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The main purpose of the study was to investigate the present profile of technical education, their problems and prospects and to find out the causes in case of slow implantation and low achievements of target. The sample of the study consisted of 40 experts of technical education, 35 principals, 175 teachers and 350 students which were selected randomly. A questionnaire was developed for principals, teachers and students of polytechnic institutes/colleges of technology. This questionnaire consisted of 59 items. An interview was also conducted with the experts of technical education about problems and suggestion regarding. The data was statically analyzed using percentages and chisquare test. The study revealed that objectives and policies were not matching. It was further found that major causes of the problems were political instability and improper monitoring, out dated curricula, inadequate budget, outdated teaching methodologies, lack of proper linkage between technical education and industry. The study recommended that a National Council for Technical Education may be activated to regulate technical education. It is recommended to strengthen the public-private partnerships. The study also recommended that national occupational skills standards, curricula and trade testing certification system may be developed.

Pakistan's education system faces long-standing problems in access, quality, and equal opportunity at every level: primary and secondary schools, higher education and vocational education. In spite of recent encouraging trends, such as the rapid spread of private schooling and an expansion of higher education opportunities, systemic reform remains stubbornly elusive. The inability of successive governments to reform the system has created severe constraints for Pakistan's economic and societal development. An inability to act now will increase the problems manifold in the future, due to a burgeoning youth population and increasing competitive pressures from other developing countries that are devoting more attention to education. We discuss in this paper the imperative for education system reform in Pakistan, and articulate why a window of opportunity exists at this time for all stakeholders – government, civil society and donors – to initiate reform. We emphasize, however, some key messages. One, that reform must tackle all sectors of the education system – primary/secondary, higher education and vocational education – as Pakistan does not have the luxury to delay reform in one sector until the other sectors improve. Two, reform in every sector must be systemic – i.e. with well-defined goals, focus on a minimal set of areas such as governance, financing, human resources, and curriculum and address them all together, rather than piecemeal. Three, implementation is the all-important Achilles' heel, where Pakistan has limited resources and has often foundered on the rocks. But as we discuss, there are important examples demonstrating that success is achievable, if government and civil society have the will to initiate and sustain reform.

In the first essay, entitled "A subnational analysis of poverty convergence: Evidence from India and Pakistan", I analyze the subnational patterns of changes in poverty within the framework of poverty convergence. I also analyze the two distinct effects of poverty at the subnational level in India and Pakistan. In the second essay, entitled "A subnational analysis of inequality convergence: evidence from India and Pakistan," I investigate whether the income inequalities are persistent overtime at the subnational level in India and Pakistan. In the third and last essay, entitled, "School grants and educational outcomes: The impact of the non-salary budget reform in Punjab-Pakistan, I study the effects of reform on education outcomes and achievements. I analyzed a decentralized school grant for public schools and address two questions. First, does the provision of a decentralized grant affect the school's human capital and the school's physical infrastructure? Second, does this decentralized grant improve education outcomes and achievements?

Previously published in newspapers and periodicals during 1990-1996.

In development policy, community participation has increasingly come to be seen as a way to encourage community interest, involvement, ownership and ultimately, sustainability of projects. Education has also been affected by this discourse. The following paper examines two countries affected by conflict (Pakistan and Yemen), asking what type of community participation is possible in areas with complex conflict situations, since 'community participation' demands some form of 'democracy'. The conflict scenario and the locus of control and power in these countries is analysed in two rural areas, the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan and Marib Govemate of Yemen. Finally, the paper questions what type and degree of community participation is possible in education and whether it can become a catalyst for peace, or an indirect mechanism for power elites to control decision-making.

This paper investigates the education-earnings relationship in Pakistan, drawing on the Pakistan Integrated Household Surveys 1998/99 and 2001/02. The analysis has three main goals: to examine the labor market returns to education amongst wage-employed, self-employed and agricultural workers; to examine the labor market returns to literacy and numeracy skills for these categories of workers; and to analyze the pattern of returns to education along the earnings distribution. We also investigate the shape of the education/ earnings relationship. The analysis is done separately by gender and age group, and attempts to address the usual biases when estimating returns to education. Finally, we investigate how key results have changed between 1998/99 and 2001/02.

After six decades of its existence, Pakistan finds itself in
an educational quagmire. There is not much to show in terms of national,
provincial and local indicators of a standard variety. At the
international level, the country has earned the notoriety of being
regularly lower down on all known indices and league tables on human
development, competitiveness and governance. Neglect of education lies
at the heart of the problem. This is surprising because the thinking on
the nature of the educational system required for the newly emerging
country had started quite early. An All Pakistan Educational Conference
was held on November 27, 1947 in Karachi. Education thus was the subject
of the very first professional conference held in the country, bringing
together all the stakeholders. The Father of the Nation set the
guidelines in his detailed message: "Under foreign rule for over a
century, in the very nature of things, I regret, sufficient attention
has not been paid to the education of our people, and if we are to make
any real, speedy and substantial progress, we must earnestly tackle this
question and bring our educational policy and programme on the lines
suited to the genius of our people, consonant with our history and
culture and having regard to the modern conditions and vast developments
that have taken place all over the world" [Tahir (1980), p.39].
Throughout his political career, Jinnah championed the cause of
education. A number of critical issues which continue to bedevil the
educational planners of Pakistan to this day, were identified by him
long before the freedom struggle for Pakistan came to fruition. These
include compulsory elementary education, nonelitist education, technical
and vocational education for school leavers, merit-based higher
education, equal opportunities for women, and adequate resourcing [Tahir
(2002)]. The order of national priorities for him was education,
economic development and then defence. The record of performance since
independence shows a reversal of these priorities [Tahir (2008)]. Far
from the welfare state envisaged by him, Pakistan has become an
incorrigible security state. There are thus many lessons that have not
been learned. This paper has space to focus only a few.

The development of Pakistan's economy and society in the last four decades is explored, first by analyzing the role of the tripartite ruling elite that has wielded state power almost since the country's creation. Alongside, the paper also examines Pakistan's economic performance in the last 40 years, its political tribulations, and the impact of American foreign policy since the 1950s. (DSE/DÜI)