjektiivisiin sekä intersubjektiivisiin ideoihin keskittyvien teorioiden pääperiaatteet. Tutkimus korostaa, että integroiva menettelytapa on sovellettavissa eri ulkopolitiikan tutkimuksen analyysintasoilla. Yhdistävän lähestymistavan soveltaminen perustuu näkemykseen siitä, että yksilökeskeiset psykologiset teoriat ja sosiaalisuutta korostavat konstruktivistiset lähestymistavat täydentävät toistensa heikkouksia. Väitöstyö rakentaa argumenttinsa jatkamalla ja täydentämällä Vaughn P. Shannonin and Paul M. Kowertin kirjassaan Psychology and Constructivism in International Relations: An Ideational Alliance aloittamaa tutkimusohjelmaa. Ideationaalisen allianssin asemesta tutkimuksessa kuitenkin puhutaan ideationaalisesta ulkopolitiikan tutkimuksesta (Ideational Foreign Policy Analysis, IFPA). Valintaan on kaksi syytä. Ensinnäkin ideationaalinen ulkopolitiikan analyysi ottaa teoriaperinteiden väliseen dialogiin mukaan lisää teoreettisia näkökulmia sekä analyysin tasoja. Se siis toimii kattokäsitteenä ulkopolitiikan analyysin eri ideoiden merkitystä korostaville lähestymistavoille. Toinen syy valinnalle on semanttinen. Rationaalisia ja ideationaalisia teorioita ei tule nähdä täysin vastakohtaisina, ja tutkimusohjelman rakentaminen jotain käsitystä vastaan lähettää turhan vahvan viestin. Idea itsessään on käsitteenä liian epämääräinen, jotta sitä voitaisiin käyttää ulkopolitiikan tutkimuksen työkaluna. Tarkempia ja selitysvoimaisempia käsitteitä tarvitaan, jotta ideoiden maailmaa voidaan yksinkertaistaa ja tehdä ymmärrettäväksi. Väitöskirja hyödyntääkin konstruktivismin ja psykologisen ulkopolitiikan analyysin käsitteistöä. Tarkemmin sanottuna tutkimus soveltaa ideationaalisen ulkopolitiikan periaatteita neljällä eri analyysin tasolla. Samalla se tarkastelee tarkemmin neljää eri ulkopolitiikan analyysin teoriakokonaisuutta. Väitöstutkimuksen ensimmäinen teoreettinen osio selittää yksilöiden uskomusjärjestelmien merkitystä ulkopolitiikan tekemisessä ja korostaa sosiaalisen ympäristön merkitystä yksilön ajatusmaailman lähteenä. Työn toinen kumpuavaa kansallisen identiteetin mallin, jossa kollektiivisen kansallisen omakuvan perusta on yksilön identifioituminen tiettyyn kansakuntaan. Tämän lisäksi tutkimus jakaa kansallisen identiteetin kolmeen komponenttiin: maailmankuviin, poliittiseen tarkoitukseen ja statukseen. Tutkimuksen kolmas teoreettinen mielenkiinnon kohde on yleisen mielipiteen ja ulkopolitiikan suhde, ja se hahmottaa kolme julkinen mielipiteen ja ulkopolitiikan välistä dynamiikkaa. "Alhaalta ylös" –mallissa kansalaismielipide vaikuttaa selvästi ulkopolitiikan tekemiseen, siinä missä "ylhäältä alas" –dynamiikassa valtiojohto pyrkii muokkaamaan yleistä mielipidettä. Kolmannessa mallissa ulkopolitiikan tekeminen ja julkinen mielipide eivät ole yhteydessä johtuen kansalaisten kiinnostuksen puutteesta tai poliittisen johdon välinpitämättömyydestä. Käsiteltyään kolmea valtion sisäistä analyysitasoa tutkimus kiinnittää huomiota ideoiden rooliin valtioiden välisissä suhteissa. Se käsittelee valtioiden välistä luottamusta kolmesta eri teoreettisesta perspektiivistä, ja analysoi, miten erityisesti valtioiden välillä koettu epäluottamus voi vaikuttaa niiden keskinäisiin suhteisiin. Toisin sanoen osiossa tutkitaan, miten valtiotoimijan piirissä elätellyt ideat ilmentyvät kahden maan keskinäisessä kanssakäymisessä. Väitöstutkimus koostuu viidestä itsenäisestä tutkimusartikkelista, jotka käsittelevät Suomen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan eri aspekteja. Laajemman, konstruktivismia ja psykologiaa integroivan, teoreettisen tavoitteen ohella artikkeleilla on omat teoreettiset päämääränsä, jotka tukevat työn kattavampaa tavoitetta. Julkaisu I tutkii Mauno Koiviston uskomusjärjestelmää ja samalla punniskelee, miten sosiaalinen ympäristö vaikuttaa yksilön uskomuksiin. Se kutsuu Koiviston ajattelumaailmaa suurvaltaempiristiseksi. Lisäksi se väittää, että kylmän sodan loppuminen ei sanottavammin muuttanut Koiviston uskomusjärjestelmää, mikä tuki jatkuvuutta myös Suomen ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittisessa linjassa. Julkaisu II taas yhdistää koulukuntakäsitteen ja valtioin sisäisessä diskurssissa kilpailevat käsitykset valtiolle sopivasta omakuvasta. Samalla se edistää alhaalta ylös kumpuavaa näkemystä kansallisesta identiteetistä. Tutkimus hahmottaa neljä Suomen kylmän sodan lopussa ja sen jälkeisen ajan alussa vaikuttanutta koulukuntaa – pienvaltiorealismin, integrationismin, euroatlantismin ja globalismin. Eurorealistiselle maailmankuvalle perustunut integrationismi oli koulukunnista selvästi vahvin. Suomen kylmän sodan jälkeisen ajan alkuvuosien ulkopolitiikassa oli kuitenkin elementtejä jokaisesta neljästä koulukunnasta. Julkaisu III tarkastelee yleisen mielipiteen ja ulkopolitiikan suhdetta Suomen ulkopolitiikan historiassa. Se väittää, että Suomen ulkopolitiikasta on löydettävissä kolme erilaista mallia kansalaismielipiteen ja ulkopolitiikan välillä. Itsenäistymisen alkuvuosina ja sotienvälisenä aikana ulkopolitiikka ja yleinen mielipide eivät juuri kommunikoineet. Tilanne muuttui kylmän sodan alettua, ja kyseistä aikakautta leimasikin valtiojohdon vahva pyrkimys muokata yleistä mielipidettä. Kylmän sodan loputtua julkinen mielipide voimaantui ja se alkoi vahvemmin vaikuttaa ulkopoliittisiin päätöksiin. Työn seuraava tutkimus, julkaisu IV, analysoi Suomen ja Ruotsin puolustusyhteistyössä ilmenevää epäluottamusta. Se toisin sanoen tarkastelee, miten Suomessa Ruotsia kohtaan tunnettu epäluottamus vaikuttaa maiden väliseen yhteistyöhön turvallisuus- ja puolustuspolitiikassa. Tutkimuksessa on kolme teoreettista argumenttia. Ensinnäkin tutkimuksessa on syytä erottaa tiettyjen kokemuksien aiheuttamat luottamuksen menetykset (mistrust) laajemmasta epäluottamuksen tunteesta (distrust). Toiseksi on huomioitava se, että luottamus on skaalattava ilmiö. Valtioiden välistä luottamusta on mahdollista arvioida ideaalityyppisten minimaalisen (reliance) ja täyden luottamuksen välillä. Kolmanneksi tutkimuksessa olisi syytä erottaa pettymyksen ja petetyksi tulemisen tunteet. Artikkelin keskeisin empiirinen argumentti on se, että uusi kireämpi turvallisuuspoliittinen tilanne ja lisääntynyt puolustusyhteistyö Suomen ja Ruotsin välillä on saanut suomalaisen eliitin keskuudessa nousemaan muistot vuodesta 1990, jolloin Ruotsi yllättäen päätti hakea jäsenyyttä Euroopan yhteisössä. Tällä kertaa pelkona on Ruotsin yllättävä liittyminen Natoon. Suomen ja Ruotsin puolustusyhteistyön keskeinen tavoite onkin syventää maiden välistä luottamussuhdetta, ja lisääntyvä luottamus on syvenevän yhteistyön ennakkoehto. Väitöstyön viimeinen tutkimus, julkaisu V, tutkii suomettumisen eri puolia. Tutkimuksen lähestymistapa on historiallinen, mutta se sisältää elementtejä väitöstyössä käsiteltävistä analyysin tasoista. Tutkimus ymmärtää suomettumisen ennen kaikkea poliittisena kulttuurina, joka syntyi Suomen kylmän sodan ulkopoliittisen doktriinin kylkiäisenä. Kulttuuri toisin sanoen tuki Suomen ja Neuvostoliiton välistä ystävyyspolitiikkaa. Vaikka Suomen kylmän sodan ulkopolitiikkaa voidaan pitää onnistuneena, suomettumisen kulttuuri sisälsi ylilyöntejä, jotka itse asiassa syövyttivät Suomen ulkopolitiikan keskeisiä tavoitteita kuten maan suvereniteetin säilymistä. Kuten todettua, tutkimus on kiinnostunut erityisesti kylmän sodan lopusta ja kylmän sodan jälkeisen ajan ensimmäisistä vuosista. Tarkastelemalla ja yhdistämällä viiden yllämainitun julkaisun tuloksia tutkimus pyrkii ymmärtämään, miten kylmän sodan loppuminen muutti Suomen ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikan ideationaalisia perusteita. äitöstyö toteaakin, että muutos tapahtui kolmessa suhteessa. Ensinnäkin Suomen turvallisuuspoliittisessa orientaatiossa tapahtui muutos. Pienvaltiorealismin ajasta siirryttiin integrationismin aikaan. Suomi lähti lopulta innokkaasti mukaan Euroopan integraatioon unohtamatta kuitenkaan geopoliittisen realismin pääoppeja. Suomen uusi ulkopoliittinen suuntaus perustuikin eurorealismille. Realismin säilymisellä oli konkreettisia vaikutuksia Suomen ulkopoliittiseen doktriiniin – erityisesti päätökseen jatkaa liittoutumattomuuspolitiikkaa. Toiseksi eritoten suomalaiset politiikantekijät ja eliitin edustajat kokivat Suomen länsimaisuuden vahvistuneen. Suomettumisen leima katosi, ja maa kykeni ajamaan intressejään täysivaltaisena länsimaana. Kolmanneksi suomalaisen ulkopolitiikan teon ideationaalisessa ympäristössä tapahtui tietynlainen vapautuminen. Yritykset kontrolloida yleistä mielipidettä ja ulkopoliittista keskustelua vähenivät, ja erilaiset ideat Suomen ulkopolitiikan perusteista saivat kilpailla vapaammin kuin kylmän sodan aikana. Kylmän sodan loppumisen jälkeen suomalaisessa keskustelussa on ollut aitoja vaihtoehtoja kulloinkin vallitsevalle ulkopoliittiselle linjalle, ja yritykset luoda ulkopoliittista konsensusta ovat vähentyneet. ; This doctoral dissertation seeks to demonstrate how personal and collective ideas affect foreign policy. The five original publications making up the dissertation all investigate Finnish foreign policy from various ideational aspects. Although the publications deal with different periods of Finnish foreign affairs, the dissertation places particular emphasis on the end of the Cold War and early post-Cold War years. The dissertation's main theoretical claim is that in order to reach a comprehensive understanding of the significance of ideas in foreign policy, one must concentrate on both individual and intersubjective ideas and that this approach is applicable at multiple levels of analysis. In other words, the dissertation suggests that one must harness the respective strengths of cognitive psychology and constructivism, and adopt an integrative approach to the analysis of foreign policy. The rationale behind the integrative approach is the viewpoint that psychology and constructivism support each other's weaknesses. The dissertation builds its theoretical argument on a research program initiated by Vaughn P. Shannon and Paul M. Kowert in their book Psychology and Constructivism in International Relations: An Ideational Alliance. However, instead of an ideational alliance, the dissertation speaks of Ideational Foreign Policy Analysis (IFPA). There are two main reasons for this choice. First, IFPA incorporates additional theoretical perspectives and levels of analysis into the realm of ideational dialogue. Thus, it serves as an umbrella for the various ideational approaches of FPA. Secondly, the decision to use another concept is a matter of semantics. To imply that a theoretical construct is against something sends a strong signal, and it is perhaps unnecessary to see material/rational and ideational views as polar opposites. Moreover, "idea" is too broad and vague a concept to be employed as an analytical tool, since ideas are practically infinite and ubiquitous. In order to conduct a sound and theoretically solid analysis, one needs more specific concepts to simplify the world of ideas and to make it understandable. This research taps into the vocabulary of constructivism and political psychology, particularly cognitive and social psychology. More precisely, the dissertation applies the principles of IFPA to four levels of analysis, and sheds light on four different theoretical approaches. The first section of the theoretical chapter explains the importance of individual belief systems in foreign policymaking, and highlights the significance of the social environment as a source of individual beliefs. The second theoretical contribution relates to national identity. The dissertation advocates a bottom-up view of national identity, in which the basis of collective national self-images is in fact individual identifications with a nation state. Furthermore, national identity is divided into three components: worldview, political purpose and status. The third theoretical question under scrutiny is the public opinion-foreign policy nexus. The dissertation outlines three dynamics between public opinion and foreign policy. In the bottom-up model, public opinion clearly influences foreign policymaking, whereas the top-down dynamic refers to a situation whereby leaders actively try to shape public views. The third model is disconnection, which describes a condition where there is either a public disinterest toward foreign policy, or where decision-makers neglect the opinions of the public. In this context, the principles of IFPA elaborate the public opinion- foreign policy link in two central ways. Firstly, the beliefs of ordinary citizens come about in a process akin to elite opinion formation – that is, in the interplay between inherent dispositions and the social environment. Secondly, the manner in which decision-makers understand the importance of public views is partly dependent on their belief systems. After treating the three intra-state levels, the dissertation moves on to inter-state relationships. More precisely, it discusses the issue of trust from three theoretical perspectives, and points out how intra-state ideas of trustworthiness may affect inter-state interaction, namely foreign policy. In other words, the section's main purpose is to show how certain ideas can affect bilateral relations between two states. The dissertation consists of five publications, which all deal with different aspects of Finnish foreign and security policy and which to a varying degree apply the principles of IFPA. In addition to the overarching theoretical objective of promoting the synthesis of psychology and constructivism, every publication has its own theoretical objectives that serve the broader goal of ideational integration. The aim of Publication I on the belief system of Mauno Koivisto is to understand the effects of the social environment on individual beliefs. It claims that Koivisto's belief system is best described as great-power empiricist. Moreover, the article argues that the great transformation caused by the end of the Cold War did not considerably change Koivisto's belief system. Publication II links the schools of thought approach to the intra-state competition between different national identities, and promotes a bottom-up view of national identity rooted in psychology. It outlines the Finnish foreign policy schools of thought at the beginning of the post-Cold War era: small state realism, integrationism, euro-atlanticism and globalism. Integrationism, which was based on a "eurorealist" worldview, was clearly the most powerful school. Finnish early post-Cold War foreign policy nevertheless contained elements from all four schools. The focus of Publication III is on the historical nexus between public opinion and Finnish foreign policy. It claims that three different models of the public opinion- foreign policy nexus have prevailed in Finland during its independence: a disconnection in the years of early independence, the top-down model of the Cold War, and a stronger bottom-up dynamic of the post-Cold War era. In other words, in the post-Cold War era, public opinion has become a stronger force in Finnish foreign policymaking. Publication IV unpacks Finnish beliefs on the untrustworthiness of Sweden as a defense cooperation partner and is thus interested in the interstate-level manifestations of individual and collective ideas. The study lays out three main theoretical arguments. Firstly, it differentiates between distrust and mistrust. The second point the article drives home is that trust is a scalable phenomenon. Thirdly and lastly, the article suggests that a sense of disappointment and a feeling of being betrayed must be separated. Its chief empirical argument is that the Finnish experiences of misplaced trust from October 1990 and Sweden's surprise announcement of its ambition to join the European Communities have now manifested as elite-level mistrust towards Sweden as a defense cooperation partner. In order to intensify mutual defense cooperation, Helsinki and Stockholm must overcome the looming mistrust in their defense relationship. The final publication, Publication V, explores different aspects of Finlandization. The analytical approach to the phenomenon is historical, but it nevertheless contains elements from the four levels of analysis. The publication treats Finlandization first and foremost as a political culture, which was born in part to support the official foreign policy line vis-à-vis the Soviet Union. One can argue that the foreign policy strategy of Finland was rather successful but that the political culture of Finlandization had excessive features. It is therefore too naïve to interpret Finlandization only as a successful foreign policy strategy, as some international commentators have done. In fact, it can be said that some of the features of the culture actually eroded the hard core, namely Finnish sovereignty, which the foreign policy strategy tried to preserve. As implied, in addition to the interests in the original publications, the dissertation has an interest in the end the Cold War and in the early post-Cold War years. More specifically, it aims at understanding what the end of the Cold War meant in terms of the ideational foundations of Finnish foreign policy. The study suggests that it signified three things in particular. First, it led to an adjustment from small-state realism to integrationism as the primary orientation of foreign policy. In other words, Finland enthusiastically adopted a pro- European integration policy, but did not forget the core tenets of geopolitical realism. Thus, the approach was based on a "eurorealist" worldview. Secondly, the end of the era vindicated Finland in terms of its Western-ness in the minds of decision-makers. To put it differently, Finland was finally released from the stigma of Finlandization, and was free to pursue its ambitions as an accepted Western nation. Thirdly, the ideational milieu of Finnish foreign policymaking became more relaxed, as the attempts to shape public opinion and control societal debate diminished and as ideas about Finland's position in the world were able to compete more freely. Ever since the end of the Cold War, there have been genuine alternatives to the existing poli attempts to impose a consensus have been less considerable.

Kurzfassung der Einzelbeiträge Political Influencers? Theoretical and analytical contributions to the analysis of Instagram as a means for political communication Wie nutzen Politiker Instagram im Wahlkampf und wie könnte die Selbstdarstellung über Instagram den individuellen Prozess der Informationsverarbeitung und der Stimmabgabe beeinflussen? Der Beitrag bewertet diese und verwandte Fragen, die sich angesichts eines hypothetischen Zusammenhangs zwischen der strategischen Nutzung sozialer Medien in politischen Kampagnen und dem Ausgang von Wahlen stellen. Basierend auf Kahnemans Theorie des schnellen und langsamen Denkens wird am Beispiel von Instagram aufgezeigt, wie das kontinuierliche Versenden von visuellen Nachrichten die individuelle Entscheidungsfindung vor Wahlen beeinflussen kann. Um herauszufinden, wie Instagram innerhalb von Kampagnen genutzt wird, wurde das Nutzungsverhalten von 12 Spitzenpolitikern in den letzten Wochen vor der Bundestagswahl 2017 aufgezeichnet und statistisch ausgewertet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, wie Interaktionen auf Instagram entstehen und was das Kanalwachstum antreibt. Auch wenn ein kausaler Zusammenhang zwischen Instagram-Nutzung und individuellem Verhalten in Ermangelung von Daten auf Individualebene nicht nachgewiesen werden kann, sind die vorliegenden Ergebnisse konsistent mit der theoretischen Modellierung. Sie zeigen, wie groß der langfristige Einfluss von sozialen Medien auf Entscheidungsprozesse theoretisch sein kann. What if we are all just trained monkeys? A neurological approach to analyzing individual decision-making in a political context In diesem Beitrag wird versucht, einen kausalen Zusammenhang zwischen der digitalen Vermittlung politischer Inhalte und individuellem Verhalten zu isolieren. Im Rahmen einer simulierten Wahl wird unter Laborbedingungen der Einfluss von Instagram-Nutzung und Selbstvermarktung einer fiktiven Politikerin auf die Bewertung durch Individuen untersucht. Die theoretische Grundlage hierfür sind Ergebnisse aus der Verhaltens- und Neurowissenschaft, welche einen negativen Zusammenhang zwischen hoher Smartphone-Nutzung und der kognitiven Leistungsfähigkeit von Individuen feststellen konnte. Darauf aufbauend wird ein theoretisches Konzept vorgestellt, das individuelles Verhalten unter dem Einfluss von Smartphone-transponierten Stimuli erklärt. Die entsprechende Forschungsfrage lautet wie folgt: Beeinflusst und verändert der Smartphone-zentrierte Social-Media-Konsum die menschliche Entscheidungsfindung in einem politischen Kontext? Die Ergebnisse aus einem Labor-Experiment zeigten, wie Teilnehmer eine politische Kandidatin in einem fiktiven Wahlkampf als charismatischer, zugänglicher, zuverlässiger und kompetenter einschätzten, wenn die Informationen, die die Grundlage für die Bewertung bildeten, über das Smartphone vermittelt wurden. Es konnte jedoch keine Veränderung der Wahlabsicht isoliert werden. Dies könnte jedoch am Messverfahren liegen. Self-Marketing and political support. Evidence from social media, experimental, and survey-data Dieser Beitrag stellt die Frage, ob politisches Selbstmarketing Individuen positiv beeinflusst und wie dies geschieht. Durch die Anwendung theoretischer Konzepte der Marketingwissenschaft auf die politische Kommunikation wird ein theoretisches Modell zur Analyse der individuellen Informationsaufnahme und -verarbeitung in einer digitalen Umgebung erarbeitet. Anhand von Google-Trends und Instagram-Daten wird gezeigt, dass Individuen politische Informationen entlang eines Marketing-Funnels suchen und finden. Soziale Medien nehmen dabei die Rolle eines Scharniers zwischen interessierten Individuen und politischen Inhalten ein. Im Rahmen eines Quasi-Experiments wird gezeigt, dass die Selbstvermarktung in sozialen Medien einen erheblichen Einfluss auf die Meinungsbildung von Individuen hat. Probanden, die wussten, dass eine Politikerin Instagram nutzt, zeigten sich in der Bewertung dieser Politikerin einem negativen Frame gegenüber weniger anfällig. Die Selbstvermarktung führte somit zu größerer Nachsicht auf Seiten potentieller Wähler. In einer Analyse repräsentativer Daten wurde zudem gezeigt, dass diejenigen Menschen die selbst Instagram nutzen diejenigen Politiker besser bewerten, die ihrerseits ebenfalls Instagram nutzen. Diese Ergebnisse sind mit den vorherigen Laborergebnissen konsistent und deuten auf einen genuinen Zusammenhang zwischen politischer Selbstvermarktung und der individuellen Bewertung von Politikern hin. ; Brief summary of the individual papers Political Influencers? Theoretical and analytical contributions to the analysis of Instagram as a means for political communication How do politicians use Instagram in election campaigns, and how might self-marketing via Instagram influence information-processing and voting? This paper evaluates these and related questions that arise in light of a hypothetical link between the strategic usage of social media in political campaigns and the outcome of elections. Based on Kahneman's theory of fast and slow thinking, the paper uses Instagram as an example to demonstrate how the continuous sending of visual messages can influence individual decision making prior to elections. To find out how Instagram is used within campaigns, the usage behavior of 12 top-tier politicians was recorded and statistically analyzed in the last weeks before the 2017 German Federal Election. The results show how interactions on Instagram occur and what drives channel growth. Although a causal relationship between Instagram use and individual behavior cannot be demonstrated in the absence of individual-level data, the present results are consistent with theoretical modeling. They show how large the long-term influence of social media on decision-making processes can theoretically be. What if we are all just trained monkeys? A neurological approach to analyzing individual decision-making in a political context This Paper tries to isolate a causal mechanism between smartphone-transmitted political content and individual behavior in the context of a mock-up election. A theoretical argument is presented that builds on findings from behavioral and neuroscience, which found a negative correlation between high smartphone use and individuals' cognitive performance. Based on this, a theoretical concept is presented that explains individual behavior under the influence of smartphone-transmitted stimuli as in social media. The corresponding research-question reads as follows: Does smartphone-centered social media consumption affect and arguably alter human decision-making in a political context? The results from a laboratory experiment showed, how participants rated a fictitious candidate in a mock-up electoral campaign more charismatic, more accessible, more reliable and more competent, when the information, which built the foundation for the assessment, was conveyed via smartphone. However, no change in voting intention could be isolated. This, however, could be due to level of measurement. Self-Marketing and political support. Evidence from social media, experimental, and survey-data This paper asks whether political self-marketing positively influences individuals and how this happens. By applying theoretical concepts from marketing science to political communication, a theoretical model is developed to analyze individual information intake and processing in a digital environment. Using Google Trends and Instagram data, it is shown that individuals seek and find political information along a marketing funnel. Social media take on the role of a hinge between interested individuals and political content. In a quasi-experiment, it is shown that self-marketing on social media has a significant impact on individuals' opinion formation. Subjects who knew that a politician used Instagram were less likely to evaluate this politician in terms of a negative frame. Self-promotion thus led to greater leniency on the part of potential voters. In an analysis of representative data, it was also shown that those people who used Instagram themselves rated those politicians better who, in turn, also used Instagram. These results are consistent with the previous lab results and indicate a genuine connection between political self-promotion and the individual evaluation of politicians.

Целью статьи является изучение основных методологических подходов к исследованию кредитно-финансовой системы Российской империи второй половины XIX – начала XX в. в дореволюционной, советской и современной историографии путем определения главных принципов и характерных особенностей исследований по данной тематике в различные историографические периоды, установления наиболее ярких представителей и самых популярных проблемных вопросов русской историографии, выявления ключевых методов исследования на разных этапах. Актуальность статьи обусловлена освещением различных точек зрения на проблемы развития кредитно-финансовой системы Российской империи второй половины XIX – начала XX в., касающиеся финансирования крупных инфраструктурных проектов, проведения модернизации, использования новых финансовых инструментов для увеличения государственных доходов, а также стабилизации неблагоприятных макроэкономических проблем в историческом контексте. Эта информация может быть полезна для решения современных стратегических задач государства и рационального использования финансовых ресурсов. Новизна исследования заключается в том, что для изучения историографии кредитно-финансовой системы Российской империи второй половины XIX – начала XX в. впервые была применена институционально-эволюционная теория. Определены основные черты историографии дореволюционной (эмпиризм, отражение идеологии своей социальной группы, плюрализм мнений, глубокая эрудиция авторов), советской (проведение исследований в рамках формационного подхода и официально утвержденных методологических принципов, критика и репрессии в отношении инакомыслящих) и современной (отказ от формационного подхода, применение информационных технологий и экономических методов исследования, изучение объекта в контексте новых направлений). Освещены методы исследования (общенаучные, исторические, экономические), характерные для различных периодов русской историографии, наиболее популярные проблемы и направления изучения кредитно-финансовой системы (гендерная история, биографика, история повседневности и др.). Показан плюрализм мнений дореволюционных исследователей, отражены результаты применения советскими историками формационного подхода, выразившиеся в жесткой критике предшественников и одностороннем освещении событий, а также рассмотрено использование современными учеными различных методов исследования, разработка ими новых направлений. ; The article is devoted to the Russian historiography of the credit and financial system of the Russian Empire of the second half of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century. Its purpose is to study the main methodological approaches to research of the credit and financial system of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century in pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern historiography by identifying the main approaches and characteristic features of research on this topic in different historiographic periods, identifying the most prominent representatives and the most popular problematic issues of Russian historiography, identifying key research methods at different stages. The relevance of the article is determined by the coverage of different points of view on the problems of the development of the credit and financial system of the Russian Empire of the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, concerning the financing of large infrastructure projects, modernization, the use of new financial instruments to increase government revenues, stabilize adverse macroeconomic problems context. This information can be used to solve modern strategic tasks of the state and rational use of financial resources. The novelty of the research is determined by the fact that to study the historiography of the credit and financial system of the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries was first applied to institutional evolutionary theory. The publication identifies the main features of pre-revolutionary historiography (empiricism, a reflection of the ideology of its social group, pluralism of opinions, deep erudition of the authors), Soviet (conducting research in the framework of the formation approach, officially approved methodological principles, criticism and repression of dissidents), modern (rejection of the formation approach, the use of information technologies, the use of economic research methods, the study of the object in the context of new directions). The author covers research methods (general scientific, historical, economic), characteristic for different periods of Russian historiography, the most popular problems, and areas of study of the credit and financial system (gender history, biography, everyday history, etc.). The article shows the pluralism of opinions of pre-revolutionary researchers, the results of the application of the formation approach by Soviet researchers, expressed in the harsh criticism of predecessors, one-sided coverage of events, the use of various research methods by modern researchers, and the development of new directions. = Мэтай артыкула з'яўляецца вывучэнне асноўных метадалагічных падыходаў да даследавання крэдытна-фінансавай сістэмы Расійскай імперыі другой паловы XIX – пачатку XX ст. у дарэвалюцыйнай, савецкай і сучаснай гістарыяграфіі шляхам вызначэння галоўных прынцыпаў і характэрных асаблівасцей даследаванняў па дадзенай тэматыцы ў розныя гістарыяграфічныя перыяды, устанаўлення найбольш яркіх прадстаўнікоў і самых папулярных праблемных пытанняў рускай гістарыяграфіі, выяўлення ключавых метадаў даследавання на розных этапах. Актуальнасць артыкула абумоўлена асвятленнем розных пунктаў гледжання на праблемы развіцця крэдытна-фінансавай сістэмы Расійскай імперыі другой паловы XIX – пачатку XX ст., якія датычацца фінансавання буйных інфраструктурных праектаў, правядзення мадэрнізацыі, выкарыстання новых фінансавых інструментаў для павелічэння дзяржаўных даходаў, а таксама стабілізацыі неспрыяльных макраэканамічных праблем у гістарычным кантэксце. Гэта інфармацыя можа быць карыснай для вырашэння сучасных стратэгічных задач дзяржавы і рацыянальнага выкарыстання фінансавых рэсурсаў. Навізна даследавання заключаецца ў тым, што для вывучэння гістарыяграфіі крэдытна-фінансавай сістэмы Расійскай імперыі другой паловы XIX – пачатку XX ст. упершыню была выкарыстана інстытуцыйна-эвалюцыйная тэорыя. Вызначаны асноўныя рысы гістарыяграфіі дарэвалюцыйнай (эмпірызм, адлюстраванне ідэалогіі сваёй сацыяльнай групы, плюралізм меркаванняў, глыбокая эрудыцыя аўтараў), савецкай (правядзенне даследаванняў на аснове фармацыйнага падыходу і афіцыйна зацверджаных метадалагічных прынцыпаў, крытыка і рэпрэсіі ў дачыненні да іншадумцаў) і сучаснай (адмова ад фармацыйнага падыходу, прымяненне інфармацыйных тэхналогій і эканамічных метадаў даследавання, вывучэнне аб'екта ў кантэксце новых кірункаў). Разгледжаны метады даследавання (агульнанавуковыя, гістарычныя, эканамічныя), характэрныя для розных перыядаў рускай гістарыяграфіі, адзначаны найбольш папулярныя праблемы і напрамкі вывучэння крэдытна-фінансавай сістэмы (гендарная гісторыя, біяграфіка, гісторыя штодзённасці і інш.). Паказаны плюралізм меркаванняў дарэвалюцыйных даследчыкаў, адлюстраваны вынікі прымянення савецкімі гісторыкамі фармацыйнага падыходу, якія выявіліся ў жорсткай крытыцы папярэднікаў і аднабаковым асвятленні падзей, а таксама разгледжана выкарыстанне сучаснымі вучонымі розных метадаў даследавання, распрацоўка імі новых напрамкаў.

Problem setting. In modern conditions of exacerbation of social problems and increasing social risks in Ukraine, the role of social function of the state, which is also associated with development of the mediation institute in Ukraine, is significantly increasing. Research of mediation problem is quite important and relevant. It makes it possible to improve the institutionalization of the mediation process in Ukraine, to develop and introduce new approaches, mechanisms in the field of public management of social services.There is no doubt that the development of social mediation services has its own specifics, which necessitates the creation of appropriate mediation centers. Based on this, there is a need to train specialists in this field, develop appropriate training programs, improve the regulatory framework, research and implement the best international practices. Given the above, it is important to research the experience of the formation and development of the mediation institute in other countries, in particular, consider the experience of Poland.Recent research and publications analysis. Mediation has attracted the attention of researchers of various fields of knowledge, in particular: pedagogy, psychology, law, political science, sociology, public administration. Among domestic researchers it is advisable to pay attention to the works of N. Darahanova. S. Zapara, V. Zemlianska, A. Karshyieva, M. Kostytskyi, S. Kravtsov, Z. Krasilovska, S. Fursa and others. Among Polish researchers a substantial interest in this area cause the works of: E. Bieńkowska, E. Gmurzyńska, R. Morek, J. Młyński, I. Podobas. S. Włodyka and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Despite the considerable interest to mediation in the scientific literature, little has been studied in the field of international experience in the establishment and development of the mediation institution, technology and innovation in the provision of social mediation services, features and mechanisms of mediation centers. The main goal of this article is to research the process of formation and development of mediation institute in Poland, in the context of the formation of its legal and institutional support, to consider the features of the activities of the Polish Mediation Center and its regional branches.Paper main body. Mediation is not a new phenomenon, it is directly related to the issue of resolving conflicts and disputes that have accompanied humanity since its inception. The development of mediation in Poland begins with the idea of introducing the postulates of restorative justice, which was initiated by a Polish lawyer and sociologist L. Petrażycki. The beginning of the process of institutionalization of mediation in Poland dates back to 1995. Actually, then, in 1995, under the "Patronate" Prison Society (Stowarzyszenie Penitencjarne "Patronat") a Mediation Implementation Group (Zespoł ds. Wprowadzania Mediacji w Polsce) was established in Poland) As part of its activities, the Group contributed to the creation of mediation centers throughout the country. Formally, mediation was introduced into the Polish criminal system in 1997. However, mediation was carried out only at the preparatory trial stage.In 2000 the Mediation Implementation Group in Poland was reorganized, then a society was created on its basis: Polish mediation center (Polskie Centrum Mediacji) – a non-governmental organization with mediation branches and offices in Poland. In 2001, there has been established a Family Mediation Pilot Group. (Zespoł Pilotażowy ds. Mediacji Rodzinnych), the main purpose of which was to amend the law, which would allow introducing family mediation into the Polish legal system. The Polish Mediation Center contributed to the creation of the Family Mediators Society (Stowarzyszenie Mediatorow Rodzinnych) and to establishment of the Social Council for Alternative Dispute and Conflict Resolution (Społeczna Rada ds. Alternatywnych Metod Rozwiązywania Sporow i Konfliktow) at the Ministry of Justice of Poland. An important milestone in the development and establishment of mediation institute in Poland was 2005, and it was then that mediation was allowed to be used in civil matters.Essential for the process of institutionalization of mediation in Poland was provided by the development of mediation standards in Poland, in particular: mediator performance standards and mediation in criminal and juvenile cases; standards for training mediators; standards for mediation and mediator activity.In general, the mediation institute in Poland has developed quite actively. In the future, the regulatory framework continues to be improved in this area, the network of centers and centers of mediation is expanding, and new technologies and techniques in the field of mediation are being developed.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The formation and development of mediation in Poland began in 1995, in particular on the introduction of mediation in the field of restorative justice using mediation of minors. The author's approach to periodization of the formation and development of mediation institute in Poland is proposed, in particular: Stage I: 1995 – 2004; Stage II: 2005 – 2014; Stage III: 2015 – 2024. Based on the main purpose of mediation and the opinions of representatives of Polish science, mediation is a method of resolving the conflict peacefully, through voluntary negotiations with the participation of a mediator. Mediation in Poland is a fairly developed legal institution and one of the most effective alternative ways of resolving conflicts and disputes. Mediation is applied in criminal, civil, family, economic affairs and in the field of social work. In general, the experience of legal regulation and the practice of mediation in Poland is valuable for Ukraine, but it should be used, taking into account domestic characteristics, traditions, the system of law, the development of social institutions and the like. ; Розглянуто проблематику становлення та розвитку інституту медіації в Польщі, процес інституціалізації процесу медіації в Польщі з виокремленням та характеристикою окремих періодів. Запропоновано авторський підхід до періодизації цього процесу. Проаналізовано особливості функціонування інституту медіації в Польщі в сучасних умовах, зосереджено увагу на діяльності конкретних інституцій, які надають послуги з медіації, зокрема розглянуто діяльність Польського центру медіації, регіональних центрів з медіації.