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In early 1840, abolitionists founded the Liberty Party as a political outlet for their antislavery beliefs. A mere eight years later, bolstered by the increasing slavery debate and growing sectional conflict, the party had grown to challenge the two mainstream political factions in many areas. In The Liberty Party, 1840-1848, Reinhard O. Johnson provides the first comprehensive history of this short-lived but important third party, detailing how it helped to bring the antislavery movement to the forefront of American politics and became the central institutional vehicle in the fight against the "peculiar institution." As the major instrument of antislavery sentiment, the Liberty organization was more than a political party and included not only eligible voters but also disfranchised African Americans and women. Most party members held evangelical beliefs, and as Johnson relates, an intense religiosity permeated most of the group's activities. At least eight U.S. senators, eighteen members of the House of Representatives, five state governors, and two justices of the Supreme Court were among the many Liberty Party members with distinguished careers in the public and private sectors. Though most early Liberty supporters came from the Whig Party, an increasing number of former Democrats joined the party as it matured. Johnson discusses the Liberty Party's founding and its national growth through the presidential election of 1844; its struggles to define itself amid serious internal disagreements over philosophy, strategy, and tactics in the ensuing years; and the reasons behind its decline and merger into the Free Soil coalition in 1848. Since most Liberty Party activities occurred at the state level, Johnson treats the history of each state party in considerable detail, demonstrating how the party developed differently state by state and

We analyze how communications networks and social institutions influenced the growth of the antislavery movement in the U.S. from 1790 to 1840. Communications networks fueled by print media transmitted news about the movement to the public and so helped mobilize a broad base of support. Among social institutions, churches were especially supportive because their emphasis on morality and community was conducive to antislavery activism. Our analysis focuses on the founding of antislavery societies, the formal organizations that underpinned this movement, and makes three contributions to our understanding of social movement organizations in general and antislavery societies in particular. First, we show that the impact of mass media was strong as far back as the early nineteenth century and that the growth of magazines spurred antislavery society formation. Second, we demonstrate that theology, specifically an orientation toward this world or heaven, determined whether religious resources were available to antislavery organizations. This-worldly religions supported abolition organizing, while other-worldly religions undermined it. Third, we resolve an important causal ambiguity in debates about antislavery by showing that the development of the media was the cause, not merely a consequence of or companion to growth of antislavery organizations.

This volume brings together one of the most provocative debates among historians in recent years. The center of controversy is the emergence of the antislavery movement in the United States and Britain and the relation of capitalism to this development.The essays delve beyond these issues, however, to raise a deeper question of historical interpretation: What are the relations between consciousness, moral action, and social change? The debate illustrates that concepts common in historical practice are not so stable as we have thought them to be. It is about concepts as much as evidence, about the need for clarity in using the tools of contemporary historical practice.The participating historians are scholars of great distinction. Beginning with an essay published in the American Historical Review (AHR), Thomas L. Haskell challenged the interpretive framework of David Brion Davis's celebrated study, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution. The AHR subsequently published responses by Davis and by John Ashworth, as well as a rejoinder by Haskell. The AHR essays and the relevant portions of Davis's book are reprinted here. In addition, there are two new essays by Davis and Ashworth and a general consideration of the subject by Thomas Bender.This is a highly disciplined, insightful presentation of a major controversy in historical interpretation that will expand the debate into new realms

Contrary to popular misconception, race and skin color played almost no role in the history of slavery in the world prior to the 17th century. But by the 1800s, the form of slavery practiced in the American South was based almost exclusively on race and skin color

Taking our understanding of political antislavery into largely unexplored terrain, Jonathan H. Earle counters conventional wisdom and standard historical interpretations that view the ascendance of free-soil ideas within the antislavery movement as an explicit retreat from the goals of emancipation or even as an essentially proslavery ideology.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Contributors -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Antislavery Movement -- Introduction -- Antislavery Movement, 1700s-1830s -- Antislavery Movement, 1830s-1840s -- Antislavery Movement, 1840s-1850s -- Antislavery Movement, 1860-1865 -- Abolition: Humanitarian and Revolutionary Ideas -- Moderate, Radical, and Militant Abolition -- Frederick Douglass and Antislavery -- Free Blacks: Foundations of Polities -- Antislavery Resistance: An Overview -- North-South Reactions to Antislavery -- 2. Civil Rights Movement -- Introduction -- Civil Rights Movement, 1865-1910 -- Movement to Abolish Convict Labor -- Anti-Lynching Movement -- Civil Rights Movement, 1910-1930 -- Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association Movement -- Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters -- Civil Rights Movement, 1930-1953 -- Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1970 -- Nonviolent Direct Action -- Congress of Racial Equality -- Civil Rights Movement, 1970-1990 -- Racial Violence and the Civil Rights Movement -- Black Nationalism and the Civil Rights Movement -- Anti-Apartheid Movement -- Civil Rights Movement, 1990-2000 -- Civil Rights Movement, Twenty-First Century -- 3. Women's Movement -- Introduction -- Women's Social Movement, 1800-1869 -- Moral and Dress Reform Movement, 1800-1869 -- Matilda Joslyn Gage and Woman Suffrage History -- Popular Health Movement -- Women's Cooperative Housekeeping Movement -- Woman Suffrage Movement, 1848-1920 -- Women's Movement and Social Activism, 1865-1920 -- African-American Women's Movement, 1865-1920s -- Women and the Progressive Movement -- Women and the Anti-Imperialist Movement -- Working Women's Movement, Early Twentieth Century -- Birth Control Movement -- Women's Movement, 1920-1960 -- Equal Rights Amendment -- Abortion Rights Movement.

The Abolitionist Movement: Documents Decoded collects primary sources pertaining to various aspects of the American anti-slavery movement in the 18th and 19th centuries and presents these firsthand sources alongside accessibly written, expert commentary in a visually stimulating format. Making use of primary source documents that include pamphlets, articles, speeches, slave narratives, and court decisions, the book models how scholars interpret primary sources and shows readers how to critically evaluate the key documents that chronicle this major American movement. The work begins

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Foreword -- Preface -- Contents -- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS -- PART ONE Introduction: "Our Rights as Moral Beings -- Prelude: Breaking Away from Slave Society -- Seeking a Voice: Garrisonian Abolitionist Women, 1831-1833 -- Women Claim the Right to Act: Angelina and Sarah Grimké Speak in New York, July 1836-May 1837 -- Redefining the Rights of Women: Angelina and Sarah Grimké Speak in Massachusetts, Summer 1837 -- The Antislavery Movement Splits Over the Question of Women's Rights, 1837-1840 -- An Independent Women's Rights Movement Is Born, 1840-1858 -- Epilogue: The New Movement Splits Over the Question of Race, 1850-1869 -- PART TWO The Documents -- Seeking a Voice: Garrisonian Abolitionist Women, 1831-1833 -- 1. Lucretia Mott, Life and Letters, 1884 -- 2. Constitution of the Afric-American Female Intelligence Society, 1831 -- 3. Maria Stewart, Religion and the Pure Principles of Morality, 1831 -- 4. Maria Stewart, Lecture Delivered at the Franklin Hall, Boston, 1832 -- 5. Maria Stewart, Farewell Address to Her Friends in the City of Boston, 1833 -- Women Claim the Right to Act: Angelina and Sarah Grimké Speak in New York, July 1836-May 1837 -- 6. American Anti-Slavery Society, Petition Form for Women, 1834 -- 7. Angelina Grimké, Appeal to the Christian Women of the South, 1836 -- 8. Angelina Grimké, Letter to Jane Smith, New York, December 17, 1836 -- 9. Angelina Grimké, Letter to jane Smith, New York, January 20, 1837 -- 10. Angelina Grimké, Letter to jane Smith, New York, February 4, 1837 -- 11. Sarah and Angelina Grimké, Letter to Sarah Douglass, Newark, N.J., February 22, 1837 -- 12. Angelina and Sarah Grimké, Letter to Sarah Douglass, New York City, April3, 1837 -- 13. Sarah Forten, Letter to Angelina Grimké, Philadelphia, April15, 1837.

Taking our understanding of political antislavery into largely unexplored terrain, Jonathan H. Earle counters conventional wisdom and standard historical interpretations that view the ascendance of free-soil ideas within the antislavery movement as an explicit retreat from the goals of emancipation or even as an essentially proslavery ideology

"On the cusp of the American Civil War, a new generation of reformers, including Theodore Parker, Frederick Douglass, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Martin Robison Delany and Thomas Wentworth Higginson, took the lead in the antislavery struggle. Frustrated by political defeats, a more aggressive slave power, and the inability of early abolitionists like William Lloyd Garrison to rid the nation of slavery, the New Romantics crafted fresh, often more combative, approaches to the peculiar institution. Contrary to what many scholars have argued, however, they did not reject Romantic reform in the process. Instead, the New Romantics roamed widely through Romantic modes of thought, embracing not only the immediatism and perfectionism pioneered by Garrisonians but also new motifs and doctrines, including sentimentalism, self-culture, martial heroism, Romantic racialism, and Manifest Destiny. This book tells the story of how antebellum America's most important intellectual current, Romanticism, shaped the coming and course of the nation's bloodiest--and most revolutionary--conflict"--

Cover -- CONTENTS -- Preface to the Paperback Edition -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: The Liberty Party, 1840-1848 -- 1 The Formation of the Liberty Party -- 2 The Liberty Party Takes Shape: Early Development and the Election of 1844 -- 3 A Period of Uncertainty and Confusion, 1845-1846 -- 4 The Move to Free Soil, 1847-1848 -- 5 New England -- 6 The Middle States -- 7 The Old Northwest -- 8 The Liberty Party Appeal -- 9 African Americans and the Liberty Party -- 10 The Liberty Party Membership -- 11 The Garrisonians, the Liberty Party, and the Abolition Movement in the 1840s -- Afterword -- Appendix A. Votes in Major Statewide Races, 1840-1848 -- Appendix B. Banner Liberty Counties, 1844 -- Appendix C. National Liberty Party Platform, 1844 -- Appendix D. Liberty Membership -- Notes -- Index.