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Mirroring the representation of informal workers in a third world context as displaying entrepreneurial qualities, recent years have witnessed the emergence of a similar view of the informal sector in western nations as a hidden enterprise culture. Until now, however, few attempts have been made to analyze the nature and motives of informal entrepreneurs in western economies. Instead, it has been widely assumed that those engaged in entrepreneurship in the informal sector are those marginalized from the formal economy and driven out of necessity into this endeavor as a last resort. The aim of this paper is to evaluate critically this "marginalization thesis". Reporting the findings of face-to-face structured interviews with 130 informal entrepreneurs in England, the conventional representation of these entrepreneurs as necessity-driven, as well as an emergent depiction of them as opportunity-driven, is transcended. Instead, a richer and more textured understanding of informal entrepreneurship is developed that replaces such either/or thinking by a both/and approach that depicts how the majority are concurrently both necessity- and opportunity-driven. The paper then concludes by exploring the public policy implications of this rereading of the nature of informal entrepreneurship in western economies.

International audience ; This paper explores the ways in which adopting national health policy initiatives might appeal to the interest patterns of political leaders. It first introduces a theoretical framework that bridges the concepts of office-keeping and office-seeking to blame avoidance and credit claiming, starting from the assumption that elected officials are systematically interested in the former and therefore conform to the latter. It then applies this framework to national cancer control programmes in England, France and the United States.The wider aim of the paper is to reflect on the theoretical and methodological aspects of political interests for policy analysis, starting with the background assumption that policy-making is not conducted disinterestedly. Policy-makers respond to incentives and act along motives that are apt candidates for hypothesis generation and empirical verification. This paper thus intends to substantiate and operationalise the notion of political interests in policy-making.

International audience ; This paper explores the ways in which adopting national health policy initiatives might appeal to the interest patterns of political leaders. It first introduces a theoretical framework that bridges the concepts of office-keeping and office-seeking to blame avoidance and credit claiming, starting from the assumption that elected officials are systematically interested in the former and therefore conform to the latter. It then applies this framework to national cancer control programmes in England, France and the United States.The wider aim of the paper is to reflect on the theoretical and methodological aspects of political interests for policy analysis, starting with the background assumption that policy-making is not conducted disinterestedly. Policy-makers respond to incentives and act along motives that are apt candidates for hypothesis generation and empirical verification. This paper thus intends to substantiate and operationalise the notion of political interests in policy-making.

"A short view" and "The French charity" each have special t.-p. dated 1675 and 1665 respectively. ; Caption title: Propositions of war and peace delivered to His Highness Prince Henry. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Abstract. Paid informal work is often conceptualized as a form of economic activity conducted under work relations akin to formal employment, heavily imbued with profit motivations on the part of both the consumer and supplier. The aim of this article, however, is to evaluate critically this market‐oriented reading of paid informal work. Drawing upon face‐to‐face interviews with 350 households in five localities in rural England, the finding is that just 7 percent of paid informal tasks are conducted for businesses and people that suppliers do not define as friends, neighbors, or kin, and only 17 percent for primarily profit‐motivated purposes. This article thus displays the need to move away from a market‐oriented reading of paid informal work and to recognize the heterogeneity of the social relations and motives involved in this sphere.

This paper examines the motivations of a sample of fifty providers of residential care for older people in England in 1997. The theoretical point of departure is the "knights and knaves" categorization suggested by Julian Le Grand. A cluster analysis of the expressed motivations of the providers of residential care suggests three types: empathizers, professionals and income prioritizers. These combine knightly and knavish motives in varying degrees. Le Grand's recommendation that strategic policy towards actors in welfare services should be robust about motives is endorsed. However, a third, "mercantile", aspect of motivation is revealed reflecting providers' needs to exercise control over, and experience ownership of, their enterprises. This should also be taken into account in the design of policy. Policy decisions that are insensitive to this aspect of motivation are likely to be misguided and flawed.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in International Journal of Sports Policy and Politics on 2nd November 2015, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/19406940.2015.1102756. ; Sports could not survive without volunteers as they are vital to the 'playing of sport' (Taylor, 2004). Volunteering in sport is typically associated with sports-club systems or sport events (Slack & Parent, 2005). The purpose of this study is to explore the potential of harnessing volunteer activity in different contexts, as a result of previous sports club volunteering experience and to establish what determines the decision to volunteer and to continue volunteering. This is important for government policy, given the current objectives to promote a 'Big Society' and reduce public expenditure. A total of 168 volunteers involved with women's rugby in England completed a web-based survey. Factor analysis was employed to summarize volunteers' satisfaction with their experience. The analysis yielded six reliable factors of volunteers' satisfaction. Regression analysis was then applied to identify which aspects of satisfaction, which motivations, how much previous sports engagement and which socio-demographic characteristics had an impact on actual volunteering for the women's rugby world cup, and future plans for volunteering at a rugby club at a rugby event, or at other sport events. Regression results provide statistical support for the transfer of volunteer efforts across activities. Thus, the UK government may meet its objectives to stimulate a Big Society and widen community engagement through sport volunteering, by acknowledging that social mobility varies between and within sports and is determined by the experiences, interests, motives and characteristics of both the individual volunteers and VSOs.

Beginning around 1559 and continuing through 1642, writers in England, Scotland, and France found themselves pre-occupied with an unusual sort of crime, a crime without a name which today we call 'terrorism'. These crimes were especially dangerous because they were aimed at violating not just the law but the fabric of law itself; and yet they were also, from an opposite point of view, especially hopeful, for they seemed to have the power of unmaking a systematic injustice and restoring a nation to its 'ancient liberty'. The Bible and the annals of classical history were full of examples: Ehud assassinating King Eglon of Moab; Samson bringing down the temple in Gaza; Catiline arousing a conspiracy of terror in republican Rome; Marcus Brutus leading a conspiracy against the life of Julius Caesar. More recent history provided examples too: legends about Mehmed II and his concubine Irene; the assassination in Florence of Duke Alessandro de 'Medici, by his cousin Lorenzino.0

As the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws noted in 1909, the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 and the Poor Law (Scotland) Act of 1845 sprang from rather different motives. Whereas the first Act aimed to restrict the provision of poor relief, the second was designed to enhance it. However, despite these aims, it is generally accepted that Scotland's Poor Law continued to relieve a smaller proportion of its population and to spend less money on them. This paper revisits the evidence on which these claims are based. Although the gap between the two Poor Laws was less than previously supposed, it was nevertheless substantial. The paper also explores the links between the size of Scottish parishes and welfare spending, and demonstrates that the main reasons for the persistence of the spending gap were related to different levels of investment in poorhouses and workhouses, and support for the elderly.

AbstractThe increased private provision of publicly funded health and social care over the last 75 years has been one of the most contentious topics in UK public policy. In the last decades, health and social care policies in England have consistently promoted the outsourcing of public services to private for‐profit and non‐profit companies with the assumption that private sector involvement will reduce costs and improve service quality and access. However, it is not clear why outsourcing often fails to improve quality of care, and which of the underlying assumptions behind marketising care are not supported by research. This article provides an analysis of key policy and regulatory documents preceding or accompanying outsourcing policies in England (e.g., policy document relating to the 2012 and 2022 Health and Social Care Acts and the 2014 Care Act), and peer‐reviewed research on the impact of outsourcing within the NHS, adult's social care, and children's social care. We find that more regulation and market oversight appear to be associated with less poor outcomes and slower growth of for‐profit provision. However, evidence on the NHS suggests that marketisation does not seem to achieve the intended objectives of outsourcing, even when accompanied with heavy regulation and oversight. Our analysis suggests that there is little evidence to show that the profit motive can be successfully tamed by public commissioners. This article concludes with how policymakers should address, or readdress, the underlying assumptions behind the outsourcing of care services.