Suchergebnisse

Doomsday or Deterrence? argues against the majority of premises and conclusions of the antinuclear argument as existed in 1986 when this study was first published. Fehér and Heller's study claims that social changes are important to curb technology trends that lean toward the construction of nuclear weapons, as well as using the 'West' as its own value that needs to be defended and emphasising the importance of understanding the true feelings behind the antinuclear argument. This title will be of interest to students of politics and international relations.

Decision to forbid port visits by US ships powered by nuclear reactors or that might be carrying nuclear weapons; from New Zealand's point of view; impact on ANZUS defenses.

Antinuclear and antimissile peace movements in Latin American countries.

"Following the Great East Japan Earthquake on March 11, 2011, tsunamis engulfed the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant located on Japan's Pacific Coast, leading to the worst nuclear disaster the world has seen since the Chernobyl crisis of 1986. Prior to this disaster, Japan had the third largest commercial nuclear program in the world, surpassed only by those in the United States and France--nuclear power significantly contributed to Japan's economic prosperity, and nearly 30% of Japan's electricity was generated by reactors dotted across the archipelago, from northern Hokkaido to southern Kyushu. This long period of institutional stasis was, however, punctuated by the crisis of March 11, which became a critical juncture for Japanese nuclear policymaking. As Akihiro Ogawa argues, the primary agent for this change is what he calls "antinuclear citizens"-- a conscientious Japanese public who envision a sustainable life in a nuclear-free society. Drawing on over a decade of ethnographic research conducted across Japan--including antinuclear rallies, meetings with bureaucrats, and at renewable energy production sites--Ogawa presents an historical record of ordinary people's actions as they sought to survive and navigate a new reality post-Fukushima. Ultimately, Ogawa argues that effective sustainability efforts require collaborations that are grounded in civil society and challenge hegemonic ideology, efforts that reimagine societies and landscapes--especially those dominated by industrial capitalism--to help build a productive symbiosis between industry and sustainability"--

Race movements of the 1970s and the antinuclear movement of the 1950s and 1980s.

Results of a survey of participants in the April, 1979 antinuclear demonstration in San Francisco are compared to those obtained from a similar study of participants in the May, 1979 antinuclear demonstration in Washington, D.C. Both sets of demonstrators are found to be young, well‐educated and politically liberal, and to reject several dominant American values. The similarity in findings betwcen the two studies provides increased confidence in our understanding of the social composition of the antinuclear movement.

To evaluate the effectiveness of the peace movement as a whole, this paper seeks to identify the criteria that the various constituents of the movement active on the local, regional and global levels apply to measure effectiveness. It does so by analyzing the character of a few selected components of the movement, giving reasons for each selection. The character is discerned through an examination of its ideology, if any; its organizational structure (i.e. whether it is stable-centralized-hierarchical or episodic-decentralized-nonhierarchical); its goal (i.e. whether it is system-reformation or system-transformation); its method (i.e. whether it is oriented to acquiring legitimacy, or empowerment, to raising consciousness, to building alliances, or to mobilization); and its conception of peace (i.e. whether it is negative peace-as-absence-of-war or positive peace-as-justice). The author then draws all the threads together to reflect on the movement. She sees certain weaknesses which must be removed before its agitation for peace can begin to appear credible.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of figures -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Japan's nuclear power: a short history -- 3 Mediating nuclear power for citizens: newspaper editorials in shaping nuclear power -- 4 Pronuclear power discourse: safe, indispensable, and green -- 5 Fighting for community: antinuclear movements at ground zero -- 6 Pre-Fukushima urban antinuclear activism: identity and sociocultural challenges -- 7 Fukushima and (re)claiming the voices of democracy -- 8 Fukushima "under control": progress discourse and its excess -- 9 Nuclear power, democracy, and sustainability -- Index.

The impacts of social movements on public policies have been studied extensively yet yield mixed results. Some results point to a strong impact of social movements, while others conclude that they do not possess any observable leverage on public policies. These mixed results may be linked to utilization of different methodological approaches. However, few studies have considered the possibility that movements may in fact prevent policy change. In this study, we argue that for high-profile policies such as nuclear energy, a low-key social mobilization is in some instances necessary for the occurrence of major policy changes. We further hypothesize that highly mobilized social movements may dampen the chance of major policy changes instead of promoting them. We briefly present the general model and the data before proceeding to the bounded exploratory analysis. This analysis raises questions about the role played by antinuclear movements in their quest for a major policy change. A theoretical explanation is then presented in an attempt to contribute to the clarification of the movement-policy debate. Adapted from the source document.