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Japan now has one of the world's most highly developed multimodal transport systems. This was only made possible by successfully building an extensive highway network in a short period of time. The two remarkable aspects of this network have been the scale and layout, which were based not only on traffic volume forecasts but also on the principle of equal access. The Japan Highway Public Corporation (JHPC) was instituted in 1956 to oversee the development and expansion of the highway network. Due to the national government's limited funding capacity, the JHPC initially relied extensively on debt financing, depending on toll revenues to accelerate the nation's highway development. Eventually the government, seeking to give as many people as possible access to high-speed transport, introduced a pool system of revenues and costs (plus a uniform toll rate system) for all intercity expressway routes. The costs of each route were to be recovered by tolls paid by its users, cross-subsidisation from other routes and public funds. But over the years, the costs of building such a system soared, thereby increasing debt obligations and leading to the disintegration of the JHPC. Japan is now undergoing rapid transition, deregulation and privatisation of its highways, and is on an ambitious debt repayment programme to recover over ¥40 trillion in less than 40 years. This article is a narrative of the post-war historical experience of the development of highways, especially the expressway category of the road sector in Japan.

AbstractIn Australia, applicants for native title—legal recognition of proprietary interest in land devolving from traditions predating colonization—must meet a stringent standard of continuity of social identity since before the advent of Crown sovereignty. As courts and the legislature have gravitated toward an increasingly strict application of the continuity doctrine, anthropologists involved in land claims cases have found themselves rehearsing an old debate in Australian anthropology over the degree to which post-contact patterns of subsistence, movement, and ritual enactment can support inferences about life in precontact Australia. In the 1960s, at the dawn of the land claims era, a handful of anthropologists shifted the debate to an ecological plane. Characterizing Australia on the cusp of colonization as a late Holocene climax human ecosystem, they argued that certain recently observed patterns in the distribution of marks of social cohesion (mutual intelligibility of language, systems of classificatory kinship) could not represent the outcome of such a climax ecosystem and must indicate disintegration of Aboriginal social structures since contact. Foremost among them was Joseph Birdsell, for whom linguistic boundaries, under climax conditions, would self-evidently be congruent with boundaries in breeding pools. Birdsell's intervention came just as the Northern Territory Supreme Court was hearing evidence on the value of dialect as a marker of membership in corporate landholding groups in Yolngu country, and offers an object lesson in how language, race, mode of subsistence, and law come together in efforts to answer the questions "Who was here first?" and "Are those people still here?"

В статье выявляются устойчивые тенденции, характеризующие положение России после распада СССР, относящиеся к таким сферам, как внешнеполитические отношения, соотношение макрорегиональных потенциалов внутри страны, религия, образование, наука, технологии, экономика, право. Рассматриваются взаимодействия этих тенденций. На основании этого рассмотрения формируется образ относительно устойчивого состояния России, в направлении которого она развивается. Характеристиками этого состояния являются сочетание относительной самодостаточности и многовекторности в экономике и внешней политике, влиятельность религии, многообразие форм собственности, политических движений и мировоззрений, значительные усилия по развитию научно-технологической и образовательной сфер. Отмечается значительное отличие этого состояния, как особого сочетания явлений, от предыдущих устойчивых состояний (Московская Русь, императорский период, советский период), но и значительное сходство с каждым состоянием в отдельных отношениях. ; In the article settled tendencies, peculiar to Russia after disintegration of USSR are considered. The tendencies are appertain to spheres of foreign policy, potentials of macroregions inside the country, religion, education, science, technology, economics, right. Interactions of the tendencies are considered. The shape of relatively settled state of Russia, toward it developing. The features of this shape are: combination of relatively self-sufficiency and direction plurality in economics and foreign policy, significance of religion, diversity of forms of properties, diversity of political movements and world outlooks, considerable efforts for development of scientific, technological and educational spheres. The considerable difference of this shape, as particular combination of phenomena, from previous settled sharps (Moscow Russia, Russian Empire, Soviet Union), and considerable resemblance with each shapes in separate aspects are marked.

In Latin America the repercussions of the proliferation and overlapping of regional organizations are discussed widely. This article examines the opposing views on this process. Some authors postulate that an exhaustion of integration in Latin America will end up in segmented regionalism and hemispheric disintegration. Others endorse a variable geometry of integration that facilitates intraregional cooperation and minimizes the risk of veto players and zero-sum politics. The article takes Latin America as a vantage point to analyse the topic of interacting and overlapping regional organizations from a more general perspective. It asks about the conditions under which the proliferation and overlapping of regional organizations might have positive or negative effects (on regional integration and cooperation). Additionally, it advocates broadening the analytical focus and replacing the analytical concepts of regional integration and cooperation with the analytical concept of regional governance. Regional governance more adequately captures and integrates different patterns of regional cooperation and different regional projects that result in overlapping regional organizations. Instead of looking at the proliferation of regional organizations from a perspective of fragmentation, this article contends that the focus should be redirected to analysing how different regional organizations interact. Regional interaction patterns can vary between synergistic, cooperative, conflictive, or segmented regional governance (complexes). In an initial application of this analytical scheme, the article summarizes the changing regional cooperation patterns in South America since 1990. In the conclusions it outlines some preliminary ideas for a future research agenda on regional governance (complexes).

The politicized polarization of Montenegrin society around the question of Montenegrin statehood in the context of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, finally leading to Montenegrin independence in 2006, is accompanied by a remarkable identity change toward a clear division between Serbian and Montenegrin nationhood. I situate this development within the long-term interference between Montenegrin and Serbian categories of identification in elite articulations of national identity in Montenegro during the twentieth century. In the early twentieth century, the Montenegrin and Serbian categories were concurrently available for national identification in the context of political modernization in the country. Reflecting the lasting political and broader societal relevance of nationhood during the Yugoslav twentieth century, diverging interpretations of the relation between both categories of nationhood have continuously substantiated political divides in Montenegro. One part of the political spectrum subordinated Montenegrin regional identity to Serbian nationhood, the other part attached increasingly far-reaching political demands to Montenegrin national identity while maintaining a sense of Serbian national identity in the domain of culture and ethnicity. In the course of the Yugoslav twentieth century, the complementary relation between both categories of nationhood was challenged by exclusive definitions of Serbian and Montenegrin nationhood, a development which has to be related to the continuous questioning of relations between various concurring categories of national identity available in Yugoslavia. The current institutionalization of Montenegrin nationhood in independent Montenegro and the development toward clear-cut Serbian and Montenegrin mono-national identities is leading to the regression of multiple nationhood among the broader population.

It was hoped that the XXth and XXIst century will be celebrated for there alization of the long-awaited dream of a united Europe, but now it seems that those years will remain in the memory as the years of dramatic, often bitter disintegration and fragmentation. Today, around the world, there is a real outbreak of armed civil or international conflicts spurred by strong currents of aggressive ethnic nationalism - often thought to be "internal", but can quickly expand beyond the boundaries of the nation's state. The international community has begun to realize the potential seriousness of these various conflicts. A conflict is a constant content of the social existence at various levels. As a phenomenon which represents destructive behavior including violence, conflict is defined as "a dynamic phenomenon, a manifested conflicting process composed of stages of initiation, escalation, controlled maintenance, silencing and dismissal." Conflict theorists stress the importance of "chronic" or "deep-rooted conflict", which is transferred from one generation to another, because it penetrates into the psychological needs for personal identity and security, to belong to a group and for (self) respect. The world scientific society is preoccupied trying to explain the phenomenon of ethnic conflicts and the new forms of inter-ethnic relations, which are becoming a potential threat to democracy and world peace. United Nations (UNCHR, 2002) believe that "ethnic" conflicts are a dominant form of antagonisms, contradiction and riots in the twentieth century.

Family as one of the social institutions may be considered as a psycho-physical, social, spiritual and cultural-historical phenomenon. The article presents the analysis of various perspectives on family development nowadays provided by psychologists, sociologists, social anthropologists, historians, journalists, and writers. This analysis is accompanied by some statistic data presented in the text, in the Tables, and Graphs. A brief outline of the history of family relations in former Czechoslovakia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia facilitates the understanding of their family values and family lifestyle which are still preserved in modern families. An attempt is made to describe the place of these two countries in the system of Eastern and Western European civilizations. Special attention is devoted to the changes in political, economic and social life allcr the disintegration of Czechoslovakia in 1989, which had both positive and negative effects. On the one band, because of the transition from a totalitarian to a democratic society and urbanization men have lost their function of bread-winners and women have won more political, social and economic freedom; on the other hand there appeared nonmarital cohabitation, strong individualism and independence, which have led to a drop in birth rates and an increase in divorce rates. Despite the negative influence of these factors on their traditional lifestyle, Czechs and Slovaks still preserve their spiritual and moral values. The examples show how the major family problems raised and discussed by the Czech and Slovak scholars arc reflected in projects, social campaigns, mass media, and fiction.

Writing in the mid 1990s, Ewen Green suggested that the Edwardian Conservative Party was locked in a crisis which, after 1910, was leading towards a disintegration of Unionism. Recent research has challenged this view, contending that at constituency level, Conservative activists and parties were recovering, rebuilding around issues such as Ireland, land reform and opposition to National Insurance. However, there are few studies of the causes and consequences of the crisis of Conservatism in urban constituencies or the extent to which the party may have been recovering by the outbreak of the Great War. This article considers these issues in the city of Norwich. It assesses the profile of activists; the fortunes of the Conservatives in the parliamentary election contests of the period, addressing the ways the party used a variety of candidates to attempt to attract popular support; and the particular issues of tariff reform and socialism, to determine the extent to which voters and activists were willing to accept protection as part of a broader defence against socialism. These national issues are contrasted with the performance of the party in municipal elections, considering the basis of the growing appeal they evidenced in council elections after 1906, along with the continuing emphasis on organisational weakness evidenced by party leaders. Overall, it suggests that, despite their municipal strength, the continued commitment of the local party to tariffs prevented them from challenging effectively for the constituency against a Liberal‐Labour alliance with a shared belief in free trade.

My Father's House–The Idle Years is an autobiographical novel by Orhan Kemal, one of the giants of Turkish literature. The novel's explicit focus is on a boy who grows up pursuing self-realization in a working-class atmosphere. The story takes place during a period of abrupt transformation when the Republic of Turkey, newly born out of the ashes of the collapsed Ottoman Empire, is adapting to oppressive conditions introduced by a burgeoning capitalism. Scholarship on Orhan Kemal has extensively uncovered and charted his socialist realism and unorthodox look at the history of Turkey, but it has not concerned itself enough with the issue of masculinity, which is an indisputable part of Kemal's view of labour and political power. This paper is an initial attempt to approach Kemal's autobiographical novels with theories of masculinity. I argue that My Father's House–The Idle Years explores rites of passages into manhood in what can be referred to as a crisis of imperial loss: the boy grows in an attempt to restore his father's victimized manhood, in a symbolic parallel to the transformation of the disintegrated Ottoman Empire into self-governed nation-states. Kemal handles the loss metaphorically, using the instability generated by the gender anxieties of a young boy who fails to be like his father to represent the instability generated by the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. I examine My Father's House–The Idle Years as the Oedipalized story of post-Ottoman Turkey.

Abstract
Gramsci recognised the inestimable historical contribution of Muslim and Arab civilisations, writing on these in his newspaper articles, his pre-prison letters and the Prison Notebooks. The Islamic world contemporary with him was largely rural, with the masses heavily influenced by religion, analogous in some ways to Italy whose economy was still largely oriented towards a peasantry among whom the Vatican played a leading (and highly reactionary) role. In addition to factors such as the politics-religion nexus, what Gramsci was also analysing, without saying as much explicitly, was the upheaval caused by the disintegration and dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire, and the inter-imperialist rivalries over the spoils and the construction of new states from its ruins. Here he draws attention to the first hesitant and contradictory anticolonial stances being adopted among the traditional leaders, as well recognising the basis for more popularly-based movements. In both Catholic countries and, as Gramsci knew especially from the experience of his Comintern work, in parts of the Muslim world, these movements could at times assume a left and politically radical orientation. What emerges is a picture of conflicting hegemonies involving principally religion, class, the political ambivalence of many religious leaders, and a burgeoning nationalism contraposed to the supra-nationalist claims of religion. But the factor underlying everything is the potential of the masses who, if awakened from torpor and detached from European colonialism, were judged capable of rupturing previous imperially-determined equilibria.

На рубеже XX-XXI вв. масштабное применение технологий «цветных» революций, «гуманитарных интервенций», управления хаосом привели к появлению войн нового типа, ведущихся в сфере идей и смыслов, смутных войн. Основной мишенью стали ценности и традиции, историческая память целых поколений. И многие проблемы современного Российского государства связаны с тем, что уже третье десятилетие наша страна находится в эпицентре глобального смутного противоборства. ; At the turn of 20th-21st centuries the large-scale application of the technologies of «colour revolutions», «humanitarian interventions», and controlled chaos led to the wars of a new type, which is being carried out in the sphere of ideas and meanings, vague wars. The values and traditions, the historical memory of generations became the main target of those wars. And many of the problems of the modern Russian state are connected with the fact that already the third decade our country is at the epicenter of the global vague confrontation. In the early 1990s, begins the intensification of the use of methods of «catastrophic conversion» of Russia. Under the pretext of ensuring openness and self-organization of the society, all new spheres of social life were derived from under the impact of government management structures. And gradually vague anti-Russian campaign has moved to a qualitatively new phase. Course for disintegration of the Russian state has acquired the targeted long-term character, clearly expressed in successive attempts to enhance of the Russian off-system opposition during the elections of the President of the Russian Federation in March 2012.

AbstractThe defeat of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomindang) in the Chinese Civil War in 1949 is often explained as a consequence of Nationalist fiscal incompetence during the Second Sino-Japanese War, which led to the collapse of the Nationalist state. In this paper, I argue that from 1937 until 1940, GMD fiscal policy managed to preserve a degree of relative stability even though, by early 1939, the Nationalists had already lost control over ports yielding 80 per cent of Customs revenue which, during the Nanjing decade (1928–1937), had accounted for more than 40 per cent of annual central government revenue. The loss of this revenue forced the Nationalists to introduce wartime fiscal instruments, taxation in kind, and transit taxes, both previously condemned as outdated and inequitable by the Nationalists. Further territorial losses led to the introduction of deficit financing, which in turn became a cause of hyperinflation. The introduction of war-time fiscal instruments led to administrative changes in the revenue-collecting agencies of the Nationalist state, and to the demise of the Maritime Customs Service as the pre-eminent revenue-collecting and anti-smuggling organization. The administrative upheavals of the war facilitated the rise of other central government organizations nominally charged with smuggling suppression, which in fact frequently engaged in trade with the Japanese-occupied areas of China. Hence, administrative reforms at a time of fiscal collapse, far from strengthening the war-time state, created one of the preconditions for the disintegration of the Nationalist state, which facilitated the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) victory in 1949.

Disintegration of the USSR and join of Baltic States East European countries to European Union made this one a border territory between Russia and EU. The paper focuses on flows of goods and persons through boundaries between Russia and Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania). The purpose is to analyze the role of this boundary after the enlargement of the EU. Often regarded as peripheries within their respective federations, the eastern Baltic and western Russia are, by definition, a transitional and circulation space. After the collapse of Former Soviet Union, the new boundary remained almost easy to cross. In the beginning of the 21th century, it became no more fuzzy but rather fixed. Since 2004, and the enlargement, the crossing has become more regulated. People need visas that mean papers and cost. The evolution of cargo flows has been more contrasted. Economic policies, political stakes and traditional links, are elements to understand East Baltic area. Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian exclave lying by the Baltic Sea, strengthens the interest of the purpose. The approach is mainly through port and railway traffics for goods, and through air networks for passenger flows. Eastern Baltics ports are mainly transit ports for goods coming from or going to post-soviet states, while some Baltic airports concentrate flows between the last ones and the UE. Moreover, the mapping of traffic of people and commodities establish a new perception of the impact of the new EU border in the region.

Disintegration of the USSR and join of Baltic States East European countries to European Union made this one a border territory between Russia and EU. The paper focuses on flows of goods and persons through boundaries between Russia and Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania). The purpose is to analyze the role of this boundary after the enlargement of the EU. Often regarded as peripheries within their respective federations, the eastern Baltic and western Russia are, by definition, a transitional and circulation space. After the collapse of Former Soviet Union, the new boundary remained almost easy to cross. In the beginning of the 21th century, it became no more fuzzy but rather fixed. Since 2004, and the enlargement, the crossing has become more regulated. People need visas that mean papers and cost. The evolution of cargo flows has been more contrasted. Economic policies, political stakes and traditional links, are elements to understand East Baltic area. Kaliningrad Oblast, the Russian exclave lying by the Baltic Sea, strengthens the interest of the purpose. The approach is mainly through port and railway traffics for goods, and through air networks for passenger flows. Eastern Baltics ports are mainly transit ports for goods coming from or going to post-soviet states, while some Baltic airports concentrate flows between the last ones and the UE. Moreover, the mapping of traffic of people and commodities establish a new perception of the impact of the new EU border in the region.