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China has recently demonstrated diverse ways to pursue its economic internationalisation. The trade mechanism has been re-modelled without a heavy tone on exports and China's vulnerability to import–export risks has been steadily reduced. More than trade, the investments have been pursued to make Chinese economic expansion endure. Chinese also learned the trick of larger geo-economics by not waiting for crisis to occur and get caught in the global domino effect of slowdown, recession and other impulsive nature of markets. While, on one hand, China is trying to comply by international monetary and legal standards, making more space in a cluttered room for its economic ambitions, on the other, it is also adopting smarter ways to outperform the existing heavyweight economies' dominance in the sphere of international monetary. An example of China's sprint for maximising its legal and economic engagement and securing benefits by having bilateral currency swap agreements (BCS), exhibits how China has evolved over the last decade. A decade back, China was apprehensive about the BCS when it did not follow the Chiang Mai initiative. The current commentary attempts to analyse China's BCS strategy and the possible impact.

What do countries do when they have committed to a treaty, but then find that commitment challenged? After the creation of the International Criminal Court, the United States tried to get countries, regardless of whether they were parties to the Court or not, to sign agreements not to surrender Americans to the Court. Why did some states sign and others not? Given United States power and threats of military sanctions, some states did sign. However, such factors tell only part of the story. When refusing to sign, many states emphasized the moral value of the court. Further, states with a high domestic rule of law emphasized the importance of keeping their commitment. This article therefore advances two classic arguments that typically are difficult to substantiate; namely, state preferences are indeed partly normative, and international commitments do not just screen states; they also constrain.

Seit der Abschaffung des Quotensystems 1994 ist der Einfluss einer Mitgliedschaft in einem Internationalen Kaffeeabkommen (ICA) auf den Kaffeehandel unklar. Diese Diplomarbeit erforscht, ob Mitglieder der Internationalen Kaffeeabkommen 2001 und 2007 höhere Kaffeehandelswerte als Nicht-Mitglieder aufweisen. Anstatt die Preise zu regulieren, hat das ICA heutzutage nur mehr eine unterstützende Funktion, um eine nachhaltige Kaffeewirtschaft zu fördern. Die empirische Analyse wurde von 2001 bis 2017 durchgeführt. Der verwendete Paneldatensatz, zusammengesetzt aus Daten von UN Comtrade, BACI, CEPII, der Weltbank, der Internationalen Kaffeeorganisation und Mario Larch, enthält 33,332 Beobachtungen für bilaterale Kaffeehandelsflüsse für 189 Länder. Für die Schätzungen, welche auf dem Gravitationsmodell basieren, wurde sowohl der Ordinary Least Squared als auch der Poisson Pseudo-maximum Likelihood-Schätzer verwendet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass exportierende Mitglieder höhere Handelswerte und importierende Mitglieder niedrigere Handelsflüsse als Nicht-Mitglieder aufweisen. Der Einfluss der Mitgliedschaft ist nicht eindeutig, wenn beide Handelspartner Mitglieder sind. ; Since the abolishment of the quota system in 1994, the remaining impact of a mem- bership in an International Coffee Agreement (ICA) is unclear. This thesis investigates whether members of the ICAs 2001 and 2007 experienced higher coffee trade values than non-member countries. Instead of regulating the prices, and therefore giving its members a clear advantage, nowadays, the ICA only has a supportive function, namely promoting a sustainable coffee economy. As part of this endeavour, the International Coffee Organ- isation, the institution behind the ICA, funds projects to increase food security, provides developing countries with information about financial aids and in general serves as an information and convention centre for coffee matters. The empirical analysis was conducted from 2001 until 2017 using a panel data set with bilateral coffee trade flows for 189 countries. The final data set contains 33,332 observa- tions and was merged from databases of UN Comtrade, BACI, CEPII, the World Bank, the International Coffee Organisation and Mario Larch. For the estimations, which are based on the gravity model of trade, either the Ordinary Least Squared (OLS) or Poisson Pseudo-maximum Likelihood estimator are used. The results showed that exporting members experienced higher coffee trade values than non-members, although the coefficients are only partly significant, while the trade value of importing members was significantly lower compared to non-member importers. However, the impact is unclear, when both trading partners are members of the ICA. ; by Anna Claudia Scartezzini ; University of Innsbruck, Diplomarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)3576693

This study evaluates the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on bilateral trade between the United States and Canada and between the United States and Mexico. Trade flow estimates are from a vector autoregression (VAR) model. The VAR methodology allows modeling bilateral trade in a flexible manner that incorporates both the interaction between different variables and the dynamics of trade, output, prices, and the exchange rate. After testing the outside sample forecasting ability of the models, the study produces dynamic forecasts of bilateral trade. It then compares forecasts incorporating the effects of the NAFTA with baseline forecasts. The results suggest expanded trade for all three countries and an improvement in the U.S. trade position with both Canada and Mexico.