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The Ministry of Education of Peru (MINEDU), through the General Directorate for School Infrastructure (DIGEIE), prepared the National School Infrastructure Plan to 2025 (PNIE). Within this framework, the MINEDU commissioned the National Institute of Statistics and Information (INEI) with carrying out the School Infrastructure Census (CIE) which started on September 2013 and was completed in 2014. The MINEDU requested the World Bank's technical assistance for the analysis of the results obtained from the CIE as well as for devising a strategy to reduce seismic vulnerability and for the formulation of the PNIE. Under this program, a nationwide probabilistic seismic risk assessment of school infrastructure was carried out, which constitutes the basis for defining the seismic risk reduction strategies and for setting intervention priorities to optimize the required investments. In turn, the risk reduction strategy aims mainly to reduce the risk of death or injuries in the educational community to reduce damages to the property and infrastructure, and to minimize disruption of the educational services in the event of an earthquake. This note presents a summary of the seismic risk assessment of the school infrastructure countrywide and a strategy for reducing its vulnerability. This study is an integral part of the main results of a program funded by the Government of Japan and the global facility for disaster reduction and recovery (GFDRR), the main objective of which is to integrate disaster risk management into infrastructure sectors.

Waste is one of the problems faced by Bogor city, with waste production of 2,701 m3 per day. Waste management of Bogor city currently still has limited garbage facilities and infrastructure that make garbage not yet maximally resolved, including not having a regular schedule of truck distribution in serving sub-district waste. The aim of this research is to optimize the distribution of garbage transport trucks using genetic algorithms. The initial stage of the research carried out is the calculation of the waste generation projection based on population data from Badan Pusat Statistik with reference to SNI 19-3964-1994. Optimization with genetic algorithms consists of a selection process where this study uses the Roulette Wheel selection method, crossover, and mutation. The optimization process using genetic algorithms (GA) from the number of DLH trucks operating currently as many as 60 trucks in serving 490 polling stations (TPS) spread across six sub-districts in Bogor City, the distribution results are to West Bogor district 15 trucks, South Bogor district 13 trucks, East Bogor district 4 trucks, Central Bogor district 3 trucks, North Bogor 12 trucks, and 13 trucks for Tanah Sareal district. Optimization testing with GA showed that with 60 dump truck type trucks with a capacity of 7 m3 operating and transporting as many as 3 rit, the garbage transported is only about 46.64% of the total waste. To achieve the government's target regarding solid waste services of 80 until 85%, 110 trucks are needed. Keywords : genetic algorithm, optimization, scheduling

En este ensayo se examina la concepción hobbesiana de ley natural para poner de presente algunas tensiones y dificultades que ésta genera dentro del pensamiento político del autor. Así se mostrará que la posición de Hobbes en torno a la justicia no puede inscribirse completamente dentro del positivismo legal sino que, acercándose éste, mantiene vestigios de la tradición iusnaturalista que no se compaginan muy bien con el planteamiento de un Estado absoluto. Además, se discuten algunos presupuestos e implicaciones del contractualismo y se pone de presente que esta metodología tampoco resulta del todo consecuente con la idea de un Estado autoritario. ; This essay deals with Hobbes notion of natural law in order to point out some tensions and difficulties brought by this notion into his political thought. The article shows that the Hobbes idea of justice cannot be completely inscribed in legal positivism but, coming close to it, maintains some vestiges of the natural law tradition, which, however do not correspond very well with his idea of an absolute state. In addition, the essay considers some notions and propositions of contractualism and points out its incompatibility with authoritarianism.

Este artículo explora la retórica que rodea la participación de organizacionesno gubernamentales, ONG, en el arbitraje internacional de inversión. Argumentaque la participación ciudadana es un elemento crucial del arbitraje, noen un rol subsidiario o como simple mecanismo de legitimación, sino como unaexpresión de una visión sustantiva del mundo, denominada aquí la "narrativadel interés público" en el arbitraje internacional de inversión. El argumentoaquí presentado no es normativo; por el contrario, busca mostrar que hoy,lejos de ser un simple objetivo deseado, la "narrativa de interés público" esun aspecto central en el procedimiento arbitral. Para probar tal punto, seexploran tres casos ícono: Methanex (bajo TLCAN-UNCITRAL), Aguasde Tunari (CIADI) y Biwater (el primer caso decidido en su totalidad bajola Regla 37 de CIADI). A partir de este análisis, el artículo concluye queacadémicos y practicantes que trabajen en arbitraje internacional de inversiónharían bien en ir más allá de la percepción, según la cual la participaciónciudadana es una idea controversial defendida por unos activistas en Ginebrao en Washington D.C. La participación está aquí para quedarse y parece estarafectando, de manera muy importante, el resultado sustancial (y financiero)de los arbitrajes. ; This paper explores the rhetoric surrounding Non Governmental Organizations,NGOs, participation in the context of foreign investment arbitration.It argues that public participation is a crucial part of the investmentarbitration mindset, not in a subsidiary role or as a mere legitimatingdevise, but as an expression of a substantial world view —which I callhere the "public interest narrative" in foreign investment arbitration. Theargument, though, is not normative, but rather seeks to show that, far frombeing a mere goal, this "public interest narrative" is a central aspect ofinvestment arbitration today. To make this point, the paper explores threeiconic cases: Methanex (under NAFTA/UNCITRAL), Aguas de Tunari(ICSID), and Biwater (the first case tried in its entirety under ICSID'sRule 37). The paper concludes that scholars and practitioners working inforeign investment law would be well advised in going beyond the view thatparticipation in arbitral procedures is a contentious issue pushed by someactivists in Geneva or Washington D.C. Participation is here to stay, andseems to be affecting, in very crucial ways, the substantive (and financial)outcome of arbitral procedures.

La construcción de indicadores sobre violencia sexual en el marco del con- flicto armado interno colombiano, derivada de las órdenes impartidas en la sentencia T-025 de 2004 de la Corte Constitucional, y en específico del auto de seguimiento 092 of 2008 —a partir del cual la Corte decidió proteger los derechos de las mujeres víctimas del desplazamiento forzado—, se han conver- tido en elementos centrales para la fijación de políticas criminales en el país en materia de violencia sexual. Este proceso de construcción de indicadores ha sido además caracterizado por una activa participación conjunta entre organizaciones no gubernamentales feministas, la Corte Constitucional y el gobierno colombiano. Este artículo busca ilustrar cómo esta manera conjunta de construcción de indicadores, especialmente con la intervención de lo que acá denomino feminismo del castigo, pueden potencialmente tener la capacidad de deter- minar políticas públicas criminales dirigidas a establecer la manera en que el Estado debe lidiar con la violencia sexual, incluyendo la ocurrida por fuera del contexto del conflicto armado interno. La discusión estará fundamentada en la idea del indicador como tecnología de gobierno y su uso como manera de legitimar lo que ha sido denominado "nuevas formas de control formal penal sobre delitos sexuales". ; The construction of indicators on sexual violence in the Colombian armed conflict result from the statement of the unconstitutional state of affairs issued by the Court in sentence T-025 of 2004 and especially in writ 092 of 2008 through which the Court decided to protect the rights of women who are victims of forced displacement caused by the armed conflict. This construction has been established as crucial for the guidelines of public criminal policy in the country. This process of constructing indicators has been characterized by an active participation of feminist NGOs and by a collective construction process including the women's movements, the Constitutional Court and the Government. This paper aims at illustrating how this way of constructing indicators, especially with the involvement of what I call punishment feminism, may have the potential to determine public criminal policies intended to guide the way the state should deal with sexual violence, even sexual violence that occurs outside the context of internal armed conflict. The discussion will be based on the idea of the indicator as a government technology and its use as a way to legitimize what has been named "new formal punitive control on sexual crimes."

La construcción de indicadores sobre violencia sexual en el marco del conflicto armado interno colombiano, que se deriva de las órdenes impartidas en la sentencia de la Corte Constitucional T-025 de 2004, y en específico del auto de seguimiento 092 de 2008 —a partir del cual la Corte decidió proteger los derechos de las mujeres víctimas del desplazamiento forzado—, se ha convertido en elemento central para la fijación de políticas criminales en el país en materia de violencia sexual. Este proceso de construcción de indicadores ha sido además caracterizado por una participación activa y conjunta entre organizaciones no gubernamentales feministas, la Corte Constitucional y el gobierno colombiano. Este artículo busca ilustrar cómo esta manera conjunta de construcción de indicadores, en especial con la intervención de lo que acá denomino feminismo punitivo, puede tener la capacidad de determinar políticas públicas criminales dirigidas a establecer la forma en que el Estado debe lidiar con la violencia sexual, incluyendo la ocurrida por fuera del contexto del conflicto armado interno. La discusión estará fundamentada en la idea de los indicadores como tecnología de gobierno y su uso como manera de legitimar lo que ha sido denominado "nuevas formas de control formal penal sobre delitos sexuales ; The construction of indicators on sexual violence in the Colombian armed conflict result from the statement of the unconstitutional state of affairs issued by the Court in sentence T-025 of 2004 and especially in writ 092 of 2008 through which the Court decided to protect the rights of women who are victims of forced displacement caused by the armed conflict. This construction has been established as crucial for the guidelines of public criminal policy in the country. This process of constructing indicators has been characterized by an active participation of feminist NGOs and by a collective construction process including the women's movements, the Constitutional Court and the Government. This paper aims at illustrating how this way of constructing indicators, especially with the involvement of what I call punishment feminism, may have the potential to determine public criminal policies intended to guide the way the state should deal with sexual violence, even sexual violence that occurs outside the context of internal armed conflict. The discussion will be based on the idea of the indicator as a government technology and its use as a way to legitimize what has been named "new formal punitive control on sexual crimes."