Политическая лингвистика приковывает к себе внимание многих исследователей, в том числе представителей когнитивно-дискурсивного подхода в языкознании. В рамках этого подхода активно изучается метафорическая репрезентация участников политической коммуникации стран, политических институтов, деятелей; при этом исследователи рассматривают политический и медийный дискурсы, создаваемые политиками, журналистами, спичрайтерами и т. д. Еще один участник политической коммуникации пока остается за пределами когнитивно-дискурсивного анализа: это общество, его реакция на происходящие события, его отношение к той или иной стране, партии, органу власти, политику. Выражение общественного мнения мы находим в комментариях после статей, в чатах, блогах, ток-шоу, опросах и прочих интерактивных формах коммуникации. Рассматриваются основные теоретические позиции дискурса общественного мнения. ; Political linguistics attracts attention of many researchers, including exponents of cognitive approach to discourse analysis in linguistics. Within the framework of this approach metaphorical representation of agents of political communication, namely of countries, political institutions, politicians is absorbedly studied. At this, political and media discourses created by politicians, journalists, reporters, speech-writers, etc. is put to analysis. We believe that one more agent of political communication is still beyond the scope of discourse research. That is people, society and its reaction to current events, some country, party, authority, or politician. Public opinion is often represented in comments to some articles in mass media, in chats, blogs, talk shows, surveys and other interactive kinds of communication. In this paper we consider main theoretical issues of public opinion discourse.
The article examines the attitude of Russian citizens toward participation of women in politics. Taking for an axiom that political involvement of women is one of the criteria for a democratic political and social system and having analysed public opinion on this subject, the author suggests some conclusions as to how much more democratic the Russian society has become. According to VCIOM surveys, the tendency to support active political involvement of women, which became apparent in Russia as back as 1994, demonstrates a stable development. The number of respondents (both female and male) who say about their antipathy with the very principle of women's involvement in politics is continuously decreasing. In the author's opinion, it characterises the Russian community as developing towards an open civil society. The number of currently acting female politicians is suitable for the Russians, which can be interpreted as a positive estimate of the real activities of women in politics. Female politicians have a considerably strong social base practically in all groups of the population. However, despite this, the author, while analysing respondents' answers, comes to a conclusion that the contemporary Russian society produces no social demand for global involvement of women in professional political activities. ; The article examines the attitude of Russian citizens toward participation of women in politics. Taking for an axiom that political involvement of women is one of the criteria for a democratic political and social system and having analysed public opinion on this subject, the author suggests some conclusions as to how much more democratic the Russian society has become. According to VCIOM surveys, the tendency to support active political involvement of women, which became apparent in Russia as back as 1994, demonstrates a stable development. The number of respondents (both female and male) who say about their antipathy with the very principle of women's involvement in politics is continuously decreasing. In the author's opinion, it characterises the Russian community as developing towards an open civil society. The number of currently acting female politicians is suitable for the Russians, which can be interpreted as a positive estimate of the real activities of women in politics. Female politicians have a considerably strong social base practically in all groups of the population. However, despite this, the author, while analysing respondents' answers, comes to a conclusion that the contemporary Russian society produces no social demand for global involvement of women in professional political activities.
Public opinion as a condition of the criminalization of actions, the types of state control over prostitution are analyzed. The article provides the positions of Russian scientists concerning effectiveness of different mechanisms of control over prostitution. The author marks that criminal law theory lacks understanding of nature and meaning of conditions of actions criminalization. The article describes three approaches to state regulation of prostitution: the administrative and legal regulation, criminal legal regulation, prostitution legalization. For discussion about the choice of a state control method it is quite useful to study the opinion of Russian citizens. Public opinion is an indicator of social development, a reflection of the level of recognition and approval of universal human values. The results of the sociological survey on Russian citizens' attitude towards prostitution are given. It can be concluded that the society is not unified in a totally negative assessment of prostitution. The author emphasizes the idea that the prostitution legalization in Russia is currently premature step as the society is not ready yet. The author reviews the Swedish law that considers crime not the prostitute's activities but the purchase of sexual service by a client. As a result a negative attitude towards men buyers of sexual services was formed in Sweden. That in its turn resulted in lower demand and decrease of number of prostitutes. The study of public opinion as the condition of criminalization of socially dangerous actions is an essential precondition for legislative decision-making about the recognition of encroachment upon social relations protected by law criminally liable. ; Public opinion as a condition of the criminalization of actions, the types of state control over prostitution are analyzed. The article provides the positions of Russian scientists concerning effectiveness of different mechanisms of control over prostitution. The author marks that criminal law theory lacks understanding of nature and meaning of conditions of actions criminalization. The article describes three approaches to state regulation of prostitution: the administrative and legal regulation, criminal legal regulation, prostitution legalization. For discussion about the choice of a state control method it is quite useful to study the opinion of Russian citizens. Public opinion is an indicator of social development, a reflection of the level of recognition and approval of universal human values. The results of the sociological survey on Russian citizens' attitude towards prostitution are given. It can be concluded that the society is not unified in a totally negative assessment of prostitution. The author emphasizes the idea that the prostitution legalization in Russia is currently premature step as the society is not ready yet. The author reviews the Swedish law that considers crime not the prostitute's activities but the purchase of sexual service by a client. As a result a negative attitude towards men buyers of sexual services was formed in Sweden. That in its turn resulted in lower demand and decrease of number of prostitutes. The study of public opinion as the condition of criminalization of socially dangerous actions is an essential precondition for legislative decision-making about the recognition of encroachment upon social relations protected by law criminally liable.
В статье предпринимается попытка осветить позицию русского общественного мнения по поводу политики царского правительства в Персии во время персидской революции. Хронологическими рамками являются год начала революции в Персии (1905) и год (1909) перехода России от политики относительного невмешательства в персидские дела к прямой военной интервенции совместно с Англией. Источниками послужили материалы газет разной политической ориентации либеральные издания разных оттенков, официозные печатные органы, а также издания правого толка. ; This article represents an attempt to shed light on the Russian public opinion on the policy of the Russian tsarist government in Persia at the time of the Persian revolution. The chronological framework under consideration is the period of 1905-1909 with 1905 being a year of the beginning of the Persian revolution and 1909 a year when Russia and Great Britain changed their non-interference policy to the direct armed intervention in Persia. The sources of this study are the materials of the Russian newspapers of diff erent political orientation of the given period liberal editions, offi cial press and right-wing editions.
По результатам репрезентативного выборочного опроса проанализировано мнение населения о возможных направлениях воздействия кризиса в Беларуси, об отношении к антикризисной программе и о наиболее вероятных последствиях кризиса, способах противодействия кризису, возможности протестных акций и личного участия в них, изменения индекса терпения, а также доверия населения к общественным структурам и органам власти. ; Public opinion concerning feasible directions of the crisis influence on Belarus, attitudes towards the anti crisis programme and more probable consequences of the crisis, ways of reaction to the crisis, possibility of protest actions and personal participation in such events, patience index change as well as trust in social institutions and government bodies were analyzed in the representative random survey.
The lingering transition from B. Yeltsin's to V. Putin's presidency, lasting for several months, is a rather complicated and contradictory socio-political process affecting different areas, strata, and mechanisms of social life. In Russian history, including recent decades, each transition of power implied a more or less profound transformation of governance mechanisms. In this series, the current transition can be definitely considered as the most durable of all (formally, since August 1999 to May 2000, almost exactly the well-known nine months, but in fact, evidently much longer) and as if free of political tension in the country. At the same time, it is obvious that respect for the constitutional framework and visible absence of conflicts, even the actual lack of competition, are provided by a shift of crucial political and strategic dilemmas to the areas of informal intergroup and intra-group relationships in the lobbies or catacombs of power (hence, naturally, the protraction of real transfer of power, going far beyond the formal framework, both at the beginning and at the end). It is similarly obvious that the outwardly peaceful process of 'guard relief in the Kremlin is guaranteed and stimulated by the military operations in the Northern Caucasus. Moreover, the disquieting uncertainty of the principal political course of the supreme power during all the transition months demonstrates how unstable and vague the framework of socially acceptable actions has turned out to be, although envisaged by articles of the Constitution and traditions of the post-Soviet years. The transition of power in 1999-2000 has become a severe trial for the entire fragile institutional system that had begun forming in Russia since 1991. This implies durability testing of the democratic tendencies in public opinion. Similar to any critical break, the protracted transition of power functions exposes the disguised mechanisms of realisation of such functions particular groups (the 'Family') and 'oligarchic' entities of impact, the narrowness of the function of formal institutions (the parties, parliament, media), and the role of public opinion as a social institution. ; The lingering transition from B. Yeltsin's to V. Putin's presidency, lasting for several months, is a rather complicated and contradictory socio-political process affecting different areas, strata, and mechanisms of social life. In Russian history, including recent decades, each transition of power implied a more or less profound transformation of governance mechanisms. In this series, the current transition can be definitely considered as the most durable of all (formally, since August 1999 to May 2000, almost exactly the well-known nine months, but in fact, evidently much longer) and as if free of political tension in the country. At the same time, it is obvious that respect for the constitutional framework and visible absence of conflicts, even the actual lack of competition, are provided by a shift of crucial political and strategic dilemmas to the areas of informal intergroup and intra-group relationships in the lobbies or catacombs of power (hence, naturally, the protraction of real transfer of power, going far beyond the formal framework, both at the beginning and at the end). It is similarly obvious that the outwardly peaceful process of 'guard relief in the Kremlin is guaranteed and stimulated by the military operations in the Northern Caucasus. Moreover, the disquieting uncertainty of the principal political course of the supreme power during all the transition months demonstrates how unstable and vague the framework of socially acceptable actions has turned out to be, although envisaged by articles of the Constitution and traditions of the post-Soviet years. The transition of power in 1999-2000 has become a severe trial for the entire fragile institutional system that had begun forming in Russia since 1991. This implies durability testing of the democratic tendencies in public opinion. Similar to any critical break, the protracted transition of power functions exposes the disguised mechanisms of realisation of such functions particular groups (the 'Family') and 'oligarchic' entities of impact, the narrowness of the function of formal institutions (the parties, parliament, media), and the role of public opinion as a social institution.
В статье на основе социологических данных, собранных Центром изучения общественного мнения (г. Тамбов) и социологической группой кафедры международных отношений и политологии ТГУ им. Г.Р. Державина в рамках инициативного проекта, анализируется роль доверия в сфере политических отношений, рассматриваются особенности проявления и функционирования политического доверия в политической практике выборов разного уровня в Тамбовской области. Рассматриваются показатели общественного мнения, характеризующие доверие политическим лидерам и основным властным институтам, в том числе накануне выборов депутатов областной Думы VI созыва и Государственной Думы РФ VII созыва. ; The article contains the analysis based on sociological data collected by Public Opinion Research Center (Tambov) and sociologic group of the Department of International Relations and Political Science of G.R. Derzhavin TSU within the pilot project, of the role of confidence in political relations; considers peculiarities of political confidence in elections of different levels in the Tambov region. It covers public opinion characterizing confidence to political leaders and basic government institutions in particular, the day before election of deputies of the regional VIth Duma and the VIIth State Duma of RF.
В статье рассматриваются совокупность приемов и мер, которые на рубеже XIX-XX вв. использовал для воздействия на общественное мнение К.П. Победоносцев известный консервативный сановник, литератор, публицист. Автор исследует историю взаимоотношений Победоносцева с консервативными органами печати, анализирует его издательскую и литературную деятельность. В статье рассматриваются причины противоречий в консервативном лагере, выявляется, чем была вызвана неудача кампании Победоносцева по воздействию на общественное мнение. ; Author of the article analyzes the instruments of ideological struggle used by the famous conservative politician Constantine Pobedonostsev in order to influence the turn-of-century Russia's public opinion. The contacts of Pobedonostsev with the right-wing journalists and conservative periodicals are being investigated, as well as his activities as a translator and publisher. Conclusions are being made with regard to the reasons of Pobedonostsev's failure to influence the Russia's public opinion.
The article deals with one of the key mechanisms of representative democracy – elections; a series of paradoxes associated with them are in the main focus. The rule "one person – one vote" is based on the legal and moral equality of all the people, but suggests that they are also equal in terms of awareness. This can lead to the democratic suicide of democracy. During the formation of the modern society there was a movement from corporate elections to elections, where the main role was played and is played by mass communities. Parallel movement from the group consciousness to the mass consciousness is related to this. In the article it is proved that public opinion became the major mechanism of public choice. Such a state assumes the synergy in the development of the issues of electoral sociology and sociology of public opinion. It is proposed theoretically to differentiate public opinion, social thought and group consciousness. The first one is formed in the broad mass communities, the second one is the result of communication within the community, and the third is formed as a result of group dynamics. ; В статье рассматривается один из определяющих механизмов представительной демократии – выборы; основное внимание обращено на ряд парадоксов, связанных с ними. Правило "Один человек – один голос" базируется на признании юридического и морального равенства людей, но предполагает, что они равны и по уровню информированности. Это может вести к демократическому самоубийству демократии. При формировании современного общества происходило движение от корпоративных выборов к выборам, где главную роль играли и играют массовые общности. С этим связано параллельное движение от группового сознания к массовому сознанию. В статье обосновывается, что общественное мнение превратилось в главный механизм общественного выбора. Подобное состояние предполагает синергию в разработке проблем электоральной социологии и социологии общественного мнения. Выдвигается предложение теоретически дифференцировать общественное мнение, общественную мысль и групповое сознание. Первое формируется в широких массовых общностях, вторая является результатом коммуникации в рамках общественности, а третье формируется как результат групповой динамики. ; У статті розглядається один з визначальних механізмів представницької демократії – вибори; основна увага звертається на низку парадоксів, пов'язаних з ними. Правило "Одна людина – один голос" має підставою визнання юридичної і моральної рівності людей, але передбачає, що вони рівні також за своєю поінформованістю. Це може вести до демократичного самогубства демократії. При формуванні сучасного суспільства відбувався рух від корпоративних виборів до виборів, де головну роль відігравали і відіграють масові спільноти. З цим пов'язаний паралельний рух від групової свідомості до масової свідомості. В статті доводиться, що суспільні опінії перетворилися на головний механізм суспільного вибору. Подібний стан вимагає синергії у розробці проблем електоральної соціології та соціології громадської думки. Висувається пропозиція теоретично диференціювати суспільні опінії, громадську думку та групову свідомість. Перші формуються в широких масових спільнотах, другі є результатом комунікації в межах громадськості, а третє формується як результат групової динаміки.
In his article Boris Dubin analyses the data of the surveys carried out by Levada Center, as well as by sociological agencies of Ukraine and Belarus on the attitudes of respondents to the events, sense and outcome of the Caucasian war campaign in August 2008. The author observes the dynamics of mass evaluations of the conflict between South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Georgia, the role of Russia since 2004 and comes to the conclusion that the overwhelming majority of population accepted the official version of recent military actions to which governmentally controlled mass media attached the resemblance to the beginning of the Great Patriotic war and at the same time to the global opposition between Russia and the USA. Reanimation of old propaganda stereotypes of «danger» and «enemy», lack of alternative points of view in mass media on what is going on (in contrast to Internet), and the influence of the first figures of Russian authorities have played their role in this process and its success. Consolidation of masses thus achieved (it is not supported on the whole by no more than 20-30% of the adult respondents) has led to grave deterioration in the eyes of Russians (with the exception of some part of the very young respondents) of the image of the West (the USA and EU), Ukraine and Georgia, to isolation of Russia in world public opinion. ; In his article Boris Dubin analyses the data of the surveys carried out by Levada Center, as well as by sociological agencies of Ukraine and Belarus on the attitudes of respondents to the events, sense and outcome of the Caucasian war campaign in August 2008. The author observes the dynamics of mass evaluations of the conflict between South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Georgia, the role of Russia since 2004 and comes to the conclusion that the overwhelming majority of population accepted the official version of recent military actions to which governmentally controlled mass media attached the resemblance to the beginning of the Great Patriotic war and at the same time to the global opposition between Russia and the USA. Reanimation of old propaganda stereotypes of «danger» and «enemy», lack of alternative points of view in mass media on what is going on (in contrast to Internet), and the influence of the first figures of Russian authorities have played their role in this process and its success. Consolidation of masses thus achieved (it is not supported on the whole by no more than 20-30% of the adult respondents) has led to grave deterioration in the eyes of Russians (with the exception of some part of the very young respondents) of the image of the West (the USA and EU), Ukraine and Georgia, to isolation of Russia in world public opinion.
Introduction. Mongolia has participated in international peacekeeping processes since 2003 and for 10 years the number of peacekeepers has steadily increased despite the annual tightening security measures and admission checks of military personnel to peacekeeping missions.Materials and methods. The article considers Mongolian peacekeepers, assesses and compares their peacekeeping activities, improvement of their living conditions after the missions completion, and their further successes in military structures. The public opinion of Mongolian citizens on the participation of military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions is studied.Results. The study of public opinion examines issues related to the citizens positive and negative attitudes towards conducting a peacekeeping missions with the participation of Mongolian soldiers, influence of the public opinion on the general public, risk issues faced by Mongolian peacekeepers during their missions, as well as the comparison of the assessment of citizens and the military personnel themselves about the peacekeeping activity.Discussion. The study shows that the citizens and the military personnel evaluate this activity positively, although there are some negative attitudes associated with risks, the quality of training of military personnel, climatic conditions and family relationships.Conclusion. The mass media in the modern world has a great influence on the peacekeeping activity results. It spreads positive information not only to military personnel, but also to citizens, thus allowing to form not so negative attitude to peacekeeping activity. The mass media helps military personnel and their families to perceive this activity positively, and it depends on the reliability of information and news about peacekeeping activities. Recommendations on risk optimizations are made. ; Введение. Монголия, начиная с 2003 г., участвует в международных миротворческих процессах, и в течение 10 лет число миротворцев стабильно увеличивается, несмотря на ежегодные ужесточения мер безопасности и контроля по принятию военнослужащих в миротворческую деятельность.Материалы и методы. Рассмотрены монгольские миротворцы, проведены оценка и сравнение их миротворческой деятельности, улучшение их условий жизни после завершения миссий и их дальнейшие успехи в военных структурах. Исследовано общественное мнение граждан Монголии об участии военнослужащих в миротворческих операциях ООН.Результаты исследования. В исследовании мнений граждан затронуты вопросы, касающиеся их позитивного и негативного отношения к проведению миротворческой миссии с участием монгольских солдат, влияния этих мнений на общественные массы, затронуты проблемы рисков, возникающих у монгольских миротворцев во время выполнения их миссии, а также сделано сравнение оценки миротворческой деятельности гражданами и самими военнослужащими.Обсуждение. Показано, что население и военнослужащие оценивают эту деятельность положительно, хотя имеется и отрицательное восприятие, которое связано с рисками, качеством подготовки военнослужащих, климатическими условиями и семейными отношениями.Заключение. В современном мире СМИ оказывают большое влияние на результат миротворческой деятельности, распространяя положительную информацию среди не только самих военнослужащих, но и граждан, помогая сформировать не столь негативные понятия о миротворческой деятельности. В зависимости от достоверности информации и новостей о миротворческой деятельности СМИ помогают военнослужащим и их семьям воспринимать данную деятельность положительно. Высказываются рекомендации по оптимизации рисков.
This article analyses modern mass media influence on the formation and changing processes of mass consciousness and public opinion. The role of modern communication processes taking place in economic, political, cultural spheres of society is shown as an element of the social and economic management system. The article materials can be used in sociological, economical and sociopsychological mass communication studies ; Рассмотрено влияние современных средств массовой информации на формирование и изменение массового сознания и общественного мнения. Показана роль современных коммуникационных процессов, происходящих в обществе в сфере экономики, политики, культуры, как элемента системы социального и экономического управления. Материалы статьи могут быть использованы в социологических, экономических и социально-психологических исследованиях массовой коммуникации.
Study of public opinion of Law Institute students from one of the Siberian agrarian universities is topical and important for comparison with the situation in other higher institutions. The article is aimed at studying student 's statements, their opinions on important economic, political and social aspects. There are methods of questionnaire, analytical method, synthesis method and interpretation method applied. The article reveals some problematic fields of student public opinion and suggests corresponding recommendations. ; Изучение общественного мнения студентов юридического института одного из аграрных университетов Сибири является актуальным и важным для сравнения с ситуацией в других вузах. Цель статьи - исследование высказываний студентов, выяснение их позиций по некоторым важным экономическим, политическим и социальным вопросам. Среди методов - методы анкетирования, анализа, синтеза, интерпретации информации. Выявлены некоторые проблемные поля общественного мнения студентов, а также предложены соответствующие рекомендации.
