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Business elites of different countries use business aviation to move around the planet. Its development pattern reflects the peculiarities of business elites. The most important parameters of business aviation activity are the number of business jets registered, the number of their departures, as well as the routing of departures. Business aviation is used mainly for domestic flights in most large countries. Russia is an exception — notwithstanding its enormous size and underdeveloped high-speed railroads, Russian business jets are mostly used to fly abroad, mainly to Western European countries. That means that the Russian business elite is more cosmopolitan in its interests, lifestyle and outlook than business elites of many other countries. The distribution of internal activity of business aviation is an important indicator of its development. Many countries have this activity more or less evenly distributed throughout their territory. In contrast, business aviation activity in Russia is concentrated in a few large cities, primarily in Moscow.

Little is known about the links between the business sector and civil society in Norway. To address the lack of knowledge, this study focused on members of the business elite who are elected representatives in voluntary organizations. Information about these representatives was obtained from a national survey of Norwegian elites and used to examine to what extent voluntary organizations are integrated into the business community's network of institutions and organizations outside the corporate world. The analyses demonstrate that voluntary organizations are well placed within this network. Moreover, business leaders who are elected representatives are well-connected. Several of them serve on state boards and have frequent contact with politicians and state administrators. Business leaders who have experienced pronounced social mobility seem to be more attracted to being involved in the governance of voluntary organizations than their colleagues with a more privileged background.

Defining the business elite to consist of the directors of approximately one thousand of the largest British companies, it is proposed that those who serve simultaneously on two or more of these boards constitute a distinct class segment. Because the interlocking-directorship network that is the foundation of this segment overarches nearly all large firms, and because its members have an exceptional span of experience and influence in corporate matters, it is anticipated that the dominant segment plays a leading role in carrying the collective needs of large enterprise to both government and the non-profit sector. This thesis is examined using information collected from a variety of sources on 1,972 directors of 196 large companies. It is found that dominant segment members are far more likely than other company directors to serve on advisory and governing bodies associated with a variety of government and non-profit organizations. It is also found that dominant segment members disproportionately enter these governing circles because of their favourable position in both the formal business associations, exemplified by the Confederation of British Industry, and informal associations of business leaders, most visibly manifest in exclusive-club networks. The observed patterns suggest that the dominant segment is positioned to promote the class-wide interests of all large companies. Some revision is required in the prevailing conceptions of the relations between big business and the state.

This article analyzes business power in the context of noisy politics by comparing business involvement in two British referendum campaigns: one about membership in the European Communities in 1975, and the Brexit referendum about European Union membership in 2016. By exploring these two contexts, the article seeks to identify the conditions under which business elites can and cannot be effective in a context of noisy politics. Three key factors are identified as determinants of business influence during periods of noisy politics: the incentives to get directly involved in noisy politics; the legitimacy of business involvement; and, finally, the capacity to act in a cohesive way. The article shows that these factors have changed substantially over the last four decades because of wider changes in the nature of capitalism, and their impact on business power in the United Kingdom and more generally is discussed.

A MAJOR DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE MILITARY MIND & THE CIVILIAN MIND HAS OFTEN BEEN DRAWN WITH THE INTENTION OF INDICATING DISTINCTIVE VALUE PATTERNS OF MILITARY VS CIVIL LIFE. THE EVIDENCE UPON WHICH SUCH ARGUMENTS HAVE BEEN BASED IS WEAK, & THERE HAS BEEN NO CONTROL ON THE CATEGORY 'CIVILIAN'. A SURVEY EMPLOYING A SELF-ADMINISTERED QUESTIONNAIRE WAS CONDUCTED TO TEST THE HYPOTHESIS THAT THERE IS A MILITARY MIND, AN ETHIC DISTINCT FROM THAT OF CIVILIAN LIFE. THOSE SURVEYED WERE: (1) ALL US MILITARY OFFICERS IN THE 5 US WAR COLL'S (OFFICERS OF LT. COLONEL OR COLONEL RANK), & (2) 1,059 VICE-PRESIDENTS & PRESIDENTS FROM LEADING INDUSTRIAL & FINANCIAL FIRMS. USABLE RESPONSES WERE GAINED FROM 54% OF THE BUSINESS EXECUTIVES & 69% OF THE MILITARY OFFICERS. ANONYMITY WAS ASSURED & THE MILITARY OFFICERS WERE WELL DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE SERVICES. THE FINDINGS DO NOT CONFIRM THE HYPOTHESIS. BELIEFS MORE CLOSELY RESEMBLE ONE ANOTHER THAN DIVERGE. BOTH GROUPS ARE PRAGMATIC; UNIFORMITY OF OPINION IN THE MILITARY SAMPLE IS NOT SIGNIFICANTLY GREATER THAN IN THE BUSINESS GROUP, & THERE IS LESS STRUCTURE AMONG THE BELIEFS OF THE MILITARY. 3 TABLES, 1 APPENDIX. F. HYDOSKI.