Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes some aspects of Romania's foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania's relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.

Semantic approaches of ethnic issues in the Balkans: the differentiation of the religious term "muslim" to the ethnic term "Muslim" within the limits of the pro-Titoic Yugoslavia and the after-civil war Yugoslavia. One of the principal characteristics of the course of the ethnic "muslim" definition of the Western Balkans during the end of the 19th century was the issue of the naming of the Muslim people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The multinational Yugoslavia agonized over this issue during the second half of the 20th century and until the end of the political life of this country. The structure of the country gradually converted the term "muslims of Bosnia" into "Muslims" with ethnic-racial content and later -when independent Bosnia and Herzegovina was created in 1993- this term turned into Bosniac (Bošnjak). The differentiations of the content of the above ethnic terms, the political and religious interventions and influences, are some of the aspects discussed in the present paper.

While the study of the causes of civil war is a well-established subdiscipline in international relations, the effects of civil war on society remain less understood. Yet, such effects could have crucial implications for long-term stability and democracy in a country after the reaching of a peace agreement. This article contributes to the understanding of the effects of warfare on interethnic relations, notably attitudes of ethno-nationalism. Two hypotheses are tested: first, that the prevalence of ethno-nationalism is higher after than before the war, and second, that individuals who have been directly affected by the war are more nationalist than others. The variation in ethno-nationalism is examined over time, between countries, and between ethnic groups. Three countries that did not experience conflict on their own territory serve as a control group. The effect of individual war exposure is also tested in the analysis. Sources include survey data from the former Yugoslavia in 1989, shortly before the outbreak of war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in 2003, some years after the violence in the region ended. Contrary to common beliefs, the study shows that ethno-nationalism does not necessarily increase with ethnic civil war. The individual war experiences are less important than expected.

The northeastern border area of the Friuli-Venezia Giulia region (Italy) is a paradigmatic example of a multiethnic context. Intergroup relations are highly influenced by a differential distribution of social power (economic, political, cultural). Based on several surveys of the last decade, in- & outgroup ethnic & language attitudes & relations are analyzed, including data about language maintenance & shift & assimilation processes within the Slovene minority group. The interethnic relations do not show a linear trend; a slow & difficult orientation toward integration characterized by cultural & ethnic pluralism is emerging, along with contrasts & conflicts having roots in the stormy past & in the present political, economic, & social situation. Modified AA.

This article reveals the relevance of the study of various ethnic groups associated with the need to create a full-fledged theory based on a systematic approach that allows formulating their adequate definition, classification, and ultimately the structure and content of the main part of socio-psychological ethnology as a branch of social psychology. It also describes both positive and negative, including extremist and criminal,ethnic groups, as well as socio-psychological technologies used when working with those. The article considers a socio-psychological approach to working with ethnic groups, taking into account their belonging to a particular type.

"Described as "the Sick Man of Europe" by the Great Powers, the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century was in terminal decline. The newly independent Balkan states - Greece, Serbia, Montenegro and Bulgaria - each had significant ethnic populations who had remained under Ottoman rule. Under the guidance of Russia, which had its own interests in south-east Europe, they joined forces against the Ottomans, under the name of the Balkan League, in 1912. In the first phase of the Balkan Wars, Bulgarian, Greek, Montenegrin and Serbian armies fought together against the Ottoman Empire, dealing the Ottomans a heavy defeat in a result that made headlines around the world. In the second phase, the Balkan states fought each other, and Romania also entered the war. In the conflict's aftermath, new borders failed to satisfy any of the belligerent parties. Interventions by the Great Powers further increased tensions in the region. As the ultimate result, the first bullet that triggered the First World War was fired in Sarajevo in June 1914. The causes and effects of the Balkan Wars have remained controversial despite the passage of time. In this volume, writers from various Balkan nations and from across various disciplines have come together under the aegis of the Balkan History Association to address little known and little studied aspects of the wars. Collectively they analyze a huge range of political, historical, medical, sociological and religious aspects of the conflict. The book, with its groundbreaking content and unique bibliographies, will be an important guide for undergraduate and graduate students studying the political, military, social and artistic history of the Balkan Wars and the Balkan nations"--