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There is by now broad consensus in the critical literature that neoliberalism and social conservatism have frequently coexisted in practice. Yet the alt-right fits none of the previously identified alliances: this is not the neoliberal neoconservatism of the Reagan and Bush years, nor the neoliberal communitarianism of the Third Way, nor even a form of neoliberal authoritarianism. Instead, the alt-right claims intellectual descent from economic libertarianism, on the one hand, and paleo- (as opposed to neo-) conservatism on the other. This paper traces the contours of this 'paleolibertarian' alliance, first by following the volatile political trajectory of Murray Rothbard, the foremost philosopher of American libertarianism, and, second, by uncovering precedents in the longer history of the American far right. It will be argued that paleoconservatism makes for a uniquely powerful ally because it offers a workable response to libertarianism's intrinsic contradictions.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a ascensão do movimento Alt-Right à luz das contribuições do conceito de comunidades imaginadas, de Benedict Anderson. Evidenciando a importância de fenômenos do início do século XXI na criação de comunidades imaginadas transnacionais; como a revolução nas tecnologias de informação, os impactos sociais e econômicos do capitalismo neoliberal e eventos internacionais como a guerra global ao terror. No caso específico da Alt-Right, busca-se apontar para a construção de um nacionalismo pan-étnico com características e estratégicas populistas, que explora as ambiguidades dos significantes "nação" e "povo". O artigo ainda pretende demostrar que a globalização e as tecnologias da informação, nos moldes contemporâneos, longe de por fim as fronteiras e aos nacionalismos, parece estar agindo de modo a fortalecê-los e multiplicá-los.Palavras-chave: Alt-Right; Nacionalismo; Populismo.ABSTRACTThe current article aims to analyse the ascension of the Alt-Right movement in the light of Benedict Anderson's concept of imagined communities. Highlighting the importance of the twenty-first century phenomenons on the development of transnational imagined communities such as; the revolution of information technology, social and economic impacts of neoliberal capitalism, and international events such as the global war on terror. In the specific case of the Alt-Right, the research aims to demonstrate the production of a pan-ethnic nationalism with populist characteristics and strategies, exploring the ambiguities of the words that designate "nation"and "people". Also, the article pursuits to demonstrate that globalisation and information technologies, at current state, are far from extinguish boundaries and nationalisms, but on the contrary, they seem to be strengthening and multiplying them. Keywords: Alt-Right; Nationalism; Populism. Recebido em: 27/06/2022 | Aceito em: 29/11/2022.

William Remley traces the ascent of the alt-right movement to its prominent place in American politics. Social Dominance Theory and the philosophical work of Sartre and Nietzsche are used to look at how group formation and hierarchies have given rise to the authoritarian leadership and the anti-foreign sentiment that rules American politics today.

This book explains the ideas, tactics, history, and prominent figures of the so-called Alt-Right, a white nationalist movement that first gained national and international prominence during the 2016 presidential election. It describes this movement's place in contemporary American life, and how the Alt-Right relates to Donald Trump's much larger right-wing populist movement. In clear and dispassionate terms, the book explains the degree to which the Alt-Right and other elements of the modern white supremacist movement threaten American democracy.

What was the 'alt' in alt-right, alt-lite, and alt-left? Tracing these controversial terms' development over the 2010s, this article interrogates the construction, meaning, and utility of the 'alt' modifier in US politics. Contextualizing the emergence of 'alt' among wider debates about how to spatially conceptualize anti-system politics beyond the left-right spectrum, it argues that 'alt' was used to name a tendency that moved beyond traditional ideological questions about what society should look like, and instead signified a preference about how politics should be done: namely, a rejection of the mainstream norms of political conduct, and an embrace of vulgarity, incivility and an extremely adversarial approach to political opposition. It shows how a popular-cultural understanding of 'alternative' was used to give this approach a countercultural sheen, and maps out the cleavages between groups that the alt/mainstream binary opened up. Finally, it considers the legacy of the 'alt' modifier in contemporary politics.

The European roots of alt-right ideology -- A global anti-globalist movement : the alternative right, globalisation and 'globalism' -- For whom the bell curves : the alt-right and pseudoscientific racism -- The alternative right, antisemitism and the holocaust -- Right-libertarianism and the alternative right -- Identitarianism in North America -- The dark enlightenment : neoreaction and Silicon Valley -- Art-right : weaponising culture -- The role of the troll : online antagonistic communities and the alternative right -- Alt-tech : co-opting and creating digital spaces -- Gaming the algorithms : exploitation of social media platforms by the alternative right -- From anger to ideology : a history of the manosphere -- Masculinity and misogyny in the alternative right -- Sexuality and the alternative right -- Japan and the alternative right -- Russia and the alternative right -- Myth, mysticism, India and the alt-right.

Mit Bestsellern, Vortragsreisen und Wissenschaftler*innen, die rassistische Ideale mit pseudowissenschaftlicher Rhetorik in ausgefeilte neue Ideologien verwandeln, hat die Alt-Right vor kurzem eine Art intellektuelle Legitimation erreicht. Gleichzeitig enthält die Alt-Right eine starke anti-intellektuelle Tradition, die sich gegen eine vermeintlich manipulierte Version der Realität richtet, welche von offiziellen Institutionen wie der Universität weitergegeben werde. Dieser Beitrag argumentiert, dass die Alt-Right einen großen Teil ihrer Macht aus der Fähigkeit ableitet, schnell zwischen der hohen Kultur wissenschaftlicher Rationalität, akademischer Theorien und deren institutioneller Legitimität und der niedrigen Kultur populistischer Tropen, rohen Humors und pragmatischen Handelns zu wechseln. Um dieses Phänomen zu untersuchen, analysiert der Beitrag Einträge des /pol-Kanals von 8chan, dem Ground Zero des Alt-Right-Diskurses. Beim Scrollen durch diese Seiten bewegen sich Nutzer*innen hin und her zwischen logischen Argumenten und einfachen Witzen, zwischen wissenschaftlichen Literaturempfehlungen und Lebensstilvorschlägen. Obwohl diese Modi eigentlich gegensätzlichen Logiken folgen, ergänzen sie sich funktionell und führen dazu, dass Nutzer*innen sich langsam für eine rechtsextreme Position öffnen. ; The alt-right has recently achieved a kind of intellectual legitimacy, with best- selling books, lecture tours, and academics who splice racist ideals into sophisticated new ideologies with pseudoscientific rhetoric. Yet the alt-right also contains a strong anti-intellectual tradition, a populist demagoguery that rails against the doctored version of reality handed down by official institutions like the university. This paper thus argues that the alt-right derives much of its power from an ability to rapidly code switch between the high culture of scientific rationalisation, academic theories and institutional legitimacy, and the low culture of populist tropes, crude humour and pragmatic action. To explore this phenome- non, I analyze 24 hours of postings from the /pol board of 8chan, regarded as ground zero of alt-right discourse. In scrolling through these pages, 8chan users move back and forth between logical arguments and low-brow jokes, between scholarly literature recommendations and simple lifestyle suggestions. Though these twin modes are logically opposed, they are functionally complementary, slowly nudging users towards a more far-right position.

In July 2017, some American scholars accused alt-right groups of appropriating Jane Austen's works for extreme-right propaganda. How could Austen's texts – an author associated with the beginnings of feminism – be used by blatant misogynists? This clash of perceptions reveals a dispute between Austen's broad reception as classically romantic romances and a whole range of narrow theoretical academic readings. In the analysis of this dispute, the paper outlines long-lasting threads of Austen's interpretation in AngloAmerican culture, whose ideological reconstruction of the last few decades clashes with a nostalgia for imperial order.