Suchergebnisse

Goldston, J. A.: The role of the OSCE in Bosnia. - S. 6-36. Dreilinger, L.: The OSCE mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina. - S. 37-46. Acimovic, L.: The lifting of the suspension of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from the OSCE. - S. 47-51. Van Thijn, E.: Election observation in Bosnia. - S. 52-57. McCausland, J. D.: Arms control or disarmament? - S. 58-68

The authors of the paper have been studing the electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the formal rules define the behavior of parties, politicians and citizens. In the first part of the hypothesis is tested whether the institutional design of Bosnia and Herzegovina contributes to the strengthening of democracy and its consolidation. We discuss the key dilemmas and challenges of the Constitution of BiH, as well as the electoral system where we've provided concrete examples of electoral engineering. In the second part of the paper the authors state the causes and consequences of electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where attention is given to the institutional design. The aim is to point out the necessary reforms of the electoral system, which is expected to reduce ethnic conflicts, the creation of democratic accountability, solving social problems, strengthening the will and confidence of voters, as well as increasing women's quota in institutions. At the end of the work we point out the solutions, with the intention that the work will serve and contribute the scientific knowledge of institutional design in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Dedication Page -- List of Maps -- List of Acronyms -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Theories of Multinational Federalism -- 3 Bosnia and Herzegovina's Federal Tradition: Continuity, Change and Foreign Powers -- 4 The Bosnian Federation -- 5 Federalism in Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina -- 6 Conclusion -- Bibliography

309Human rights — Responsibility of States — Transfer of individuals to custody of other State — Whether transferring State responsible for subsequent treatment of individuals — Torture — Capital punishment — Whether transferring State required to seek assurances from other State prior to transfer — Circumstances in which real risk of torture or other inhuman or degrading treatment to be presumed — Transfer of individuals in Bosnia and Herzegovina to United States forces — Subsequent transfer to Guantanamo BayHuman rights — Liberty and security — Arbitrary detention — Pre-trial detention — Court ordering release — Transfer of detainees to custody of other State after order for release — Other State subsequently holding detainees — Whether engaging responsibility of transferring StateHuman rights — Fair trial — Presumption of innocence — Limits — Administrative decisions taken on basis of prosecutionStates — Federal States — Whether actions of component of federation engaging responsibility of national authorities — The law of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The article aims to provide a brief overview of the legacy of social welfare and social work within former Yugoslavia and how it was enacted and practised in Bosnia and Herzegovina (one of six states within it) as well as the key changes that followed during and after the 1992-1996 war in this country. The overview also highlights specific roles of both international organisations and local decision makers during and after the war and how it impacted both grassroots social work practice and the changing needs of people who use services – particularly the ever increasing experience of poverty and it's various impacts. Within a complex and politicised governance structure, key issues for consideration of the future role for the profession are highlighted.

In the age of globalisation, the foreign funding of mosques has become widespread in many countries worldwide. Bosnia and Herzegovina is no exception to the rule, and the post-war - and still ongoing - (re)construction process there has been accompanied by many foreign donations, in line with different forms of "mosque geopolitics" depending on the donor country. As a great number of mosques were destroyed during the Bosnian war of 1992-1995, the post-war period has inevitably required a vital reconstruction process. New needs for places of worship, caused by the nationwide war-related displacement of Bosnian Muslims, have been met by the construction of new mosques. In a relatively poor country like Bosnia and Herzegovina, the influx of foreign funds has been called for and welcomed by many Bosnian Muslim congregations. Western nations have lagged behind during this (re)construction process, while the task of helping financially with mosques has been taken over by several "friendly Islamic countries," among them were most prominently Iran, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey. But such foreign funding has not been via a top-down process, and in most cases the financial help coming from foreign donors only complements locally generated revenues invested in the (re)construction, restoration, and renovation of each Bosnian mosque. While the short-term impact of this foreign funding is clear albeit not systematic architecturally, the religious one is much more modest.

This article discusses the regular general election hold in Bosnia and Herzegovina (02.10.2022), the course of their electioneering, and the voting results. The analysis reveals the same main actors flashed on the political scene, the same principle collisions repeated, and even the methods of winning victory with the help of nationalist rhetoric remaining unchanged. However, the realignment of political forces has led to a new formula of power both in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and at the national level. The loser was the leading Islamist-nationalist Party of Democratic Action of the Bosniaks, which already bored its Western patrons with its destructive activity. Keeping up with these developments, an assessment of the prospects of the coalition government of Bosnia and Herzegovina formed by 21 political actors is suggested. Among them are the Croatian Democratic Union and the parties blocking with it, the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats with their partners from Republika Srpska and also eight secular Bosnian parties. A significant factor in maintaining the cabinet cohesion is the need to demonstrate to the EU its «cooperation», a sine qua non for Western support and funding. The Federation theoretically could face problems with the losers being able to block the process of authorities formation. However, according to the common understanding, Christian Schmidt, the High Representative of the international community in the country, will not allow this. It can be assumed that under the current international climate (when the Russian Federation is absorbed by the conflict in Ukraine, and Serbia is barely able to withstand Western pressure and the aggravation of the situation in Kosovo), even the allegedly pro-Russian President of the Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik will be forced to take into account new political realities. If Brussels and Washington are smart enough to not push the Serbs «to the limit», the new Bosnia and Herzegovina government will finally have a chance to get down to business and do something useful for their citizens.

Effective collaboration between all level of government (on local and state level), all agencies and ministries have great impact on development one country. Here is reflected the importance of the introduction of e-government, which should effectively connect all of those participants into one efficient unit. Bosnia and Herzegovina is country with complicated political and terrestrial order with two entities and one district and with ten cantons in one entity. It is main reason why Bosnia and Herzegovina has uneven development of e-Government. In this article, we will give an overview of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina regarding ICT and we will make a comparison of the situation in BiH in terms of development of e-government with the neighboring countries.

This article provides an overview of the current economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Beginning in the second half of 2008, macroeconomic conditions in B&H began precipitating a decline in economic activity. While the global financial crisis was among the factors contributing to this decline, it was far from the only factor. Problematic macroeconomic conditions were also a result of B&H's own structural and political problems, caused largely by the shortcomings of a political entity comprising two autonomous entities. Due to such problems, the governments of B&H turned to the International Monetary Fund for assistance. This article analyzes the effects of the first two "stand by" arrangements made between the IMF and B&H and discusses implications for further, ongoing stand by arrangements made between the IMF and B&H. This paper also examines the lack of unified economic space between The Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and The Republic of Srpska, which has resulted not only in ineffective monetary policy but also in different fiscal and taxation systems between the two entities. While various existing analyses claim that B&H has little hope of resolving its economic woes due to its current political and economic structure, this article offers solutions and measures that, if successfully implemented, would lead to more efficient recovery and self-sustainable economic growth.