The Belfast Agreement
In: American foreign policy interests, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 1-7
ISSN: 1533-2128
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In: American foreign policy interests, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 1-7
ISSN: 1533-2128
In: American foreign policy interests: journal of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy, Inc, Band 20, S. 1-7
ISSN: 1080-3920
In: The political quarterly, Band 94, Heft 1, S. 85-94
ISSN: 1467-923X
AbstractSince the 2016 Brexit referendum a series of crises has gripped Northern Ireland's politics. This has had a destabilising effect across society, which has arguably been felt most acutely by political unionism. The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) of 1998 created a series of institutions to deal with political conflict in Northern Ireland, manage cross‐border cooperation and normalise relations between the UK and Ireland. However, many aspects of it have been sparingly and ineffectually deployed, most notably the second and third strands dealing with north/south and east/west relations respectively. In this article, the authors argue that regular use of the institutional arrangements created by the Agreement would help to deal with the challenges currently facing Northern Ireland and help address unionist anxieties over the Protocol. Use of the North‐South Ministerial Council (NSMC), the British Irish Council (BIC) and the British‐Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) should be prioritised. The unresolved issues arising from Brexit require a recommitment to the intergovernmental logic at the heart of the 1998 Agreement, despite the obstacles.
Since the 2016 Brexit referendum a series of crises has gripped Northern Ireland's politics. This has had a destabilising effect across society, which has arguably been felt most acutely by political unionism. The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) of 1998 created a series of institutions to deal with political conflict in Northern Ireland, manage cross-border cooperation and normalise relations between the UK and Ireland. However, many aspects of it have been sparingly and ineffectually deployed, most notably the second and third strands dealing with north/south and east/west relations respectively. In this article, the authors argue that regular use of the institutional arrangements created by the Agreement would help to deal with the challenges currently facing Northern Ireland and help address unionist anxieties over the Protocol. Use of the North-South Ministerial Council (NSMC), the British Irish Council (BIC) and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) should be prioritised. The unresolved issues arising from Brexit require a recommitment to the intergovernmental logic at the heart of the 1998 Agreement, despite the obstacles.
BASE
In: Labour history review, Band 87, Heft 3, S. 255-275
ISSN: 1745-8188
In: Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung
Zusammenfassung Mehr als zwanzig Jahre nach dem Abschluss des Karfreitagsabkommens steckt der nordirische Friedensprozess in einer Sackgasse. Während der Einfluss paramilitärischer Gruppen massiv schrumpfte, stagniert die politische und gesellschaftliche Annäherung zwischen den britisch-protestantischen Unionisten und den irisch-katholischen Nationalisten. Dieser Artikel identifiziert daher einen Friedensprozess der zwei Geschwindigkeiten, welcher nirgendwo so offen zu Tage tritt wie in Belfast. In der Hauptstadt hat sich die Form der politischen Auseinandersetzung partiell verschoben, Faktoren wie Geschichte, Identität oder Kultur sind unlängst zur Ware geworden. Insbesondere der Unionismus hat Schwierigkeiten, mit dieser Entwicklung Schritt zu halten. Während der Unionismus landläufig mit der konfliktträchtigen Vergangenheit des Landes assoziiert wird, inszeniert sich insbesondere das Stadtzentrum von Belfast als aufstrebend und befriedet. Für die unionistische Gemeinschaft der Stadt stellt sich jedoch die Frage, wie sie an diesem Wandel Anteil nehmen kann und muss. Dieser Prozess ist zugleich eine Suche nach einem Platz im nordirischen Friedensprozess an sich.
In: Vesci Nacyjanal'naj Akadėmii Navuk Belarusi: Izvestija Nacional'noj Akademii Nauk Belarusi = Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus. Seryja humanitarnych navuk = Serija gumanitarnych nauk = Humanitarian series, Band 66, Heft 4, S. 461-467
ISSN: 2524-2377
Since the formation of the chamber and instrumental music in Kazakhstan, the traditional instrumental genrekui – has become the vector of creative search, the basis for the synthesis of national and western musical thinking. The purpose of this article is to reveal the features of the traditional genre within the framework of academic music and to present a new genre – chamber kui.The expression of kui in the works is functionally represented in a variety of ways. The embodiment of the semantics of kui in its figurative meaning is given in the title of the work. When using the folk instrumental genre in professional writing, the authors give a functional association to it presented in the work in the form of a fragment (melody or accompaniment). The next point in the gradation of kui features in the chamber and instrumental works of composers of Kazakhstan is the dominance of its features: motor skills, variant-variational development of form, texture, throughout the work or part of it.The formation of a new genre – chamber kui was the result of creative searches for the synthesis of Kazakh folk instrumental creativity-kui, the connection of the laws of its formation and shaping with the achievements of European creative experience. In form, these pieces are kui (alternation of three register zones characteristic of the traditional genre), in harmony, quart-quint consonances are used, recreating the overtone density of the dombra timbre in the sound of the European instrument.
For members of ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, place making can mean negotiating challenges posed by tensions between the two majority communities of Catholic, nationalist, republican and Protestant, unionist, loyalist; tensions which are reflected in contests over place identity. In Belfast, the Chinese Welfare Association (CWA) has undertaken two building projects to service the needs of the Chinese community and to promote diversity, engaging in close consultation with local communities. Hong Ling Gardens Chinese Sheltered Housing Scheme provides culturally sensitive sheltered accommodation for Chinese elders. The second building will provide a Chinese Community and Resource Centre, and construction is planned to commence in December 2006. This paper highlights how the CWA has met challenges posed by territoriality, and anxieties in relation to perceived changes in politico-cultural place identities, within the complexities of Northern Ireland. It uses semi-structured interviews, cultural and social theory, consultation of meeting reports, and empirical observation.
BASE
In: Soldier: the British Army magazine, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 24-27
ISSN: 0038-1004
In: Urban Studies
Innerstaatliche Konflikte prägen Städte und hinterlassen räumliche Spuren, die über die Beilegung hinaus wahrnehmbar bleiben. Diese Orte werden Schattenorte genannt - ihre Neuentwicklung ist häufig langwierig und schmerzhaft. In Belfast wird dies noch 20 Jahre nach dem Ende des Nordirlandkonflikts im Rahmen vieler Stadterneuerungsvorhaben deutlich.Henriette Bertram zeigt: Schattenorte sind aufgrund ihrer historischen Symbolik umstritten. Bei der Neuentwicklung entsteht Dissonanz zwischen den ehemaligen Konfliktparteien, aber auch zwischen denjenigen Akteur_innen, die eine schnellstmögliche Normalisierung anstreben, und denjenigen, die der Erinnerung an den Konflikt mehr Raum geben möchten.
In: Land Development Studies, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 193-207
In: The Labour monthly: LM ; a magazine of left unity, Band 15, S. 244-251
ISSN: 0023-6985